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Universal Fetishism? Emancipation and Race in Magnus Hirschfeld's 1930 Sexological Visual Atlas 普遍拜物教?马格努斯·赫希菲尔德1930年性学视觉图谱中的解放与种族
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.7560/JHS30102
W.A.M. Egelmeers
“B i l d e r s o l l e n B i l d e n . ” With this succinctly worded statement that “images should educate,” the influential German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld (1868–1935) opened the visual volume, or Bilderteil, of a five-volume book series entitled Geschlechtskunde (Sex studies, 1926–30).1 This nine-hundred-page volume is an intriguing recapitulation of the thirty years of sexological and emancipatory experience presented in the Geschlechtskunde series.2 In line with other late nineteenthand early twentieth-century scientific atlases, which functioned as crucial tools in the organization of individual research objects into visual compendia virtually mapping the territory of a discipline, the volume offers a truly kaleidoscopic abundance of pictures.3 More than fourteen hundred images depict a great variety of subjects, ranging from sixteenth-century etchings of Adam and Eve to microphotographs of gonadic tissue, images showing phenomena such as exotic phallus statues, bodily deformations, medieval chastity belts, stillborn babies, syphilitic infections, skeletons, and even sex-changing chickens (see fig. 1). The sole common denominator of these images is that they are all in one way or another related to Hirschfeld’s lifelong research into the varieties of human sexuality.
“B i l d e r s o l e n B i l d e n。”有影响力的德国性学家马格努斯·赫希菲尔德(1868-1935)用这句简洁的“图像应该教育”的话打开了视觉卷,或Bilderteil,一本名为《性研究》的五卷本系列丛书(1926-30年)。1这本九百页的书有趣地重述了《性学》系列中三十年的性学和解放经验。2与其他十九世纪末和二十世纪初的科学地图集一致,它是将单个研究对象组织成视觉百科全书的重要工具,实际上描绘了一个学科的领域,这本书提供了真正丰富多彩的图片。3超过1400幅图像描绘了各种各样的主题,从16世纪亚当和夏娃的版画到性腺组织的显微照片,图像显示的现象,如异国情调的阴茎雕像,身体变形,中世纪贞操带,死胎,梅毒感染,骨骼,甚至变性鸡(见图1)。这些图像的唯一共同点是,它们都以某种方式与赫希菲尔德对人类性行为多样性的终身研究有关。
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引用次数: 1
Sodomy and Criminal Justice in the Parlement of Paris, ca. 1540–ca. 1700 《巴黎议会的鸡奸与刑事司法》,约1540年-约。1700
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29301
Tom Hamilton
D u r i n g a s e r i e s o f i n t e r r o g a t i o n s in late 1588, the magistrates of the criminal chamber of the Parlement of Paris tried Alexandre Jouan on appeal from the subordinate court of the Châtelet in Paris for the “extraordinary crime” and the “sin” of “sodomy.” Noël Biresse, who had been driving his cart outside Paris by the gate of Saint-Antoine, testified that he saw Jouan, a merchant who sold ashes, “lying with a baker in the ditch, on top of the man, with his shirt pulled off.” At first Biresse “thought Jouan was with a wench, and he wanted to see what they were doing, but when they stood up he realized that it was a man who took a handful of grass to wipe himself down after he had been underneath this man [Jouan].” Under torture on the rack Jouan cried out, “Jesus, Mary, Saint Nicolas, my God, misericord!” and “I’m breaking, kill me!,” but he continued to deny the charge of sodomy. Finally, the Parlement sent Jouan back to the Châtelet, from which he was to be released unless more information came to light that proved his guilt.1 Jouan’s case demonstrates some of the intractable difficulties involved in prosecuting sodomy through the inquisitorial procedures of criminal justice in sixteenthand seventeenth-century France. In Jouan’s case, the
1588年末,巴黎议会刑事分庭的法官在巴黎沙特尔下级法院的上诉中审判了Alexandre Jouan,罪名是“非常罪行”和“鸡奸罪”,他作证说,他看到卖骨灰的商人Jouan“和一个面包师躺在沟里,脱下衬衫。”起初,Biresse“以为Jouan和一个女人在一起,他想看看他们在做什么,但当他们站起来时,他意识到是一个男人在这个人下面后,拿了一把草把自己擦掉了。”。在折磨下,Jouan在架子上喊道:“耶稣,玛丽,圣尼古拉斯,我的上帝,吝啬鬼!”和“我要崩溃了,杀了我!”但他继续否认鸡奸的指控。最后,Parlement将Jouan送回Châtelet,除非有更多的信息证明他有罪,否则他将被释放。1 Jouan的案件表明,在16世纪和17世纪的法国,通过刑事司法的审问程序起诉鸡奸案件存在一些棘手的困难。在Jouan的案例中
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引用次数: 1
Love, Consent, and the Sexual Script of a Victorian Affair in Dublin 爱情,同意,以及都柏林维多利亚时期婚外情的性剧本
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29304
Juliana Adelman, Ciaran O’Neill
I n J a n u a r y 1841 a p a I r o f y o u n g l o v e r s spent the night in the Downshire Hotel in Blessington, about twenty miles southwest of Dublin, Ireland. They slept in separate beds in separate rooms; nevertheless, their behavior flouted conventions. Snow trapped Mary at the hotel because the horse caravan that brought her there could not make the return journey. James, however, had his own horse and could have returned to Dublin. When he suggested that he stay with Mary, “she said no but I insisted & she yielded.”1 James recorded the details of their meeting in his diary, where he also transcribed copies of the letters the pair wrote to one another. They parted ways in the morning, and, as the diary reveals, each had a different understanding of what had happened that night and what it meant. James, bolstered by gossip and a memory of Mary’s consent to intimacy in the hotel, would later accuse her of sexual impropriety. Mary’s letters reveal her to be shocked and hurt by his rereading of the evening’s events and suggest she may have regretted her decision to meet. The fallout surrounding this one night in 1841 may seem familiar to anyone who has been following the #MeToo movement and the concurrent rise of sexual consent training for teens and adults across schools and university campuses globally. The negotiation of consent was as central to the relationship of Mary and James as it is to many contemporary couples. Yet historians have generally ignored such intimate negotiations, preferring to look at sexuality through the lens of laws and norms on a larger scale. By contrast, sociologists, activists, writers, and even lawmakers have taken individual cases seriously; they have tried to understand the lived experience of
1841年,在爱尔兰首都都柏林西南约20英里的布莱辛顿,我住进了英国的一家旅馆,并在那里住了一晚。他们睡在不同房间的不同床上;然而,他们的行为是对传统的蔑视。雪把玛丽困在旅馆里,因为把她带到那里的马队无法返回。然而,詹姆斯有他自己的马,可以返回都柏林。当他建议他和玛丽在一起时,“她说不,但我坚持,她让步了。”詹姆斯在日记中记录了他们会面的细节,他还抄写了两人写给对方的信件。他们在早上分道扬镳,正如日记所揭示的那样,每个人对那天晚上发生的事情及其意义都有不同的理解。詹姆斯在流言蜚语和玛丽同意在酒店发生亲密关系的记忆的支持下,后来指控她性行为不端的行为。玛丽的信显示,她对他重读当晚的事件感到震惊和伤害,并暗示她可能后悔自己见面的决定。对于那些关注#MeToo运动的人来说,1841年这个晚上的后果可能很熟悉,同时,全球各地的学校和大学校园里,针对青少年和成年人的性同意培训也在兴起。协商同意是玛丽和詹姆斯关系的核心就像许多当代夫妻一样。然而,历史学家通常忽略了这种亲密的谈判,他们更倾向于通过法律和规范的视角,在更大的范围内看待性。相比之下,社会学家、活动家、作家甚至立法者都认真对待个别案件;他们试图了解……的生活经验
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引用次数: 1
The Danger of "Moral Sabotage": Western Prisoners of War on Trial for Homosexual Relations in Nazi Germany “道德破坏”的危险:纳粹德国同性恋审判中的西方战俘
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29305
R. Scheck
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews 书评
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29306
Edward L. Cleary, Timothy Steigenga
Resurgent Voices in Latin America offers an important examination of the role religion has played in the creation and advancement of indigenous political and social movements in Latin America. Over the past decade, a growing body of scholarly literature in political science, sociology, and anthropology has examined the emergence of powerful indigenous movements throughout Latin America. While existing literature on these movements has examined the importance of secular advocates and nongovernmental organizations for indigenous politics, relatively little attention has been given to the role of religious institutions in fostering indigenous political action. The contributors to this edited volume provide a broad view of the historical and contemporary activities of Christian institutions and theologies in that arena. Drawing on case studies of Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, and Peru, these authors argue that religious institutions have strengthened indigenous identities and advanced indigenous rights in these countries. Each of the chapters presents one of these case studies (except chapter 3, a comparison of two countries, Bolivia and Peru). As Cleary and Steigenga explain in the introduction, the advantage of this approach is that each chapter provides a rich, in-depth examination of the interaction between indigenous politics and religion in specific political and historical contexts. At the same time, these case studies contribute to the volume’s overarching thesis that Catholic and Protestant institutions, beliefs, and religious practices in Latin America have affected and been affected by indigenous activism. They do this in three main ways (pp. 18–20). Religious syncretism and hybridity have played important roles in the development of indigenous theologies that support indigenous activism. Christian institutions have contributed important resources to indigenous activism, particularly education and organizational training. Indigenous peoples themselves, furthermore, have contributed to changes in Catholic and Protestant theologies and religious practices. In chapter 2, “From Civil Society to Collective Action: The Politics of Religion in Ecuador,” Allison Brysk convincingly argues that religious institutions’ changing relationship to state power in that country has
《拉丁美洲复兴之声》对宗教在拉丁美洲土著政治和社会运动的创建和发展中所起的作用进行了重要的考察。在过去的十年里,越来越多的政治学、社会学和人类学学术文献研究了拉丁美洲各地强大的土著运动的出现。虽然关于这些运动的现有文献研究了世俗倡导者和非政府组织对土著政治的重要性,但对宗教机构在促进土著政治行动方面的作用却相对较少关注。本编辑卷的撰稿人对基督教机构和神学家在这一领域的历史和当代活动提供了广泛的看法。根据玻利维亚、厄瓜多尔、危地马拉、墨西哥、巴拉圭和秘鲁的案例研究,这些作者认为,宗教机构加强了这些国家的土著身份,促进了土著权利。每一章都介绍了其中一个案例研究(第3章除外,即玻利维亚和秘鲁这两个国家的比较)。正如克利里和施泰根加在引言中所解释的那样,这种方法的优势在于,每一章都对特定政治和历史背景下土著政治和宗教之间的互动进行了丰富、深入的研究。与此同时,这些案例研究有助于该卷的总体论点,即拉丁美洲的天主教和新教机构、信仰和宗教实践已经影响到并受到土著激进主义的影响。他们主要通过三种方式做到这一点(第18-20页)。宗教融合和混合在支持土著激进主义的土著神学发展中发挥了重要作用。基督教机构为土著激进主义,特别是教育和组织培训提供了重要资源。此外,土著人民本身也为天主教和新教神学和宗教实践的变革做出了贡献。在第二章“从民间社会到集体行动:厄瓜多尔的宗教政治”中,Allison Brysk令人信服地认为,该国宗教机构与国家权力的关系不断变化
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引用次数: 0
"This Was My Utopia": Sexual Experimentation and Masculinity in the 1960s Bay Area Radical Left “这是我的乌托邦”:20世纪60年代湾区激进左翼的性实验和男子气概
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29303
A. Lester
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引用次数: 0
Mandrake and Monarchy in Early Modern Spain Mandrake与近代早期西班牙的君主政体
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29302
E. Kuffner
I n 1673 T o m á s d e m u r I l l o y V e l a r d e , a personal physician to the Spanish royal family, published a treatise on medicinal plants entitled Tratado de raras, y peregrinas yervas (Treaty on rare and migrating herbs). His ostensible purpose was to demonstrate the differences between the medicinal plant abrotano (Artemisia abrotanum), a species in the Asteracaea family, and its lesser variant bupthalmo (another species of Asteracaea) with, as the full title announces, “some annotations” on the subject of mandrake, a plant associated with love magic and fertility.1 Murillo’s “annotations” are not an afterthought to his main text, as the title insists, but instead compose roughly half his narrative. Forty-five of his 126 pages address the uses of mandrake, which he claims cures infertility, and sections on mandrake and fertility-related topics appear in other portions of the treatise, particularly in the final chapters. Murillo promises the reader that “this plant has the virtue and effect . . . of making fecund and fertilizing what is sterile” (50r). This bold declaration departs from contemporary botanical treatises, such as vernacular translations and commentary on Dioscorides, whose descriptions of mandrake are generally short and mention its use as an aphrodisiac or fertility aid as one element among many uses; these treatises do not give fertility the prominence that Murillo does. This article explores Murillo’s fascination with mandrake’s potential as a fertility drug, a subject that he returns to repeatedly throughout the text, even in sections not ostensibly on mandrake. Fertility was a subject of paramount consequence to the Habsburg court in which Murillo served. In 1665 King Philip IV of Spain died, leaving a sole legitimate son and heir, Charles II, who suffered a number of physical infirmities that would now be attributed to inbreeding.2 Following Philip’s
1673年,西班牙王室的私人医生T o más d e m u r I l l o y V e l a r d e发表了一篇关于药用植物的论文,题为《稀有和迁徙草药条约》。他表面上的目的是证明药用植物阿氏蒿(Artemisia abrotanum)和其较小的变种紫苏(紫苏的另一种)之间的差异,正如全名所宣布的那样,对曼陀罗的主题进行了“一些注释”,一种与爱情魔力和生育能力有关的植物。1正如标题所坚持的那样,穆里洛的“注释”并不是对其主要文本的事后思考,而是构成了大约一半的叙事。在他126页的论文中,有45页论述了曼陀罗的用途,他声称曼陀罗可以治疗不孕不育,关于曼陀罗和生育相关主题的章节出现在论文的其他部分,尤其是最后几章。Murillo向读者承诺,“这种植物具有使不育的东西繁殖和施肥的优点和效果”(50r)。这一大胆的声明偏离了当代植物学论文,如对薯蓣的白话翻译和评论,后者对曼陀罗的描述通常很简短,并提到它作为壮阳药或生育辅助剂的用途是多种用途中的一种;这些论文并没有像穆里洛那样突出生育能力。这篇文章探讨了Murillo对曼陀罗作为一种生育药物的潜力的迷恋,他在整个文本中反复提到这个主题,即使在表面上没有关于曼陀罗的部分也是如此。生育能力是穆里洛任职的哈布斯堡王朝的一个重要问题。1665年,西班牙国王菲利普四世去世,留下了唯一的合法儿子和继承人查理二世,他患有许多身体衰弱,现在被归因于近亲繁殖
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引用次数: 0
For the Duration Only: Interracial Relationships in World War II Britain 只持续一段时间:第二次世界大战英国的种族关系
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29204
Stephanie Makowski
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引用次数: 0
The Letters of Ethel Smyth to Edith Somerville, 1918–1921: A Chronicle of Desire 埃塞尔·史密斯致伊迪丝·萨默维尔的信,1918-1921:欲望编年史
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29205
S. O'Toole
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引用次数: 0
"An Open and Public Scandal" in the Transvaal: The 1906 Bucknill Inquiry in a Global Context 德兰士瓦的“公开和公众丑闻”:1906年全球背景下的巴克尼尔调查
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.7560/jhs29201
J. Chua
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of the History of Sexuality
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