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Soundscapes, Portentous Calls, and Bird Symbolism in the Gilgameš Epic 吉尔伽美斯史诗中的音景、不祥的呼唤和鸟的象征
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718002
A. Miglio
Literary symbols are complex by their very nature. They are inherently polyvalent. At their best, symbols are both denotative and suggestive. They anchor the reader in the storyline and simultaneously direct her to significance and meaning beyond the literal to something less obvious. This article considers how birdcalls and bird imagery help to develop the setting and storyline in the Gilgameš Epic and also function as symbols that accentuate important themes. An appreciation of birds’ denotative and suggestive meanings is facilitated by the presentation and perceptions of these animals in first-millennium lexical lists and commentaries (ur5-ra = ḫubullu, mur-gud), the omen compendium Šumma ālu, and especially the scholarly tablets known as “the birdcall texts.” After drawing upon the cultural associations of birds and their calls to explain the imagery in the Gilgameš Epic, consideration will be given to possible historical circumstances whereby lexical traditions, omen literature, and birdcall texts might have influenced the tradents who standardized this literary composition. Tablet V of the Standard Babylonian Gilgameš Epic1 opens with a scenic description of the Cedar Forest and its soundscape. This mythical woodland was “ . . . the gods’ dwelling place, the goddesses’ exalted abode” (V:7). As such, it was characterized by “luxuriance” and “plenty” (e.g., ḫiṣbu [V:8], nuḫšu [V:23]) with birds and other creatures contributing to the Forest’s lively noises.2
文学符号本质上是复杂的。它们本质上是多价的。在最好的情况下,符号既具有外延性又具有暗示性。它们将读者固定在故事情节中,同时引导她了解超越字面意义的意义和不太明显的东西。本文探讨了《吉尔伽美什史诗》中的鸟鸣和鸟鸣意象如何帮助发展背景和故事情节,并作为强调重要主题的符号。第一千年的词汇表和注释(ur5-ra = ḫubullu, murd -gud)、预兆纲要Šumma ālu,尤其是被称为“鸟叫文本”的学术石板,对这些动物的呈现和感知,促进了对鸟类外延和暗示性意义的欣赏。在借鉴了鸟类和它们的叫声的文化联系来解释吉尔伽美斯史诗中的意象之后,我们将考虑到可能的历史环境,即词汇传统、女性文学和鸟叫声文本可能影响了将这一文学作品标准化的传统。标准巴比伦吉尔伽美斯史诗的第五版石板以雪松森林和它的音景的风景描述开始。这片神秘的林地是“……是众神的居所,是女神的居所”(7节)。因此,它的特点是“繁茂”和“丰富”(例如,ḫiṣbu [V:8], nuḫšu [V:23]),鸟类和其他生物为森林的热闹噪音做出了贡献
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引用次数: 0
Sea and the Combat Myth: North West Semitic Political Mythology in the Hebrew Bible. By Joanna Töyräänvuori. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 427. Münster: Ugarit Verlag, 2018. Pp. xiv + 622. €122 (cloth) 海洋与战斗神话:希伯来圣经中的西北闪米特政治神话。Joanna Töyräänvuori著。《东方与东方交替遗嘱》427。明斯特:Ugarit Verlag,2018。第xiv+622页。122欧元(布)
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718431
D. Pardee
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引用次数: 0
Friends of the Emir: Non-Muslim State Officials in Premodern Islamic Thought. By Luke B. Yarbrough. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. Pp. xiv + 361. $120 (cloth), $32.99 (paper).
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718369
Kyle Longworth
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引用次数: 0
A Study in the Syntax of the Luwian Language. By Federico Giusfredi. Texte der Hethiter. Philologische und historische Studien zur Altanatolistik 30. Heidelberg: Winter Verlag, 2020. Pp. 227. €40 (paper). Luwian语言的Syntax研究。作者:Federico Giusfredi。发短信。哲学与历史研究zur Altanatolistik 30。海德堡:冬天的倒时差,2020年。第227页。€40(票据)。
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718650
E. Rieken
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引用次数: 0
Rebel’s Advocate: How Abū ʿUbayda Maʿmar b. al-Muthannā Came to be Labelled a Khārijite 反叛者的拥护者:阿布达·马如何被贴上标签和哈里吉特
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/716039
Raashid S. Goyal
With characteristic arrogance, Abū ʿ Ubayda (ca. 114 ah/ 732 ce–ca. 210 ah/825 ce) boasted that “never did two knights encounter one another [in battle], whether in the jāhiliyya or Islam, except that I knew both horse­ man and horse.”1 His student ʿ Umar b. Shabba (d. 262/ 876) rather considered him more knowledgeable of Islamic lore than of the ancients, while some proposed that it was correctly the other way around.2 Such qual­
AbúʿUbayda(约114 ah/732 ce–约210 ah/825 ce)以其特有的傲慢吹嘘道:“无论是在圣战还是伊斯兰教中,两个骑士从未[在战斗中]相遇,只是我既懂马,也懂马。”,而有些人则认为恰恰相反
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引用次数: 0
New Evidence for an Early Islamic Arabic Dialect in Eastern Arabia? The Qaṭrāyīth (“in Qatari”) Spoken in Beth Qaṭraye 阿拉伯东部早期伊斯兰阿拉伯语方言的新证据?卡塔尔ṭrāyīth(“在卡塔尔语中”)用Beth Qa语口语ṭ雷
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718562
Mario Kozah
71 Journal of Near Eastern Studies, volume 81, number 1, April 2022. © 2022 The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. Published by The University of Chicago Press. https://doi.org/10.1086/717786 The region known in the Syriac sources as “Beth Qaṭraye” includes not only the peninsula of Qatar, but also incorporates its hinterland of Yamāma and the entire coast of north-east Arabia as far as the peninsula of Musandam in present-day Oman, along with all the adjacent islands.1 Christianity must have reached Beth Qaṭraye no later than the fourth century ad. Evidence for this is that a certain Eliya, bishop of Mashmahig (possibly today’s Samahīj on Muḥarraq island), was present at the first East-Syriac Synod in SeleuciaCtesiphon (410), while another bishop of Mashmahig was deposed and excommunicated at the same synod. From the sixth century onwards, in addition to Mashmahig, there were bishops in Dayrin (possibly on Tārūt island), Mazūn (Oman region), Hagar (Hajr), and Ḥatta (al-Khaṭṭ). Initially, these bishops were under the control of the metropolitan of Rev Ardashir, in Fars, until Beth Qaṭraye obtained its own metropolitan, whose existence is attested only in 676.2 However, most of our information on Beth Qaṭraye pertains to the early Islamic period. An important example is the correspondence of Catholicos Ishoʿyahb III (Patriarch of the Church of the East, 649–59), which
71《近东研究杂志》,第81卷,第1期,2022年4月。©2022芝加哥大学。保留所有权利。芝加哥大学出版社出版。https://doi.org/10.1086/717786该地区在叙利亚语中被称为“Beth Qa”ṭraye”不仅包括卡塔尔半岛,还包括其腹地Yamāma和阿拉伯东北部的整个海岸,直到今天阿曼的Musandam半岛,以及所有邻近的岛屿ṭraye不迟于公元四世纪。这方面的证据是,某个Eliya,Mashmahig的主教(可能是今天的Samahīj on Muḥ阿拉克岛),出席了塞琉西Ctesiphon的第一届东叙利亚会议(410年),而马什马希格的另一位主教在同一次会议上被废黜并逐出教会。从六世纪起,除了Mashmahig,Dayrin(可能在TārāT岛上)、Mazún(阿曼地区)、Hagar(Hajr)和Ḥ阿塔ṭṭ). 最初,这些主教由法尔斯的阿尔达希尔牧师(Rev Ardashir)控制,直到贝丝·卡(Beth Qa)ṭ雷获得了自己的大都会,其存在仅在676.2年得到证实。然而,我们关于贝丝·卡的大部分信息ṭ雷属于早期伊斯兰时期。一个重要的例子是Catholicos Ishoʿyahb III(东方教会牧首,649-59)的信件
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引用次数: 0
The Lost Archive: Traces of a Caliphate in a Cairo Synagogue. By Marina Rustow. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020. Pp. 624 + 83 color illustrations + 17 black and white illustrations + 4 maps. $45 (cloth). 失落的档案:开罗犹太会堂里哈里发的踪迹。玛丽娜·鲁斯托著。普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2020年。第624页+83幅彩色插图+17幅黑白插图+4幅地图$45(布)。
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718652
Lucian Reinfandt
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引用次数: 0
A Prophet has Appeared: The Rise of Islam through Christian and Jewish Eyes, A Sourcebook. By Stephen J. Shoemaker. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2021. Pp. 320. $90 (cloth), $34.95 (paper). 一位先知出现了:从基督徒和犹太人的角度看伊斯兰教的崛起,一本资料书。斯蒂芬·舒梅克著。加利福尼亚州奥克兰:加利福尼亚大学出版社,2021年。第320页$90(布),34.95美元(纸)。
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718559
Christian C. Sahner
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引用次数: 0
The Price of Justice: Revenues Generated by Ottoman Courts of Law in the Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries 正义的代价:17世纪末和18世纪初奥斯曼法院产生的收入
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718561
Zeynep Dörtok Abacı, Boğaç Ergene
Much has been said about the Ottoman courts of law and their functions since the 1970s. Scholars interested in the topic have justifiably emphasized the important roles that the courts played in the governance of a large empire, in defense of the dynasty’s ideological claims to power, in the implementation of a sharia-based judicial system in fashions responsive to local, customary expectations of justice, and within interand intra-communal relationships in many provincial settings.1 Thus, we know
自20世纪70年代以来,关于奥斯曼法院及其职能的说法很多。对这一主题感兴趣的学者们有理由强调,法院在治理一个大帝国、捍卫王朝的意识形态权力主张、以回应当地对正义的传统期望的方式实施基于伊斯兰教法的司法制度方面发挥了重要作用,以及在许多省级环境中的社区内部和社区内部关系。1因此,我们知道
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引用次数: 1
A Synchronized Early Middle Bronze Age Chronology for Egypt, the Levant, and Mesopotamia 埃及、黎凡特和美索不达米亚的青铜时代早期中期同步年表
IF 0.6 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/718498
F. Höflmayer, S. Manning
Recent years have seen considerable progress in Middle Bronze Age chronological research throughout the eastern Mediterranean and ancient Near East. New radiocarbon dating initiatives have cast doubts on some long-held synchronisms and especially on the dating of the key-site of Tell el-Dabʿa (ancient Avaris) in the eastern Nile Delta. The excavator’s dating of this site was used to argue for the New (ultra-low) or Mebert Chronology of Mesopotamia, but recent radiocarbon data from Tell el-Dabʿa, the southern Levant, and Anatolia challenge the low Middle Bronze Age chronology for the Levant and endorse the Middle Chronology for Mesopotamia, as we demonstrate in what follows. Chronology can be regarded as one of the most essential but also contested fields of research within ancient Near Eastern studies. Every historical or archaeological argument stands or falls with the (relative or absolute) chronology applied, as “the question when is a prerequi-
近年来,在整个地中海东部和古代近东地区,对青铜时代中期年代的研究取得了相当大的进展。新的放射性碳测年计划对一些长期存在的同步性提出了质疑,特别是对尼罗河三角洲东部的Tell el-Dab - a(古阿瓦里斯)关键地点的测年提出了质疑。发掘机对该遗址的年代测定被用来论证美索不达米亚的新(超低)或梅伯特年代学,但最近来自Tell el-Dab - a、黎凡特南部和安纳托利亚的放射性碳数据挑战了黎凡特中期青铜时代的低年代学,并支持了美索不达米亚的中期年代学,正如我们在下文所展示的那样。年代学可以被视为古代近东研究中最重要但也有争议的研究领域之一。每一个历史或考古论证都与(相对的或绝对的)年表有关,就像“什么时候的问题是先决条件”一样
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引用次数: 6
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