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Informal Exercise of Power: Undermining Democracy Under the EU's Radar in Hungary and Poland. 非正式权力行使:在匈牙利和波兰的欧盟雷达下破坏民主
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2022-03-02 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-022-00170-0
Edit Zgut

Hungary and Poland have seen the most widespread erosion of democracy in the European Union since Fidesz and Law and Justice started their authoritarian remaking in 2010 and 2015, respectively. Despite the EU's introduction of various doctrinal innovations, it could not force these regimes to comply with the core values of the EU. While the literature has focused on the formal violation of the rule of law, the links between informal power and the limited constraining role of the EU have remained undertheorized. This article aims to fill the gap by studying the informal exercise power of the Fidesz and PiS governments that helped them to create an uneven political playing field. Connecting the literature on hybrid authoritarian regimes and informality, it will be shown through three main domains how the Hungarian and Polish governments (1) distributed informal political-economic decision-making power informally throughout clientelist corruption, (2) captured the media through loyal oligarchs/allies, and (3) employed electoral clientelism to tilt the electoral playing field in their favor. While the study proposes a theoretical framework related to the Hungarian and Polish examples, it is also a warning for the EU to take the informal exercise of power seriously.

自2010年青民盟(Fidesz)和法律与正义党(Law and Justice)分别在2010年和2015年开始进行专制改造以来,匈牙利和波兰的民主受到了欧盟最广泛的侵蚀。尽管欧盟引入了各种理论创新,但它无法迫使这些政权遵守欧盟的核心价值观。虽然文献关注的是对法治的正式违反,但非正式权力与欧盟有限约束作用之间的联系仍然缺乏理论化。本文旨在通过研究青民盟和PiS政府的非正式权力行使来填补这一空白,这有助于他们创造一个不公平的政治竞争环境。将有关混合专制政权和非正式性的文献联系起来,本文将通过三个主要领域来展示匈牙利和波兰政府如何(1)在裙带主义腐败中非正式地分配非正式的政治经济决策权,(2)通过忠诚的寡头/盟友捕获媒体,以及(3)利用选举裙带主义使选举竞争环境向有利于他们的方向倾斜。虽然这项研究提出了一个与匈牙利和波兰的例子相关的理论框架,但它也警告欧盟要认真对待权力的非正式行使。
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引用次数: 0
How Political Narratives Affect the Self-Enforcing Nature of Interim Constitutions 政治叙事如何影响临时宪法的自我执行性质
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-021-00161-7
Marc Prieto, S. Verdugo
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引用次数: 3
Constitutional Rewrite in Chile: Moving toward a Social and Democratic Rule of Law? 智利宪法重写:走向社会民主法治?
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-021-00164-4
L. Hilbink
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引用次数: 2
Rule of Law and Political Representation 法治与政治代表
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-021-00163-5
Donald Bello Hutt
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引用次数: 1
Chile’s New Constitution: What Right to Health? 智利新宪法:什么是健康权?
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-021-00162-6
Eduardo Arenas Catalán
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引用次数: 1
Reconstructing Legitimacy After Crisis: The Chilean Path to a New Constitution 危机后的合法性重建:智利新宪法之路
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-10-25 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-021-00160-8
Julieta Suárez-Cao
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引用次数: 5
Triangulation of Theoretical and Empirical Conceptualizations Related to the Rule of Law 与法治相关的理论和经验概念的三角化
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-09-27 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-022-00181-x
Filip Horák, D. Lacko
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引用次数: 3
The Rule of Law Conditionality Under Regulation No 2092/2020—Is it all About the Money? 第2092/2020号规例下的法治条件-一切都与金钱有关吗?
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-04-13 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-021-00154-6
Justyna Łacny
<p>Some say that the Union is built by moving from crisis to crisis. Crises in the last decade which affected the Union and its citizens concerned, <i>inter alia</i>, public finance (the financial crisis, 2008), migration (2014), public health (the COVID-19 pandemic, 2020) and the rule of law crisis (2018). This paper focus on the latter. It has been noted that some Member States have been happy to receive the benefits of EU membership, specifically the financial ones, while their commitment to European values, including the rule of law (Article 2 TEU), has been lacking. Since many instruments applied by EU institutions to improve this situation have proved rather insufficient, halting transfers of EU funds to these recalcitrant Member States has been touted as the way that might solve this crisis. Accordingly, a draft regulation was put on the table that authorised the EU institutions to suspend EU funds if a Member State is found to be in breach of the rule of law. This draft aimed to make the transfer of EU funds to the Member States conditional upon their continuous respect for the rule of law (and therefore became known as ‘the rule of law conditionality’). This paper comments on this draft as first proposed by the Commission in 2018 (Proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the protection of the Union budget in the event of generalized gaps in the rule of law in the Member States [COM (2018) 324 final).], amended in 2019 by the European Parliament [European Parliament legislative resolution of 4 April 2019 on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the protection of the Union's budget in case of generalised deficiencies as regards the rule of law in the Member States (COM(2018)0324–C8-0178/2018–2018/0136(COD)); https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/seance_pleniere/textes_adoptes/provisoire/2019/04-04/0349/P8_TA-PROV(2019)0349_EN.pdf. A draft version of these provisions was presented in von Bogdandy and Łacny (Suspension of EU funds for breaching the rule of law - µ a dose of tough love needed? European Policy Analysis 2020, No 2, p. 1–15, https://sieps.se/en/publications/2020/suspension-of-eu-funds/, 2020).], and finally adopted by the European Parliament and the Council as Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2092 of 16 December 2020 on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union budget [Hungary and Poland voted against it and it is expected that its validity will be challenged before the CJEU via an action for annulment (Article 263 TFEU).] (henceforth called ‘Regulation 2020/2092′). This Regulation, containing 29 recitals in the preamble and 10 articles, entered into force on 1 January 2021 (Article 10 Regulation 2020/2092.). In the conclusions of the European Council meeting in December 2020 it was however accepted that it will be applied only in relation to budgetary commitments starting under the new Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) 2021–202
有人说,欧盟是在一次次危机中建立起来的。过去十年中影响欧盟及其有关公民的危机,特别是公共财政(金融危机,2008年)、移民(2014年)、公共卫生(2019冠状病毒病大流行,2020年)和法治危机(2018年)。本文主要研究后者。值得注意的是,一些成员国很高兴获得欧盟成员资格的好处,特别是金融成员国,而他们对欧洲价值观的承诺,包括法治(第2条TEU),一直缺乏。由于欧盟机构为改善这一状况而采用的许多手段被证明是相当不够的,停止向这些顽固的成员国转移欧盟资金被吹捧为可能解决这一危机的方法。因此,一项监管草案被提上了台,该草案授权欧盟机构在发现某个成员国违反法治的情况下暂停欧盟资金。该草案旨在使欧盟资金向成员国的转移以其对法治的持续尊重为条件(因此被称为“法治条件”)。本文对委员会于2018年首次提出的该草案进行了评论(关于在成员国法治普遍存在差距的情况下保护欧盟预算的欧洲议会和理事会法规提案[COM (2018) 324 final])。2019年4月4日欧洲议会立法决议(COM(2018) 0324-C8-0178/2018-2018/0136 (COD)),关于在成员国法治方面普遍存在缺陷的情况下保护欧盟预算的欧洲议会和理事会法规提案);https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/seance_pleniere/textes_adoptes/provisoire/2019/04-04/0349/P8_TA-PROV (2019) 0349 _en.pdf。这些条款的草案版本在von Bogdandy和Łacny(因违反法治而暂停欧盟资金-需要一剂严厉的爱?《欧洲政策分析2020》,第2期,第1-15页,https://sieps.se/en/publications/2020/suspension-of-eu-funds/, 2020)。],并最终由欧洲议会和理事会通过,成为2020年12月16日关于保护联盟预算的一般条件制度的条例(EU, Euratom) 2020/2092[匈牙利和波兰投票反对,预计其有效性将在欧洲法院通过撤销行动受到质疑(TFEU第263条)。(以下简称“2020/2092条例”)。本条例包括序言29条序言和10条,自2021年1月1日起生效(第2020/2092号条例第10条)。然而,在2020年12月欧洲理事会会议的结论中,已接受它将仅适用于从新的2021-2027年多年度财务框架(MFF)开始的预算承诺,包括下一代欧盟[欧洲理事会会议结论,2020年12月10日和11日,第I (2) (k)段https://www.consilium.europa.eu/media/47296/1011-12-20-euco-conclusions-en.pdf]。本文提供了根据2020/2092号条例确立的法治条件的法律特征,旨在确定财政激励是否可以恢复成员国对法治的遵守。或者换句话说,一切都是为了钱吗?
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引用次数: 9
Administrative Law as a Dual State. Authoritarian Elements of Administrative Law 行政法的双重状态。行政法的权威主义要素
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-021-00156-4
Bas Schotel
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引用次数: 2
European Judicial Supervision of the Rule of Law: The Protection of the Independence of National Judges by the CJEU and the ECtHR 欧洲法治的司法监督:欧洲法院和欧洲人权委员会对国家法官独立性的保护
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1007/s40803-021-00155-5
I. Jelić, Dimitrios-Stavros Kapetanakis
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Hague Journal on the Rule of Law
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