{"title":"Entangled Archives and Latin Americanist Histories of Sexuality","authors":"Zeb Tortorici","doi":"10.7560/jhs32104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32104","url":null,"abstract":"two research anecdotes from Mexico—each","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"32 1","pages":"66 - 78"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41493812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There’s what you think you know about sex in Africa. And then there are sensual and beautiful aspects of African sexuality and the African erotic.
这就是你自以为对非洲性的了解。非洲人的性和情色也有感性和美丽的方面。
{"title":"Researching African Histories of Sexuality: In Praise of Excavating the Erotic","authors":"N. Erlank, S. Klausen","doi":"10.7560/jhs32106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32106","url":null,"abstract":"There’s what you think you know about sex in Africa. And then there are sensual and beautiful aspects of African sexuality and the African erotic.","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"32 1","pages":"86 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46103009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n s e a s o n 3 o f S e x a n d t h e C i t y ( 200 0 ) , Samantha moves into a $7,000 a month apartment in New York City’s rapidly gentrifying Meatpacking District. In a series of now infamous scenes, she confronts a trio of Black trans women whose sex work in the early hours of the morning is driving her to open hysteria. “I didn’t pay a fortune to live in a neighborhood that’s trendy by day and tranny by night,” Samantha exclaims at brunch. Her first attempt to resolve the issue is to patronize the women by complimenting their looks before asking if they would kindly move to another block. (Narrates Carrie Bradshaw: “Samantha always knew how to get her way with men, even if they were half-women.”) But when they return and are loud enough to stall an orgasm with her boyfriend, Samantha opens her bedroom window, screams, “Shut up, you bitches! I called the cops!” and hurls a pot of water onto one of them. “I am a tax-paying citizen and a member of the Young Women’s Business Association! I don’t have to put up with this!” she rants to herself before launching the liquid projectile. A police car then appears on the street, and Samantha watches, triumphantly, as the Black trans women move on. The episode, as contemporary devotees of the series openly admit, hasn’t aged especially well over the past twenty years.1 When the series was given a sequel, And Just Like That, Kim Cattrall, who played Samantha, chose not to return. But what that temporal marker of not ageing well signifies, I gather, is that the conventions of representing trans people, especially Black trans women, have since traversed the arc of the so-called trans tipping point, where framing racialized trans femininity and sex work as the butts of jokes colludes with actual social death and material vulnerability.2 To that we might add that trans women are the subject of an avalanche of contemporary moral panics that trade in even more vicious fantasies of
在s e x a n d t h e C I t y（200 0）的3 o f中，Samantha搬进了纽约市迅速绅士化的肉类加工区一套每月7000美元的公寓。在一系列现在臭名昭著的场景中，她与三名黑人跨性别女性对峙，她们在凌晨的性工作让她歇斯底里。萨曼莎在早午餐时惊呼道：“我没花一大笔钱就住在一个白天时髦，晚上时髦的社区。”。她解决这个问题的第一个尝试是在询问女性是否愿意搬到另一个街区之前，先赞美她们的长相，以此来讨好她们。（讲述Carrie Bradshaw：“Samantha总是知道如何与男人相处，即使他们是半个女人。”。“我是一名纳税公民，也是青年妇女商业协会的成员！我不必忍受这一切！”她在发射液体炮弹前对自己咆哮道。随后，一辆警车出现在街上，萨曼莎得意洋洋地看着黑人跨性别女性继续前行。正如该剧的当代粉丝公开承认的那样，这一集在过去20年里并没有特别老。1当该剧推出续集《就这样》时，扮演萨曼莎的金·卡特拉尔选择不回来。但是，我认为，这种衰老的时间标志意味着，代表跨性别者，尤其是黑人跨性别女性的传统，已经跨越了所谓的跨性别临界点，将种族化的跨性别女性气质和性工作视为笑柄，与实际的社会死亡和物质脆弱性相勾结。2除此之外，我们还可以补充一点，跨性别女性是当代道德恐慌雪崩的主题，这些恐慌会带来更恶毒的幻想
{"title":"The Trans Woman of Color's History of Sexuality","authors":"Jules Gill-Peterson","doi":"10.7560/jhs32107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32107","url":null,"abstract":"I n s e a s o n 3 o f S e x a n d t h e C i t y ( 200 0 ) , Samantha moves into a $7,000 a month apartment in New York City’s rapidly gentrifying Meatpacking District. In a series of now infamous scenes, she confronts a trio of Black trans women whose sex work in the early hours of the morning is driving her to open hysteria. “I didn’t pay a fortune to live in a neighborhood that’s trendy by day and tranny by night,” Samantha exclaims at brunch. Her first attempt to resolve the issue is to patronize the women by complimenting their looks before asking if they would kindly move to another block. (Narrates Carrie Bradshaw: “Samantha always knew how to get her way with men, even if they were half-women.”) But when they return and are loud enough to stall an orgasm with her boyfriend, Samantha opens her bedroom window, screams, “Shut up, you bitches! I called the cops!” and hurls a pot of water onto one of them. “I am a tax-paying citizen and a member of the Young Women’s Business Association! I don’t have to put up with this!” she rants to herself before launching the liquid projectile. A police car then appears on the street, and Samantha watches, triumphantly, as the Black trans women move on. The episode, as contemporary devotees of the series openly admit, hasn’t aged especially well over the past twenty years.1 When the series was given a sequel, And Just Like That, Kim Cattrall, who played Samantha, chose not to return. But what that temporal marker of not ageing well signifies, I gather, is that the conventions of representing trans people, especially Black trans women, have since traversed the arc of the so-called trans tipping point, where framing racialized trans femininity and sex work as the butts of jokes colludes with actual social death and material vulnerability.2 To that we might add that trans women are the subject of an avalanche of contemporary moral panics that trade in even more vicious fantasies of","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"32 1","pages":"93 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44594906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
u n d e R s t a n d i n g t h e s u p e R n a t u R a l seems to be in epistemological tension with the formation and theorization of queer subjecthood, which is generally characterized as secular and progressive. Under the framework of neoliberal modernity and Western “sexual exceptionalism,” “normative queer subjects” have been constructed as rational and incompatible with understandings of spirituality, faith, or religion.1 Similarly, certain mainstream strands of queer theory seem to be committed to “an existential scepticism regarding the possibility of a transcendent, divine source of meaning.”2 This incompatibility can also be found in scholarship on queer history. Such tension has been markedly exacerbated by Michel Foucault’s works, which drive historians to “privilege science and medicine as the epistemic leverage for the formation of modern gender and sexual identities.”3 The resulting overlooking of supernatural elements also exists in the field of China’s queer history, which tends to focus on more tangible powers and regulations of gender transgression through empirical analysis of political, legal, and medical discourse. This is acknowledged by Wu
随着酷儿主体性的形成和理论化，u n d e R s t a n d i n g t h e s u p e R n a t u R a l似乎处于认识论张力中，酷儿主体地位通常被表征为世俗和进步。在新自由主义现代性和西方“性例外论”的框架下，“规范性酷儿主体”被构建为理性的，与对精神、信仰或宗教的理解不相容。1同样，酷儿理论的某些主流分支似乎致力于“对超越、神圣意义来源的可能性的存在主义怀疑论”。2这种不相容性也可以在酷儿历史的学术中找到。米歇尔·福柯的作品明显加剧了这种紧张关系，这些作品促使历史学家“将科学和医学视为现代性别和性身份形成的认识杠杆。”3由此产生的对超自然元素的忽视也存在于中国酷儿史领域，通过对政治、法律和医学话语的实证分析，它倾向于关注性别越轨的更具体的权力和规定。吴承认了这一点
{"title":"Retribution, Reward, and Reincarnation: Gender Nonnormativity as the Supernatural in Late Imperial China’s Gender System","authors":"Ao Huang","doi":"10.7560/jhs31302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31302","url":null,"abstract":"u n d e R s t a n d i n g t h e s u p e R n a t u R a l seems to be in epistemological tension with the formation and theorization of queer subjecthood, which is generally characterized as secular and progressive. Under the framework of neoliberal modernity and Western “sexual exceptionalism,” “normative queer subjects” have been constructed as rational and incompatible with understandings of spirituality, faith, or religion.1 Similarly, certain mainstream strands of queer theory seem to be committed to “an existential scepticism regarding the possibility of a transcendent, divine source of meaning.”2 This incompatibility can also be found in scholarship on queer history. Such tension has been markedly exacerbated by Michel Foucault’s works, which drive historians to “privilege science and medicine as the epistemic leverage for the formation of modern gender and sexual identities.”3 The resulting overlooking of supernatural elements also exists in the field of China’s queer history, which tends to focus on more tangible powers and regulations of gender transgression through empirical analysis of political, legal, and medical discourse. This is acknowledged by Wu","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"31 1","pages":"302 - 334"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46356517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
T h e y k n e w T h e T i m e wa s r i p e , even though much of the fruit was bitter. A few weeks after the repeal of Dade County’s gay rights ordinance in June 1977, Letha Scanzoni and Virginia Ramey Mollenkott mailed cover letters to twelve publishers for their book manuscript Is the Homosexual My Neighbor? Another Christian View. Published by Harper & Row in the spring of 1978, the book opened with references to Anita Bryant’s Save Our Children campaign in Dade County and portrayed its own message of neighborly love as a necessary alternative to Bryant’s stance. Scanzoni and Mollenkott knew that the Dade County vote might seem “representative of a basic attitude in this country.” In the late 1970s, as antigay and antifeminist sentiment swelled both within and beyond evangelicalism, public appeals to “the family”—from Bryant’s Save Our Children campaign to President Jimmy Carter’s plans for the White House Conference on Families—became more frequent and more potent. Even so, Scanzoni and Mollenkott believed that “many Christian people take a more moderate view of the issue.” Moreover, they believed that “the more moderate majority” included many evangelicals. Thus, their book was aimed, as their cover letter to Harper & Row put it, “particularly toward those in the evangelical tradition.”1
{"title":"From Neighbors to Outcasts: Evangelical Gay Activism in the Late 1970s","authors":"W. Stell","doi":"10.7560/jhs31303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31303","url":null,"abstract":"T h e y k n e w T h e T i m e wa s r i p e , even though much of the fruit was bitter. A few weeks after the repeal of Dade County’s gay rights ordinance in June 1977, Letha Scanzoni and Virginia Ramey Mollenkott mailed cover letters to twelve publishers for their book manuscript Is the Homosexual My Neighbor? Another Christian View. Published by Harper & Row in the spring of 1978, the book opened with references to Anita Bryant’s Save Our Children campaign in Dade County and portrayed its own message of neighborly love as a necessary alternative to Bryant’s stance. Scanzoni and Mollenkott knew that the Dade County vote might seem “representative of a basic attitude in this country.” In the late 1970s, as antigay and antifeminist sentiment swelled both within and beyond evangelicalism, public appeals to “the family”—from Bryant’s Save Our Children campaign to President Jimmy Carter’s plans for the White House Conference on Families—became more frequent and more potent. Even so, Scanzoni and Mollenkott believed that “many Christian people take a more moderate view of the issue.” Moreover, they believed that “the more moderate majority” included many evangelicals. Thus, their book was aimed, as their cover letter to Harper & Row put it, “particularly toward those in the evangelical tradition.”1","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"31 1","pages":"335 - 360"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42487169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n l a t e 1992 t h e l o s a n g e l e s Gay and Lesbian Police Advisory Task Force (hereafter the Task Force) unveiled a victory more than fifteen years in the making: the publication of a gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) awareness training manual for the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD). Its appearance coincided with the LAPD’s decision to recruit openly gay police officers and the emergence of Pride Behind the Badge, an association of previously closeted officers recently formed to staff LAPD recruitment events and trainings. As an apparent reversal of the LAPD’s long-standing hostility toward homosexuals, the manual signaled the LAPD’s growing willingness to protect white gay and lesbian privacy and property through policing.1 The manual, for instance, reminded officers that “self-identified,” or out, gays “have higher average household
I n l a t e 1992 t h e l o s a n g e l e s同性恋警察咨询工作队（以下简称“工作队”）公布了一项15年来取得的胜利：为洛杉矶警察局（LAPD）出版了一本同性恋意识培训手册。它的出现恰逢洛杉矶警察局决定招募公开的同性恋警察，以及徽章背后的骄傲的出现，这是一个由以前秘密的警察组成的协会，最近成立，为洛杉矶警察局的招募活动和培训提供工作人员。该手册明显扭转了洛杉矶警察局长期以来对同性恋者的敌意，表明洛杉矶警察局越来越愿意通过治安来保护白人同性恋者的隐私和财产。1例如，该手册提醒警察，“自我认同”或“同性恋者”的平均家庭比例更高
{"title":"One Out Gay Cop: Gay Moderates, Proposition 64, and Policing in Early AIDS-Crisis Los Angeles, 1969–1992","authors":"N. Ramos, Alex Burnett","doi":"10.7560/jhs31304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31304","url":null,"abstract":"I n l a t e 1992 t h e l o s a n g e l e s Gay and Lesbian Police Advisory Task Force (hereafter the Task Force) unveiled a victory more than fifteen years in the making: the publication of a gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) awareness training manual for the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD). Its appearance coincided with the LAPD’s decision to recruit openly gay police officers and the emergence of Pride Behind the Badge, an association of previously closeted officers recently formed to staff LAPD recruitment events and trainings. As an apparent reversal of the LAPD’s long-standing hostility toward homosexuals, the manual signaled the LAPD’s growing willingness to protect white gay and lesbian privacy and property through policing.1 The manual, for instance, reminded officers that “self-identified,” or out, gays “have higher average household","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"31 1","pages":"361 - 393"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42471656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
W e a r i n g a b l a c k c l o t h W r a p p e d around her head that obscured her eyes and nose, a spokeswoman for the Marxist-feminist English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP) gave a heated interview to a reporter from the British weekly The Observer in the wake of the second World Whores’ Congress in 1986. “Forget the reasons the academics and do-gooders come up with: women don’t go on the game for kicks, or because they were raped as children, or because they like the lifestyle—they do it for money,” she said, rejecting competing discourses that reduced women’s motives in selling sex to pleasure seeking, psychological pathology, or personal preference.1 Another masked woman, arms crossed defiantly, told the reporter that “women should have the right to choose whether to go on the game and not be forced into it because they need the money,” cautioning against what she understood to be a sanguine appraisal of the role of free will in sex work.2 Insisting on anonymity to protect the legal and social vulnerability of its members, the ECP rejected what it perceived as the prowork, institutional orientation of the congress, hosted by the European Parliament in Brussels and organized by two prostitutes’ advocacy organizations, US-based Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics (COYOTE) and the Red Thread of the Netherlands. Building on a history of radical confrontation with the state, ECP members boycotted the congress because of its alleged appeal to federal
1986年第二次世界妓女大会结束后，马克思主义女权主义英国妓女协会(ECP)的女发言人在接受英国《观察家报》记者的采访时，激烈地进行了激烈的采访。她说:“忘掉那些学者和行善者们提出的理由吧:女人不是为了好玩，或者因为她们小时候被强奸过，或者因为她们喜欢这种生活方式——她们是为了钱——她们这样做的。”她拒绝了那些将女性卖淫的动机归结为寻求快乐、心理病理或个人偏好的争论另一名蒙面女子，双臂交叉，反抗地告诉记者，“女性应该有权选择是否参加这个游戏，而不是因为需要钱而被迫参加。”她警告说，她认为这是对性工作中自由意志作用的乐观评价ECP坚持匿名以保护其成员的法律和社会脆弱性，它拒绝了它所认为的大会的项目和制度取向。这次大会由布鲁塞尔的欧洲议会主办，由两个妓女倡导组织——美国的Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics (COYOTE)和荷兰的红线组织。在与国家激进对抗的历史基础上，ECP成员抵制了这次大会，因为它据称对联邦政府有吸引力
{"title":"A Prostitutes’ Jamboree: The World Whores’ Congresses of the 1980s and the Rise of a New Feminism","authors":"M. Weeks","doi":"10.7560/jhs31301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31301","url":null,"abstract":"W e a r i n g a b l a c k c l o t h W r a p p e d around her head that obscured her eyes and nose, a spokeswoman for the Marxist-feminist English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP) gave a heated interview to a reporter from the British weekly The Observer in the wake of the second World Whores’ Congress in 1986. “Forget the reasons the academics and do-gooders come up with: women don’t go on the game for kicks, or because they were raped as children, or because they like the lifestyle—they do it for money,” she said, rejecting competing discourses that reduced women’s motives in selling sex to pleasure seeking, psychological pathology, or personal preference.1 Another masked woman, arms crossed defiantly, told the reporter that “women should have the right to choose whether to go on the game and not be forced into it because they need the money,” cautioning against what she understood to be a sanguine appraisal of the role of free will in sex work.2 Insisting on anonymity to protect the legal and social vulnerability of its members, the ECP rejected what it perceived as the prowork, institutional orientation of the congress, hosted by the European Parliament in Brussels and organized by two prostitutes’ advocacy organizations, US-based Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics (COYOTE) and the Red Thread of the Netherlands. Building on a history of radical confrontation with the state, ECP members boycotted the congress because of its alleged appeal to federal","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"31 1","pages":"273 - 301"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48230606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
T h e o c e a n ’ s wa T e r wa s c l e a r a n d s T i l l . It was the early morning of 28 October 1897, and Pacific spring skies stretched over the island of Samoa. Around 4:00 a.m., the Samoan men sitting in va‘as (canoes) over the coral reef sprang into frantic motion. The water also began swirling: long, wispy tendrils began moving to the surface in circuitous motion. Within minutes, countless numbers of these creatures appeared, some dark blue and some light brown. Soon they covered the face of the water, and the Samoan men leaned over quickly, pulled them out, and stored them in special containers. The bearded German man who was sitting in one of these va‘as looked on in restrained awe. His name was Doctor Benedict Friedländer (1866–1908), a zoologist and sociologist from Berlin who had arrived alone in Samoa several weeks earlier. As occurred every year during the Pacific spring, the residents of Samoa gorged themselves on these sea worms, which they called palolo (Palola viridis). Friedländer himself also tried the dish, claiming its taste was reminiscent of caviar—especially when raw.1 He wasn’t the first European to witness the “palolo dance”; the phenomenon had been reported on by several British and German researchers.2 But in the following days, he began investigating the worms’ bodies and was surprised to discover that they in fact had no heads. It soon became apparent to Friedländer that the creatures who made such a sudden appearance were not the worms at all but rather their genitalia.
T e o c e a n’s wa T e r wa s c l e a r a n d s T i l。那是1897年10月28日凌晨，太平洋春天的天空覆盖了萨摩亚岛。凌晨4点左右，坐在珊瑚礁上空的独木舟上的萨摩亚人开始疯狂地行动。水也开始旋转：细长的卷须开始以迂回的运动移动到水面。几分钟内，无数的这种生物出现了，有的是深蓝色，有的是浅棕色。很快，它们就盖住了水面，萨摩亚人迅速靠过来，把它们捞出来，放在特殊的容器里。坐在其中一辆面包车里的那个留着胡子的德国男子带着克制的敬畏目光看着。他的名字叫本尼迪克特·弗里德兰德博士（1866-1908），是一位来自柏林的动物学家和社会学家，几周前独自抵达萨摩亚。正如每年太平洋春季发生的那样，萨摩亚居民狼吞虎咽地吃着这些海虫，他们称之为palolo（Palola viridis）。Friedländer自己也尝试过这道菜，声称它的味道让人想起鱼子酱，尤其是生的时候。1他不是第一个见证“帕洛洛舞”的欧洲人；几位英国和德国的研究人员已经报道了这种现象。2但在接下来的几天里，他开始调查这些蠕虫的身体，并惊讶地发现它们实际上没有头部。弗里德兰德很快就意识到，突然出现的生物根本不是蠕虫，而是它们的生殖器。
{"title":"Worms, Ants, and Greek Love: Benedict Friedländer's \"Homosexual Instinct\"","authors":"Ofri Ilany","doi":"10.7560/jhs31203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31203","url":null,"abstract":"T h e o c e a n ’ s wa T e r wa s c l e a r a n d s T i l l . It was the early morning of 28 October 1897, and Pacific spring skies stretched over the island of Samoa. Around 4:00 a.m., the Samoan men sitting in va‘as (canoes) over the coral reef sprang into frantic motion. The water also began swirling: long, wispy tendrils began moving to the surface in circuitous motion. Within minutes, countless numbers of these creatures appeared, some dark blue and some light brown. Soon they covered the face of the water, and the Samoan men leaned over quickly, pulled them out, and stored them in special containers. The bearded German man who was sitting in one of these va‘as looked on in restrained awe. His name was Doctor Benedict Friedländer (1866–1908), a zoologist and sociologist from Berlin who had arrived alone in Samoa several weeks earlier. As occurred every year during the Pacific spring, the residents of Samoa gorged themselves on these sea worms, which they called palolo (Palola viridis). Friedländer himself also tried the dish, claiming its taste was reminiscent of caviar—especially when raw.1 He wasn’t the first European to witness the “palolo dance”; the phenomenon had been reported on by several British and German researchers.2 But in the following days, he began investigating the worms’ bodies and was surprised to discover that they in fact had no heads. It soon became apparent to Friedländer that the creatures who made such a sudden appearance were not the worms at all but rather their genitalia.","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"31 1","pages":"192 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42983561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n I t s A u g u s t 1973 I s s u e , the West German gay magazine du&ich reported on the first International Pedophile Meeting in Breda, the Netherlands, which was attended by “about 70 pedophiles and a number of interested listeners from the Netherlands, Belgium, France, the Federal Republic and Switzerland.”1 The main purpose of the meeting had been to end the isolation of pedophile men, but there had also been two academic lectures on the subject. In a photo attached to the article, one could see the two Dutch lecturers: the psychologist Dr. Frits Bernard and the lawyer and senator of the Partij van de Arbeid Dr. Edward Brongersma. A closer look at Bernard’s hands reveals an issue of the German educational studies journal betrifft: erziehung from earlier that year. The title theme of this issue had also been pedophilia and the question of its possible decriminalization. Bernard himself had written the central article, in which he formulated the thesis that “nonviolent and consensual” sexual contact with adults was even conducive to child development. With the choice of the issue’s title, “Pedophilia: Crime without Victims,” the editorial team had positioned itself clearly.2 At the meeting in Breda, Bernard distributed
{"title":"Transnational Networks of Child Sexual Abuse and Consumerism: Edward Brongersma and the Pedophilia Debate of the 1970s and 1980s","authors":"Jan-Henrik Friedrichs","doi":"10.7560/jhs31202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31202","url":null,"abstract":"I n I t s A u g u s t 1973 I s s u e , the West German gay magazine du&ich reported on the first International Pedophile Meeting in Breda, the Netherlands, which was attended by “about 70 pedophiles and a number of interested listeners from the Netherlands, Belgium, France, the Federal Republic and Switzerland.”1 The main purpose of the meeting had been to end the isolation of pedophile men, but there had also been two academic lectures on the subject. In a photo attached to the article, one could see the two Dutch lecturers: the psychologist Dr. Frits Bernard and the lawyer and senator of the Partij van de Arbeid Dr. Edward Brongersma. A closer look at Bernard’s hands reveals an issue of the German educational studies journal betrifft: erziehung from earlier that year. The title theme of this issue had also been pedophilia and the question of its possible decriminalization. Bernard himself had written the central article, in which he formulated the thesis that “nonviolent and consensual” sexual contact with adults was even conducive to child development. With the choice of the issue’s title, “Pedophilia: Crime without Victims,” the editorial team had positioned itself clearly.2 At the meeting in Breda, Bernard distributed","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"31 1","pages":"169 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47070827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n h I s m e m o I r a b o u t b e I n g a low-ranking American soldier during World War I, Joseph N. Rizzi repeatedly stated that his participation in the war—from enlistment to training to battlefield engagement—was motivated by women. The first-generation son of Italian immigrants initially enlisted because his sweetheart explicitly told him that she would not marry him unless he went and fought, and throughout training and his brief deployment in France (where he took part in the decisive Meuse-Argonne offensive), Rizzi derived meaning and motivation from his connection to his sweetheart, as well as to his mother. He testified to the encouraging influences of their letters and confessed that the thought of their opprobrium prevented him from deserting his unit or committing any other offense that could lead to court-martial or dishonor. One night in France, he recalled, he had a strong desire to “enjoy the comradeship of the opposite sex and to indulge in the physical emotion of love” but was prevented from doing so partially by the knowledge that the military police guarded the entrances to the brothels in the town in which he was stationed, stopping American soldiers from entering. In his frustration, he recalled, “I took out my mother’s and sweetheart’s pictures to look at.” Upon looking at their faces, he explained, “the will to conquer became strong.”1
{"title":"The Men behind the Girl behind the Man behind the Gun: Sex and Motivation in the American Morale Campaigns of the First World War","authors":"Eric Rogers","doi":"10.7560/jhs31204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31204","url":null,"abstract":"I n h I s m e m o I r a b o u t b e I n g a low-ranking American soldier during World War I, Joseph N. Rizzi repeatedly stated that his participation in the war—from enlistment to training to battlefield engagement—was motivated by women. The first-generation son of Italian immigrants initially enlisted because his sweetheart explicitly told him that she would not marry him unless he went and fought, and throughout training and his brief deployment in France (where he took part in the decisive Meuse-Argonne offensive), Rizzi derived meaning and motivation from his connection to his sweetheart, as well as to his mother. He testified to the encouraging influences of their letters and confessed that the thought of their opprobrium prevented him from deserting his unit or committing any other offense that could lead to court-martial or dishonor. One night in France, he recalled, he had a strong desire to “enjoy the comradeship of the opposite sex and to indulge in the physical emotion of love” but was prevented from doing so partially by the knowledge that the military police guarded the entrances to the brothels in the town in which he was stationed, stopping American soldiers from entering. In his frustration, he recalled, “I took out my mother’s and sweetheart’s pictures to look at.” Upon looking at their faces, he explained, “the will to conquer became strong.”1","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":"31 1","pages":"218 - 250"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46650705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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