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Trading Freedom: How Trade with China Defined Early America by Dael A. Norwood (review) 贸易自由:与中国的贸易如何定义早期美国作者:戴尔·a·诺伍德
3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a909461
Reviewed by: Trading Freedom: How Trade with China Defined Early America by Dael A. Norwood Meng Zhang Dael A. Norwood, Trading Freedom: How Trade with China Defined Early America ( Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2022). Pp. 270; 21 halftones, 2 line drawings. $45.00 cloth. America's earnest engagement with the Asia Pacific region is commonly perceived to have begun in the late nineteenth century in the context of expansionist competition with other imperial powers and global industrial capitalism. Challenging this traditional narrative, recent scholarship is drawing attention to the early interest and activities of the United States in the Pacific World. Norwood's new book is an outstanding example of this new direction and offers the revisionist argument that commerce with China had profoundly shaped Americans' perceptions of themselves and their place in the world in the long nineteenth century. Such influences were not restricted to the realm of foreign relations but indeed informed a series of domestic debates that defined American politics in those eras—on sovereignty, slavery, free labor, immigration, and imperial expansion. The book covers the period from the first American trading voyage to Qing China in 1784 to the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882. For this century-long period, Norwood traces a transition in Americans' approach to their relations with China, which he terms a conceptual shift from the "China trade" to the "China market." Whereas in the early republic, trade with China was seen as a strategic means to access a wider network of global commerce, by the late nineteenth century, Gilded-Age Americans came to see China primarily as an outlet for the overabundance of mass-produced goods at home and an arena for competition with other imperial powers. In the first decades of the American republic, commercial voyages to China were promoted as an important strategy to escape from British hegemony. China's ports functioned as gateways to a complex network of exchanges spanning the Americas, Africa, Europe, and the Pacific Islands. The priority of protecting Americans' China trade helped push for a more centralized national government that was able to implement protectionist tariffs and mobilize naval forces (chapter 1). However, other measures that aimed to support American traders in the East Indies, such as the Jeffersonian embargo, achieved the opposite result and enraged the traders they intended to protect (chapter 2). In the protectionist political environment after the French wars, the China trade came under hostile scrutiny for its role in driving the outflow of silver specie. Policies that were meant to stop the silver outflow and reduce the reliance on overseas commerce, such as the promotion of the use of bills of exchange, inadvertently ended up drawing Americans closer to a London-centered financial network of global capitalism (chapter 3). By the mid-1830s, American China traders had become close collabora
Dael A. Norwood著,《贸易自由:对华贸易如何定义早期美国》(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2022)。页。270;21个半色调,2个线条图。布45.00美元。人们普遍认为,美国与亚太地区的认真接触始于19世纪末,当时美国与其他帝国主义列强和全球工业资本主义展开了扩张主义竞争。最近的学术研究挑战了这种传统叙事,将人们的注意力吸引到美国早期在太平洋世界的兴趣和活动上。诺伍德的新书是这种新方向的一个杰出例子,并提出了修正主义的论点,即在漫长的19世纪,与中国的贸易深刻地塑造了美国人对自己及其在世界上地位的看法。这种影响并不局限于外交关系领域,而且确实影响了一系列关于主权、奴隶制、自由劳工、移民和帝国扩张的国内辩论,这些辩论定义了那个时代的美国政治。这本书涵盖了从1784年美国第一次到清朝的贸易航行到1882年排华法案通过的这段时间。在长达一个世纪的时间里,诺伍德追溯了美国人处理对华关系的转变,他称之为从“中国贸易”到“中国市场”的概念转变。在共和初期,与中国的贸易被视为进入更广泛的全球商业网络的战略手段,而到了19世纪末,镀金时代的美国人开始将中国主要视为国内大量生产商品过剩的出口,以及与其他帝国主义列强竞争的舞台。在美国建国的头几十年,到中国的商业航行被视为摆脱英国霸权的重要战略。中国的港口是连接美洲、非洲、欧洲和太平洋岛屿的复杂交流网络的门户。保护美国对华贸易的优先事项有助于推动一个更加集中的国家政府,能够实施保护主义关税并动员海军力量(第1章)。然而,旨在支持东印度群岛美国商人的其他措施,如杰斐逊禁运,取得了相反的结果,激怒了他们打算保护的贸易商(第2章)。与中国的贸易因在推动白银外流中所起的作用而受到敌意的审视。旨在阻止白银外流和减少对海外贸易依赖的政策,如促进使用汇票,无意中最终使美国人更接近以伦敦为中心的全球资本主义金融网络(第3章)。到19世纪30年代中期,美国的中国商人已经成为英国人在中国港口的密切合作者,包括鸦片走私业务和更积极地入侵中国。当鸦片战争爆发时,它在美国成为了一个强烈的兴趣和争论的对象——不是因为美国商人对鸦片贸易的深度参与得到了广泛的承认,而是因为美国担心英国权力可能会像以自由贸易的名义侵犯中国主权一样,为了废除鸦片而触及自己的国家主权。在第四章——我认为是本书中最有趣的一章——诺伍德描述了英国在中国的战争是如何惊动了美国奴隶主,并使废奴主义者更加大胆。美国的政治家和评论家们“一贯地把战争的交战各方划分到他们自己的政治分歧上,以奴隶制的合法性和国际法的执行为中心”(74)。诺伍德还坚持认为,正是为了捍卫美国的主权和奴隶制,抵御英国在全球的威胁,美国官员才寻求通过向中国派遣第一个外交大使馆来加深与中国的商业联系(74)。我发现这一特定因果关系的论证不如这一优秀章节中提出的其他观点有说服力。在这方面,传统观点认为,美国急于确保自己能获得与英国同样的特权……
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引用次数: 0
It Is Now Time for Music 现在是音乐时间
3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a909452
Joseph Roach
It Is Now Time for Music Joseph Roach (bio) What an extraordinary honor it is to be remembered so generously for a book about the persistence of forgetting. My gratitude wells up proportionately. Each of the distinguished contributors remembers something of horizon-expanding importance that I forgot to know: Lisa Freeman, that the neologism glocal would have more clearly expressed the geohistorical relationships I had in mind, had I thought to use it; Kathleen Wilson, that performance—transportable, adaptable, irresistible—both proselytized for the British Empire and fomented resistance to it across all the oceans of the world, "from the Caribbean to the bay of Bengal, and the South Atlantic to the China Sea"; Elizabeth Dillon, that a walk in Ralph Waldo Emerson's footsteps along the "Freedom Trail" across America's oldest park traverses a regional palimpsest of hemispheric racial violence; Amy Huang, that our mapping of the transoceanic flows of cultural substitutions must include Asian peoples; and Daniel O'Quinn, that Jessye Norman's Dido verifies Afro-diasporic surrogation. Perspicaciously, O'Quinn queries my omission of the haunting curse that Virgil's Dido puts on the departing Aeneas and his descendants, calling on her avenger to rise from her bones. My excuse is as abject as it is pertinent to the occasion: I forgot. Indeed, none of these or other similarly recovered memories should ever be taken for granted. "What Americans mean by 'history,''' James Baldwin wrote, "is something that they can forget."1 Today, when the latest instant newsfeeds reenact scenarios of the Enlightenment's greatest failure, scholars of performance, past and present, have it in their power to challenge such refractory postponements of racial reckoning. In the Prologue to her transformative Strolling Players of Empire: Theater and Performances of Power in the British Imperial Provinces, 1656–1833 (2022), for instance, Kathleen Wilson remembers what generations of theater historians forgot: the "good ship Charming Sally," which famously [End Page 41] delivered the first professional acting company to American shores in 1752, was a slaver. Daniel O'Quinn navigates another quadrant of the same sea of tears when he evokes the cries of the drowning jetsam in NourbeSe Philip's Zong! Did their avengers arise from their bones? Do they still? Will they always? And Amy Huang maps an oceanic Asian current that runs so far and so deep, reminding her senior colleagues not to forget that the next wave of scholarly research in the field is already building even as ours crests. Anyone's memory can fail, but forgetting to remember differs from remembering to forget. Forgetting to remember might arise from unconscious repression, inattention, infirmity, or, as is so often the case, intractable cluelessness. Remembering to forget, by contrast, requires volition. I remembered to forget the Puritans, for instance, as Elizabeth Dillon points out. But the best antidote to forgetting, a
是时候听音乐了约瑟夫·罗奇(传记)能因为一本关于遗忘的持久性的书而被如此慷慨地记住,这是一种非同寻常的荣誉。我的感激之情相应地涌起。每一位杰出的贡献者都记得一些我忘了知道的、具有拓展视野的重要性的东西:丽莎·弗里曼(Lisa Freeman),如果我想到要使用新词“全球的”(glocal),它会更清楚地表达我心目中的地理历史关系;凯瑟琳·威尔逊(Kathleen Wilson)的表演——可移动、适应性强、不可抗拒——既为大英帝国传教,又在世界各大洋煽动对它的抵制,“从加勒比海到孟加拉湾,从南大西洋到中国海”;伊丽莎白·狄龙(Elizabeth Dillon)认为,沿着拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生(Ralph Waldo Emerson)的足迹,沿着“自由之路”穿越美国最古老的公园,穿越了一个半球种族暴力的地区性重写本;Amy Huang,我们对跨洋文化更替的描绘必须包括亚洲人;和丹尼尔·奥奎因,杰西·诺曼的黛朵证实了非洲侨民的代入。很明显,奥奎因质疑我遗漏了维吉尔笔下的狄多对即将离去的埃涅阿斯和他的后代施加的挥之不去的诅咒,呼唤她的复仇者从她的骨头中复活。我的借口很卑鄙,但又很应景:我忘了。事实上,这些或其他类似的恢复记忆都不应该被视为理所当然。“美国人所说的‘历史’,”詹姆斯·鲍德温写道,“是他们可以忘记的东西。今天,当最新的即时新闻重现启蒙运动最大失败的场景时,研究表演的学者,无论是过去的还是现在的,都有能力挑战这种难以接受的种族清算推迟。例如,在凯瑟琳·威尔逊(Kathleen Wilson)的《帝国的变革漫步者:1656年至1833年(2022年)英国帝国省的戏剧和权力表演》的序言中,她记得几代戏剧历史学家忘记的事情:“迷人的莎莉号好船”是一艘奴隶船,它在1752年向美国海岸运送了第一个专业表演公司。丹尼尔·奥奎因(Daniel O'Quinn)在唤起《诺贝斯·菲利普的宗》(nourbeese Philip's Zong)中落水的快艇的哭声时,在同一泪水之海的另一个象限进行了导航!他们的复仇者是从他们的骨头里冒出来的吗?他们还在吗?他们会一直这样吗?Amy Huang绘制了一幅亚洲洋流的地图,它跑得如此之远,如此之深,提醒她的资深同事不要忘记,即使在我们的研究达到顶峰时,该领域的下一波学术研究也已经开始了。任何人的记忆都会衰退,但是忘记记忆和记住忘记是不同的。忘记记忆可能是由于无意识的压抑、注意力不集中、身体虚弱,或者通常是由于顽固的无知造成的。相反,记住忘记需要意志。例如,正如伊丽莎白·狄龙指出的那样,我记得忘记了清教徒。但是,正如丽莎·弗里曼(Lisa Freeman)在引言中引用《死亡之城》(Cities of the Dead)所强调的那样,遗忘的最佳解药存在于表演的“审美触感”中,无论是现场体验还是生动再现。同样,狄龙的《新世界戏剧:大西洋世界的表演公地》(2014)和威尔逊的《漫步的玩家》的封面艺术都来自牙买加Jonkonnu的节日场景,由Isaac Mendes Belisario在1833-37年拍摄,令人瞠目。“古柯,或演员男孩”在狄龙面前炫耀着他的东西:飘逸的羽毛、假发和鞭子衬托着他从白色面具下露出来的黑脸,讽刺地向17世纪牙买加的创始英国领主鞠躬,与伟大的莎士比亚作家托马斯·贝特顿同时代,他在《奥赛罗》中的表演震撼灵魂。“红衫女郎”(The Red Set Girls)为威尔逊表演了旋转舞:旋转着粉红色的阳伞,扬起白色的衬裙,向草垛状的“绿衣杰克”(jack -in- green)致敬。名义上,这个角色与英国的五一庆祝活动有关,牙买加杰克,也被称为Pitchy Patchy,与西非的Egungun假面舞者更相似这些神秘的、移动的、棚屋形状的雕像调解了生者和祖先死者之间的关系,以肯定他们的精神凝聚力,蔑视流散和种族灭绝。作为反表演的帝国漫步者,上演了一部仍在上演的新世界剧,咕咕、皮奇、红套……
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引用次数: 0
Slavery and the Making of Early American Libraries: British Literature, Political Thought, and the Transatlantic Book Trade, 1731–1814 by Sean D. Moore (review) 《奴隶制与早期美国图书馆的建立:1731-1814年英国文学、政治思想和跨大西洋图书贸易》作者:肖恩·d·摩尔
3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a909462
Reviewed by: Slavery and the Making of Early American Libraries: British Literature, Political Thought, and the Transatlantic Book Trade, 1731–1814 by Sean D. Moore Matthew Sangster Sean D. Moore, Slavery and the Making of Early American Libraries: British Literature, Political Thought, and the Transatlantic Book Trade, 1731–1814 ( Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2019). Pp. 288; 21 b/w illus. $91.00 cloth. Slavery and the Making of Early American Libraries argues convincingly that "the African slave was the property that created the sovereign, virtuous, agrarian white civic republican" (15). It achieves this by bringing to light forms of exploitation that both subsidized and informed eighteenth-century literary culture. The book constructs its argument by considering interconnected material and ideological spheres, examining the sources of wealth that allowed well-to-do subscription library members access to expensive cultural luxuries alongside analyzing literary works that were held in and circulated from such libraries. An extensive preface and introduction work in concert to set out the book's principal contentions and parameters. In the introduction, the careful discussions of historiography and the commitment to clarity of argument are particularly impressive. Each of the five chapters features "an introduction, an explication of its major literary text for analysis, a history of the library it explores, and evidence of reading books in the library's particular socio-cultural contexts" (xiii). The first chapter examines the Salem Social Library (founded in 1760) alongside Oroonoko, considering both Aphra Behn's original fiction (1688) and John Hawkesworth's 1759 play. The second chapter reads Alexander Pope's use of slavery metaphors and his defenses of the status quo in Windsor Forest (1713) and the Essay on Man (1733–4) in the context of the Redwood Library in Newport, Rhode Island (founded in 1747). The third chapter pairs Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe (1719) and the [End Page 127] New York Society Library (founded in 1754), focusing particularly on possessive individualism. The fourth chapter considers Charles Johnstone's Chrysal; or, The Adventures of a Guinea (1760 and 1765), reading the politics of the it-narrative through the lenses of the Charleston Library Society (founded in 1748) and the South Carolina practice of using enslaved people to back paper money. The final chapter considers the Library Company of Philadelphia (founded in 1731) alongside Olaudah Equiano's Interesting Narrative (1789). This chapter pays particular attention to generic mixing and to the uses Equiano made of the work of Philadelphia-based abolitionist Anthony Benezet, whose books representing African civilizations in a positive light were compiled in part using Library Company holdings. Moore marshals an entirely persuasive case that all five libraries he examines—and by implication most other early American subscription libraries—were founded and supported b
由:奴隶制和早期美国图书馆的制作:英国文学,政治思想和跨大西洋图书贸易,1731年至1814年由肖恩·d·摩尔马修·桑斯特肖恩·d·摩尔,奴隶制和早期美国图书馆的制作:英国文学,政治思想,和跨大西洋图书贸易,1731年至1814年(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2019)。页。288;21桶/水。布91.00美元。奴隶制和早期美国图书馆的建立令人信服地认为,“非洲奴隶是创造主权的、有道德的、务农的白人公民共和国的财产”(15)。它通过揭露剥削的形式来实现这一目标,这些剥削既补贴了18世纪的文学文化,又为其提供了信息。这本书通过考虑相互关联的物质和意识形态领域,考察了富裕的订阅图书馆成员获得昂贵文化奢侈品的财富来源,并分析了这些图书馆中保存和传播的文学作品,来构建其论点。一个广泛的序言和介绍工作在协调一致,列出了书的主要论点和参数。在引言中,对史学的认真讨论和对论证清晰的承诺尤其令人印象深刻。五章中的每一章都有“介绍,主要文学文本的解释,图书馆的历史,以及在图书馆特定的社会文化背景下阅读书籍的证据”(xiii)。第一章考察了塞勒姆社会图书馆(成立于1760年)和Oroonoko,考虑到阿芙拉·贝恩的原著小说(1688年)和约翰·霍克斯沃思的1759年戏剧。第二章阅读亚历山大·蒲柏在《温莎森林》(1713)和《人论》(1733-4)中对奴隶制隐喻的使用和他对现状的辩护,并以罗得岛州纽波特的红木图书馆(成立于1747年)为背景。第三章将丹尼尔·笛福的《鲁滨逊漂流记》(1719)和纽约社会图书馆(成立于1754年)结合起来,特别关注占有性个人主义。第四章考察查尔斯·约翰斯通的《蝶蛹》;或者,《几内亚历记》(1760年和1765年),通过查尔斯顿图书馆协会(成立于1748年)和南卡罗来纳州使用奴隶来支持纸币的做法的镜头,解读了它的政治叙事。最后一章将费城图书馆公司(成立于1731年)与奥劳达·埃奎阿诺的《有趣的叙述》(1789年)放在一起。本章特别关注一般的混合,以及Equiano对费城废奴主义者Anthony Benezet的作品的使用,Anthony Benezet的书籍以积极的角度代表了非洲文明,部分是使用图书馆公司的馆藏编写的。摩尔列举了一个完全有说服力的例子,他调查的所有五家图书馆——以及其他大多数早期美国订阅图书馆——都是由那些靠从奴隶制中获得利润而致富的人建立和支持的。借助报纸、信件、遗嘱、官僚记录、清单和其他形式的档案文件,这本书揭示了一个连接美国文化机构、奴隶贸易和依赖奴隶劳动的商品贸易的复杂网络。摩尔证明,在18世纪的美国,获得文化和声望在很大程度上取决于“奴隶制慈善事业”(203),他令人信服地认为,这一遗产仍然影响着他所谓的“慈善工业综合体”(204)的假设。摩尔很清楚,他研究的读者在意识形态上并不是不可区分的。在讨论图书馆公司的借款者时,他认为他们的品味“显然是杂食性的和多样化的”(198)。尽管如此,他认为阅读昂贵的书籍必然会形成一种独特的主体性形式。在他的引言中,他结束了对流行文本的讨论,他写道,它们主要关注的是“占有欲很强的个人主义读者的创造”。书籍是消费社会,它们从根本上教会人们如何成为好的消费者,如何在个人主义社会中行事,最根本的是,如何作为一个个体在现代性中生存”(33)。这绝不是一个完全原创的命题,摩尔也没有把它呈现出来:这本书的众多优点之一是它对其他评论家作品的严谨和明智的参与。然而,摩尔的研究使他对许多文本元素有了新的、有力的了解,比如伪善的用法……
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引用次数: 0
Utopianism for a Dying Planet: Life after Consumerism by Gregory Claeys (review) 垂死星球的乌托邦主义:消费主义之后的生活格雷戈里·克莱斯(书评)
3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a909458
Reviewed by: Utopianism for a Dying Planet: Life after Consumerism by Gregory Claeys Jason Pearl Gregory Claeys, Utopianism for a Dying Planet: Life after Consumerism ( Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2022). Pp. 608. $39.95 cloth. The latest book by Gregory Claeys gives an impression of summation and culmination. At over 600 pages, it returns to and reexamines many of the texts and topics that Claeys, a historian of radical and socialist thought, has spent a lifetime researching. His work across five decades as author and editor has helped us to see the significance of social idealism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Dystopia: A Natural History (2016), itself over 500 pages, examines the history of the concept in both creative literature and actual political regimes—that is, governments that have made real the sorts of scenarios that writers have only imagined. The book discussed here, Utopianism for a Dying Planet, is likewise bleak in tone, despite its concern with speculations we might think of as positive or optimistic. Indeed, for Claeys, it will take the boldest aspirations—the kind that are sometimes dismissed as unrealistic—to address what are in fact our realest problems. The bulk of the book is a survey of utopian ideas and practices, with a chapter at the end that distills useful lessons and applies them to the climate crisis. Historically, Claeys starts in ancient Sparta and ends with the counterculture of the 1960s, giving ample attention to debates over luxury in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe and the United States. Thematically, he moves from literature and political philosophy to cultural movements and governmental institutions, finding worthwhile, though admittedly dated, proposals for equity and sustainability in an array of sources that go far beyond the parameters of Thomas More's Utopia (1516). This range is the strength of the book: in my view, no one but Claeys could have covered the subject so knowledgeably, so expansively. In some ways, despite the focus on consumption and the environment, Utopianism for a Dying Planet is a good introduction to the subject of utopia in general. Part 1, "Towards a Theory of Utopian Sociability," is composed of a meditation on the meaning of utopia; an excavation of its mythical background; and a [End Page 117] commentary on various theoretical models. In chapter 1, Claeys gives a broad and compound but nonetheless minimally complicated definition, so that "utopia consists in any ideal or imaginary society portrayed in any manner" (19). It has taken a number of forms: a text, a religion, a mental state, the very notion of progress, the experience of pleasure. At the same time, it is more than an empty placeholder or mere suggestion that things could be otherwise. Claeys insists, against theorists such as Fredric Jameson, on the details of plans and projects, however farfetched, and argues for the practical utility of even fantastical literature. Chapter 2 looks at th
《垂死星球的乌托邦主义:消费主义之后的生活》,作者:杰森·珀尔·格雷戈里·克莱斯,《垂死星球的乌托邦主义:消费主义之后的生活》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2022)608页。布39.95美元。格雷戈里·克莱斯的新书给人一种总结和高潮的印象。在超过600页的篇幅中,它回归并重新审视了克莱斯这位激进和社会主义思想的历史学家花了一生的时间研究的许多文本和主题。他作为作家和编辑的五十年的工作帮助我们看到了十八和十九世纪社会理想主义的重要性。《反乌托邦:自然史》(2016)本身就有500多页,它考察了这一概念在创造性文学和实际政治制度中的历史——也就是说,政府把作家们想象出来的各种场景变成了现实。这里讨论的这本书,《垂死星球的乌托邦主义》,尽管它关注的是我们可能认为是积极或乐观的猜测,但语气同样黯淡。事实上,在克莱斯看来,要解决我们最现实的问题,需要最大胆的愿望——有时被认为是不现实的那种愿望。这本书的大部分内容是对乌托邦思想和实践的调查,最后一章提炼了有用的经验教训,并将其应用于气候危机。从历史上看,克莱伊斯从古代斯巴达开始,以20世纪60年代的反主流文化结束,对18世纪和19世纪欧洲和美国关于奢侈品的争论给予了充分的关注。在主题上,他从文学和政治哲学转向了文化运动和政府机构,在一系列远超托马斯·莫尔(Thomas More)的乌托邦(1516)范畴的资源中,发现了有价值的、尽管公认过时的关于公平和可持续性的建议。这个范围是这本书的优势所在:在我看来,除了克莱斯,没有人能把这个主题讲得如此博学、如此广泛。在某些方面,尽管关注消费和环境,但《垂死星球的乌托邦主义》是对乌托邦主题的一个很好的介绍。第一部分“走向乌托邦社会理论”是对乌托邦意义的思考;挖掘其神话背景;以及对各种理论模型的评论。在第一章中,Claeys给出了一个广泛而复杂的定义,但仍然是最低限度的复杂,因此“乌托邦包括以任何方式描绘的任何理想或想象的社会”(19)。它有多种形式:文本,宗教,精神状态,进步的概念,快乐的体验。与此同时,它不仅仅是一个空的占位符,也不仅仅是暗示事情可能不是这样。与弗雷德里克·詹姆逊(frederic Jameson)等理论家不同,克莱斯坚持认为,无论计划和项目多么牵强,都要考虑到细节。他还主张,即使是幻想文学,也有其实际用途。第二章考察了乌托邦在黄金时代神话和基督教千禧年信仰体系等传统中的起源。第三章转向米歇尔·福柯的异托邦理论,维克多·特纳的阈值概念,以及恩斯特·布洛赫经常被引用的具体乌托邦的观点,克莱斯将其描述为一种世俗的千禧年主义。第二部分,“小说和实践中的乌托邦社交”,从中世纪到18世纪,特别关注消费问题和更强大的社交能力的潜力,以弥补更多的弃权。第四章给出了乌托邦在实践中的描述,例如在节日、朝圣和意向社区中。对于本杂志的读者来说,第五章和第六章可能是最感兴趣的。在这里,Claeys讨论了莫尔的遗产,详细地反映了伯纳德·曼德维尔对奢侈品的争论和让·雅克·卢梭对私有财产和商业消费的批判。正如克莱斯解释的那样,有四个主要的良性自我约束的例子:田园般的自然状态;原始的基督教社区;古典共和国;保守党或乡村党的理想。当然,这是一个很好的地形。对我来说,这本书的亮点之一是它对不太知名的文本的评论,许多……
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引用次数: 0
Trading Freedom: How Trade with China Defined Early America by Dael A. Norwood (review) 贸易自由:与中国的贸易如何定义早期美国作者:戴尔·a·诺伍德
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-29 DOI: 10.1353/cwe.2023.a905170
Chris Magra
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引用次数: 0
Chinoiserie and Beyond: Chinese Landskips and Printed Views in Eighteenth-Century British Geography Books 中国风与超越:18世纪英国地理书籍中的中国登陆船和印刷视图
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a900657
C. Hsieh, Devin Leigh, Kay Chronister, Arif Camoglu, Hilary Havens, Claude Willan, K. Alves, Eun Kyung Min, Bradley Craig, Misty G. Anderson, Elizabeth Dill, Keenan Burton, Charlotte Trinquet du Lys, Hal Gladfelder, Elena Deanda-Camacho, William Selinger, Carrie Shanafelt, Nora Nachumi, Jordan Green, Antonio T. Bly, Mark Vareschi
Abstract:Chinese Landskips, a set of twelve prints published between 1750 and 1760, has been regarded as exemplifying the fashion of chinoiserie, continuing the process of pastiche and disseminating imaginary views of China. This article proposes another interpretation by situating these prints in the contexts of printed topographical views and illustrated geography books. An analysis of Chinese Landskips and the illustrations in The Geographical Magazine (1782–83) reveals that the strategies that made the images appear authoritative and credible to eighteenth-century visual habits were more important than the question of whether or not they were pastiche.
摘要:1750年至1760年间出版的十二幅版画《中国山水画》被认为是中国风格的典范,延续了对中国的模仿和传播想象的过程。本文提出了另一种解释,将这些版画置于印刷地形图和图解地理书籍的背景下。对中国山水画和《地理杂志》(1782-83)插图的分析表明,使这些图像在18世纪的视觉习惯中显得权威和可信的策略比它们是否是赝品的问题更重要。
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引用次数: 0
Speculative Enterprise: Public Theaters and Financial Markets in London, 1688–1763 by Mattie Burkert (review) 投机企业:1688-1763年伦敦公共剧院与金融市场
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a900673
Carrie D. Shanafelt
realize, not only from our current world, but also from the very question we are naturally prone to ask of it—the question of the origins of modern party democracy. Perhaps in scholarship as in parliamentary politics there is value to having both Tories and Whigs. Thanks to The Persistence of Party, we can at least be hopeful that future theories and grand narratives about modern party politics will be better attuned to the history of party in eighteenth-century Britain.
意识到,不仅从我们当前的世界,而且从我们自然倾向于问的问题——现代政党民主的起源问题。也许在学术界,就像在议会政治中一样,拥有托利党和辉格党是有价值的。多亏了《政党的坚持》,我们至少可以希望,未来关于现代政党政治的理论和宏大叙事将更好地适应18世纪英国的政党历史。
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引用次数: 0
Data Visualization in Enlightenment Literature and Culture ed. by Ileana Baird (review) Ileana Baird主编的《启蒙文学与文化中的数据可视化》(综述)
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a900677
Mark Vareschi
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引用次数: 0
Wicked Flesh: Black Women, Intimacy, and Freedom in the Atlantic World by Jessica Marie Johnson (review) 《邪恶的肉体:大西洋世界中的黑人女性、亲密和自由》,作者:杰西卡·玛丽·约翰逊
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a900665
Bradley L. Craig
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引用次数: 0
Futures of Enlightenment Poetry by Dustin Stewart (review) 达斯汀·斯图尔特《启蒙诗歌的未来》(书评)
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ecs.2023.a900666
Misty G. Anderson
As an interdisciplinary historian of gender and the Black Atlantic, Johnson frames her extensive archival research with original theoretical insights that will be of interest to scholars of the eighteenth century across disciplines. For example, the concept of “null value” (134) focuses a fresh perspective from the digital humanities on the enduring problem of archival silences so meaningfully elaborated by scholars such as Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Saidiya Hartman, and Marisa Fuentes. Incessant, yet incomplete, efforts at colonial quantification too often leave black women’s humanity frustratingly obscured in the documentary record. Rather than “pausing at empirical silence or accepting it at face value” (134), Johnson formulates a different approach that affirms black life even in the moment of its erasure: “Identifying archival silences as null values surfaces slaveowners and officials as responsible for missing and unacknowledged black life in the archive, but it resists equating the missing or inapplicable information with black death” (135). A lifeaffirming method also becomes central to the way Johnson draws on black queer and sexuality studies to develop a notion of black femme freedom. For Johnson, black femme freedom names a space of freedom that exceeds the terms of legal manumission and encapsulates the ways that black women continually refused commodification “by stepping into the fray on each other’s behalf” (173). It is a concept that honors “the promiscuous and polymorphic arrangements of femininity and feminine desire” that black women created (173).
作为一名跨学科的性别和黑大西洋历史学家,约翰逊将她广泛的档案研究与原创性的理论见解结合起来,这将使18世纪跨学科的学者感兴趣。例如,“零值”的概念(134)将数字人文学科的新视角聚焦于档案沉默这一持久问题,米歇尔-罗尔夫·特鲁洛特、赛迪亚·哈特曼和玛丽莎·富恩特斯等学者对这一问题进行了有意义的阐述。对殖民时期量化的持续而不完整的努力,往往让黑人女性的人性在文献记录中黯然失色,令人沮丧。约翰逊没有“停留在经验主义的沉默上,或者从表面上接受它”(134),而是提出了一种不同的方法,即使在黑人生活被抹去的那一刻,也肯定了黑人的生活:“将档案中的沉默视为无效价值,使奴隶主和官员对档案中失踪和未被承认的黑人生活负有责任,但它拒绝将失踪或不适用的信息等同于黑死病”(135)。生命肯定的方法也成为约翰逊利用黑人酷儿和性研究来发展黑人女性自由概念的核心方法。对约翰逊来说,黑人女性自由指的是一种超越法律释放范围的自由空间,它概括了黑人女性“为彼此的利益而参与斗争”,不断拒绝商品化的方式(173)。这是一个尊重黑人女性创造的“女性气质和女性欲望的混杂和多态安排”的概念(173)。
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引用次数: 0
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