Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911130
Reviewed by: Weird Fiction and Science at the Fin de Siècle by Emily Alder L. A. Delgado (bio) Weird Fiction and Science at the Fin de Siècle, by Emily Alder; pp. ix + 249. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $99.99, $79.99 ebook. In Weird Fiction and Science at the Fin de Siècle, Emily Alder offers a clear and exceptionally compelling examination of the evolution of pre-Lovecraftian weird horror, a genre that simultaneously appropriates as it repudiates the positivist tendencies of Victorian science in its generation of monsters. In her examination of the genre, Alder illustrates the ways in which fin-de-siècle weird fiction is distinct from the Gothic, a mode which has, for better or worse, dominated scholarly discourse on horror fiction. While "the early roots of the weird tale are entangled with those of the gothic and science fiction" (2), Alder notes that the horrors that emerge from weird fiction are characterized by haunting abnormality, or what China Miéville describes as the "abcanny" or "teratological expressions of that unrepresentable and unknowable, the evasive of meaning" (Miéville qtd. in Alder 11). The book examines the ways in which late Victorian scientific discourses helped shape weird horror. Tales of this type, she argues, were invested in exploring and testing the borderlands of science and material reality. The weird, at least as it emerged in the work of writers such as William Hope Hodgson, Arthur Machen, Algernon Blackwood, Robert Louis Stevenson, H. G. Wells, and Edith Nesbit, challenged positivist assumptions about objective reality by introducing distortions, mutations, and absences along with [End Page 346] its inscrutable weird monsters. Alder argues that weird fiction also imagines other ways of knowing as well as other, possibly monstrous, types of knowledge that challenge the epistemological mastery that scientific positivism promised. The weird tale constructs "enweirded epistemological terrains that validate abcanny realities" (27). Alder also traces the cultural impact of heterodox movements and practices such as Spiritualism, Theosophy, and occultism, as well as psychical research, on the development of the genre. Such movements, like the fiction these movements inspired, challenged the claims of nineteenth-century science while simultaneously relying upon the cultural validation that science granted. While the first chapter defines the weird and establishes the parameters of her investigation, Alder's second chapter applies the claims of the first by exploring how science serves as a gateway to the weird in Stevenson's The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde (1886) and Machen's The Great God Pan (1894). In both stories, access to the weird is achieved through scientific experimentation. But the monsters this science produces, science which is itself adulterated and made weird by metaphysics, are ones that are nearly impossible to pin down for study. Mr. Hyde and Helen Vaughan, Stevenson's and M
《怪诞小说与科学》作者:艾米丽·奥尔德(Emily Alder);Pp. ix + 249。Cham，瑞士:Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, 99.99美元，电子书79.99美元。在《怪诞小说与科学》一书中，艾米丽·奥尔德对洛夫克拉夫特之前的怪诞恐怖小说的演变进行了清晰而引人注目的审视，这种类型的小说在创作怪物的同时，既借鉴了维多利亚时代科学的实证主义倾向。在她对这一类型的研究中，奥尔德阐释了怪诞小说与哥特小说的不同之处，哥特小说是一种模式，无论好坏，主导了恐怖小说的学术论述。虽然“怪异故事的早期根源与哥特小说和科幻小说纠缠在一起”(2)，奥尔德指出，怪异小说中出现的恐怖以令人难以忘怀的异常为特征，或者像中国·米姆姆维尔所描述的那样，是“怪诞的”或“不可描述和不可知的畸形表达，是对意义的逃避”(米姆姆维尔qtd)。在阿尔德。这本书考察了维多利亚时代晚期的科学论述如何帮助塑造了怪异的恐怖。她认为，这种类型的故事是为了探索和测试科学与物质现实的边界。怪诞，至少在威廉·霍普·霍奇森、阿瑟·梅琴、阿尔杰农·布莱克伍德、罗伯特·路易斯·史蒂文森、h·g·威尔斯和伊迪丝·内斯比特等作家的作品中出现，通过引入扭曲、突变和缺失以及不可思议的怪异怪物，挑战了实证主义关于客观现实的假设。奥尔德认为，怪异小说也想象了其他的认知方式，以及其他可能是可怕的知识类型，这些知识挑战了科学实证主义所承诺的认识论的掌握。这个怪异的故事构建了“验证神秘现实的神秘认识论领域”(27)。奥尔德还追溯了非正统运动和实践的文化影响，如唯心论、神智学和神秘主义，以及心理研究，对流派的发展。这些运动，就像这些运动所激发的小说一样，挑战了19世纪科学的主张，同时又依赖于科学所赋予的文化认可。虽然第一章定义了怪异，并建立了她的调查参数，但奥尔德的第二章运用了第一章的主张，探索了科学如何在史蒂文森的《化身博士》(1886)和梅琴的《潘神》(1894)中成为通往怪异的大门。在这两个故事中，人们都是通过科学实验来接近怪异的事物的。但是这门科学所产生的怪物，这种本身被形而上学掺假并变得怪异的科学，是几乎不可能确定下来进行研究的怪物。海德先生和海伦·沃恩，史蒂文森和梅琴各自的怪物，“都是无定形的、可怕的、没有形状的东西，是形状和质地不属于已知的物理存在的自然秩序的未知的怪异生物”(70)。正如上面的引文所暗示的那样，怪异恐怖的野兽潜伏在可观察世界的传统陷阱之下。然而，怪异的科学使人们得以接近这些野兽。正如阿尔德在本章中所指出的那样，这门奇怪的科学的结果并不总是令人满意的。奥尔德在第三章扩展了她对“怪异知识”的考察，部分转向了这些怪物的创造者，以及在科学边缘地带产生的启示。虽然她考察的虚构的科学家，史蒂文森的杰基尔博士，梅琴的雷蒙德博士和布莱克博士，内斯比特的汤姆森教授，都在他们的实验中使用了实证主义的方法，但传统的方法不足以解释从他们身上出现的奇怪的现实。因此，怪异科学必须包含一种“神秘知识”，这种知识依赖于“一种修正的认识论，包括多样性、主观性和物质与非物质之间的消融边界”。正如阿尔德恰当地指出的那样，神秘知识是“为怪异小说准备的认识论”(87)。在第四章中，奥尔德介绍了“古怪的发现者”的形象，这个术语指的是虚构的调查人员，如霍奇森的卡纳基，凯特和赫斯基·普里查德的弗拉克曼·洛，以及布莱克伍德的约翰·斯林德。桤木是……
{"title":"Weird Fiction and Science at the Fin de Siècle by Emily Alder (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/vic.2023.a911130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/vic.2023.a911130","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Weird Fiction and Science at the Fin de Siècle by Emily Alder L. A. Delgado (bio) Weird Fiction and Science at the Fin de Siècle, by Emily Alder; pp. ix + 249. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $99.99, $79.99 ebook. In Weird Fiction and Science at the Fin de Siècle, Emily Alder offers a clear and exceptionally compelling examination of the evolution of pre-Lovecraftian weird horror, a genre that simultaneously appropriates as it repudiates the positivist tendencies of Victorian science in its generation of monsters. In her examination of the genre, Alder illustrates the ways in which fin-de-siècle weird fiction is distinct from the Gothic, a mode which has, for better or worse, dominated scholarly discourse on horror fiction. While \"the early roots of the weird tale are entangled with those of the gothic and science fiction\" (2), Alder notes that the horrors that emerge from weird fiction are characterized by haunting abnormality, or what China Miéville describes as the \"abcanny\" or \"teratological expressions of that unrepresentable and unknowable, the evasive of meaning\" (Miéville qtd. in Alder 11). The book examines the ways in which late Victorian scientific discourses helped shape weird horror. Tales of this type, she argues, were invested in exploring and testing the borderlands of science and material reality. The weird, at least as it emerged in the work of writers such as William Hope Hodgson, Arthur Machen, Algernon Blackwood, Robert Louis Stevenson, H. G. Wells, and Edith Nesbit, challenged positivist assumptions about objective reality by introducing distortions, mutations, and absences along with [End Page 346] its inscrutable weird monsters. Alder argues that weird fiction also imagines other ways of knowing as well as other, possibly monstrous, types of knowledge that challenge the epistemological mastery that scientific positivism promised. The weird tale constructs \"enweirded epistemological terrains that validate abcanny realities\" (27). Alder also traces the cultural impact of heterodox movements and practices such as Spiritualism, Theosophy, and occultism, as well as psychical research, on the development of the genre. Such movements, like the fiction these movements inspired, challenged the claims of nineteenth-century science while simultaneously relying upon the cultural validation that science granted. While the first chapter defines the weird and establishes the parameters of her investigation, Alder's second chapter applies the claims of the first by exploring how science serves as a gateway to the weird in Stevenson's The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde (1886) and Machen's The Great God Pan (1894). In both stories, access to the weird is achieved through scientific experimentation. But the monsters this science produces, science which is itself adulterated and made weird by metaphysics, are ones that are nearly impossible to pin down for study. Mr. Hyde and Helen Vaughan, Stevenson's and M","PeriodicalId":45845,"journal":{"name":"VICTORIAN STUDIES","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911122
Reviewed by: Material Inspirations: The Interests of the Art Object in the Nineteenth Century and After by Jonah Siegel Stefano Evangelista (bio) Material Inspirations: The Interests of the Art Object in the Nineteenth Century and After, by Jonah Siegel; pp. xxviii + 373. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2020, $66.00, £49.99. As art reached ever larger audiences over the course of the nineteenth century, there was a corresponding growth in debates about its public value. Practical and theoretical concerns were raised about where and how art works ought to be displayed. Writers, no less than experts and critics, engaged with the challenges of grasping art objects in their material existence—a challenge that generated complex emotions as it tended to make viewers conscious of their own bodies as organs of perception and desire. Starting from these premises, Jonah Siegel's fascinating new book explores how materiality affected both the lived experience of and critical discussions about art, focusing primarily on the second half of the century but frequently also stretching back to Romantic literature and right up to the present day. Material Inspirations: The Interests of the Art Object in the Nineteenth Century and After charts a vast territory. Readers, however, are helpfully given some guiding threads: the reception of classical antiquity; responses to Raphael; the influence of artistic reproduction and display on categories of perception and art writing. At the heart of the book is a sustained analysis of the mediating role played by institutions, notably libraries and museums. These, Siegel explains, "came into their own in the nineteenth century as foils to the onslaught of change that characterized the period," becoming "ideal locations for reflection on the power of material things, especially when those things stand at an angle to the amnesiac drives of modern culture" (52, 53). Siegel is an expert on museum culture. Here, he writes compellingly about how the museum became an increasingly unsatisfactory, puzzling space, which struggled to accommodate the new ways of coming close to art that were facilitated by travel and transport technologies. For a middle-class public that had experienced seeing classical sculpture in sun-flooded archaeological sites and contemplating religious paintings in incense-suffused churches, encountering such objects in museums came across as an act of cultural deracination. Examples from George Eliot and Vernon Lee show how writers were sensitive [End Page 329] to this shift whereby the museum becomes a place not only to know the object but to problematize systems of values and forms of knowledge. The library, as the symbolic space of print culture, complicated responses in a similar fashion. Siegel pays particular attention to how engravings and illustrations mediated the circulation of classical objects, affecting the construction of their cultural value in determining ways. In this process, popul
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911113
Reviewed by: Advocates of Freedom: African American Transatlantic Abolitionism in the British Isles by Hannah-Rose Murray, and: The Ties That Bind: Transatlantic Abolitionism in the Age of Reform, c. 1820–1865 by J. R. Oldfield Padraic X. Scanlan (bio) Advocates of Freedom: African American Transatlantic Abolitionism in the British Isles, by Hannah-Rose Murray; pp. xvi + 372. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020, £47.99, $61.99. The Ties That Bind: Transatlantic Abolitionism in the Age of Reform, c. 1820–1865, by J. R. Oldfield; pp. xiii + 210. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2020, £24.99, $54.99. "I am hardly black enough," Frederick Douglass wrote to a friend in 1846, during a speaking tour of the United Kingdom, "for British taste" (qtd. in Murray 140). Douglass, famously the most photographed person in the nineteenth century, understood that he needed to curate his image carefully for overwhelmingly white British audiences. Many Britons were patriotic abolitionists, finding in the end of the British slave trade in 1807 and of colonial slavery in most of the British empire in 1834 incontrovertible evidence of British moral superiority and imperial virtue. At the same time, Victorian ideas of "civilization" and of Britain's obligation to spread it throughout the colonized world placed white Britons at the pinnacle of an imagined racial and cultural hierarchy. Two new books on abolitionism, Advocates of Freedom: African American Transatlantic Abolitionism in the British Isles by Hannah-Rose Murray and The Ties That Bind: Transatlantic Abolitionism in the Age of Reform, c. 1820–1865 by J. R. Oldfield, use the transatlantic culture of antislavery that Black American lecturers in Britain exemplified to explore the relationship between Britain after the end of slavery in the Caribbean and the United States before the Civil War. Murray's work attends carefully and thoughtfully to the forms of self-presentation and rhetorical strategies that Black orators on tour adopted to reach their audiences. Oldfield's book offers new insights into the internal organization and material culture of mid-nineteenth-century Anglo-American abolitionism. However, where Murray shows how and why Black Americans flattered British audiences to make their arguments, Oldfield is content—much like British audiences in the 1840s and 1850s—to take that flattery at face value. Advocates of Freedom is rooted in archives assembled as part of an impressive effort, led by Murray, to collect, catalogue, and map itineraries followed by Black American activists and lecturers in Britain from the mid-1830s to the turn of the twentieth century. Building [End Page 309] support among the British public for American abolition required, Murray argues, a careful rhetorical strategy of "adaptive resistance" (7). Black activists who visited Britain turned to their advantage the wearying experience of being unable to avoid seeing representations of themselves in a culture grounded i
书评:《自由的倡导者:不列颠群岛上的非裔美国人跨大西洋废奴主义》，汉娜-罗斯·默里著;《捆绑的纽带:改革时代的跨大西洋废奴主义，约1820-1865》，j·r·奥尔德菲尔德·帕德赖克·x·斯坎伦著(传记)《自由的倡导者:不列颠群岛上的非裔美国人跨大西洋废奴主义》，汉娜-罗斯·默里著;第xvi + 372页。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社，2020年，47.99英镑，61.99美元。《捆绑的纽带:改革时代的大西洋废奴主义，约1820-1865》，j·r·奥尔德菲尔德著;Pp. xiii + 210。利物浦:利物浦大学出版社，2020,24.99英镑，54.99美元。1846年，在一次英国巡回演讲中，弗雷德里克·道格拉斯在给一位朋友的信中写道:“就英国人的口味而言，我还不够黑。”Murray 140)。道格拉斯是19世纪出了名的出镜率最高的人，他明白他需要为绝大多数的英国白人观众精心策划自己的形象。许多英国人都是爱国的废奴主义者，他们在1807年英国奴隶贸易的结束和1834年大英帝国大部分地区的殖民奴隶制的结束中发现了英国道德优越感和帝国美德的无可争议的证据。与此同时，维多利亚时代关于“文明”的观念以及英国有义务将其传播到整个殖民地世界的观念，将英国白人置于一种想象中的种族和文化等级的顶峰。两本关于废奴主义的新书，汉娜-罗斯·默里的《自由的倡导者:不列颠群岛上的非裔美国人跨大西洋废奴主义》和j·r·奥尔德菲尔德的《束缚的纽带:改革时代的跨大西洋废奴主义，约1820-1865》，利用美国黑人在英国的讲师所代表的跨大西洋反奴隶制文化，探讨了加勒比地区奴隶制结束后的英国与内战前的美国之间的关系。穆雷的作品细致周到地关注了黑人演说家在巡回演讲中所采用的自我表现形式和修辞策略。奥尔德菲尔德的书对19世纪中期英美废奴主义的内部组织和物质文化提供了新的见解。然而，默里展示了美国黑人如何以及为什么奉承英国观众来表达他们的观点，而奥尔德菲尔德则满足于——就像19世纪40年代和50年代的英国观众一样——把这种奉承看在表面上。《自由的倡导者》根植于由默里领导的一项令人印象深刻的努力的一部分，该努力收集、编目和绘制了从19世纪30年代中期到20世纪之交在英国的美国黑人活动家和讲师所遵循的行程。默里认为，在英国公众中建立对美国废奴的支持需要一种谨慎的“适应性抵抗”的修辞策略(7)。访问英国的黑人积极分子把无法避免在以白人至上为基础的文化中看到自己的表现这一令人厌倦的经历变成了他们的优势。美国黑人明白英国废奴运动的成功，但也明白它的局限性。正如埃里克•威廉姆斯(Eric Williams)在《资本主义与奴隶制》(Capitalism and Slavery, 1944)一书中所言，大英帝国的解放是不完整的。在18世纪的大英帝国，奴隶制造就了资本主义。反奴隶制运动取得了成功，因为英国资本家和他们在议会中的代表更喜欢自由贸易和剥削雇佣劳工，而不是帝国对加勒比糖和奴隶劳工的保护。在解放之前的几十年里，被奴役的人在大英帝国领导了三次主要的叛乱:1816年在巴巴多斯，1823年在英属圭亚那，1831年至1832年的圣诞节和元旦在牙买加。每一次叛乱都受到英国反奴隶制的影响;被奴役的叛军相信英国军队会帮助他们对抗殖民地的奴隶主精英，帮助他们争取自由和土地。但对英国的许多废奴主义领袖来说，尤其是威廉·威尔伯福斯，这些叛乱是可耻的。大英帝国的解放之路——与革命的海地相反，例如——被认为是渐进的，并保留了帝国在加勒比产糖殖民地的权力。正如默里所言，英国的反奴隶制融入了维多利亚时代的“注重(白人)和西方文明、改革和道德原则的意识形态”。英国是“一个由自由定义的国家”，它的牺牲“英勇地将自由赋予了被奴役的人”(50)。美国黑人演说家和表演者必须平衡默里所说的“同化……
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911116
Reviewed by: Continental Tourism, Travel Writing, and the Consumption of Culture, 1814–1900 ed. by Benjamin Colbert and Lucy Morrison Christopher M. Keirstead (bio) Continental Tourism, Travel Writing, and the Consumption of Culture, 1814–1900, edited by Benjamin Colbert and Lucy Morrison; pp. xiv + 343. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $54.99, $54.99 paper, $39.99 ebook. Continental Tourism, Travel Writing, and the Consumption of Culture, 1814–1900 opens with an epigraph from the famous blind traveler James Holman's A Voyage Round the World (1835), where he reflects on the fading ritual of the Grand Tour, once "a matter of serious importance," which the increasing ease and ubiquity of travel had rendered "somewhat ludicrous" (Holman qtd. in Colbert and Morrison 1). Like many travel writers traversing this familiar ground, Holman felt compelled to reinvent his subject, something for which his lack of sight may have proved an advantage: "undistracted by recollections of visual objects," he wrote, he could draw more abundantly on his other senses (Holman qtd. in Colbert and Morrison 2). Much like Holman did for his contemporaries, Benjamin Colbert and Lucy Morrison's present edited volume reimagines the Victorian encounter with Europe. The collection brings new critical and investigative tools to bear on a familiar subject, including increased focus on the body and its senses, beyond sight, in shaping travel experience. Chloe Chard, for instance, examines the popularity of picnicking near the ancient ruins of Pompeii, where consuming simple fare amidst its uncannily preserved domestic spaces offered an especially resonant "way of shifting historical time into the ambit of personal time" (78). Other chapters reflect new attention in travel studies to the multilayered nature of travel writing authorship and the complex editorial interventions that often preceded publication. In terms of scope, the book widens our understanding of the Victorian map of Europe to the north and the east, while also taking up some understudied destinations and subgenres of travel writing along the more beaten path of Western Europe. Continental Tourism is bookended by two chapters examining the means and pace of modern travel and its impact on the body. Morrison's chapter on the brief but notable craze for roller coaster travel in, of all places, post-Napoleonic Paris, serves as a reminder to Victorianists that well before the arrival of the railroad, efforts were already underway to craft a new kind of "consumerist experience of travel-as-motion and travel-as-feeling" (17). As its name indicates, the Montagnes Russes was itself a cultural import from Russia (exchanging sleds and ice for carts and rails) and would become a major international attraction, featured, for instance, in Thomas Moore's The Fudge Family in Paris (1818). (Moore's text, along with other examples of early century travel satire, is the focus of a separate chapter by Colbert.) Hitting the
《大陆旅游、旅行写作和文化消费，1814-1900》，本杰明·科尔伯特和露西·莫里森主编;页14 + 343。Cham，瑞士:Palgrave Macmillan出版社，2020,54.99美元，纸质书54.99美元，电子书39.99美元。《大陆旅游、旅行写作和文化消费，1814-1900》一书以著名盲人旅行家詹姆斯·霍尔曼的《环球旅行》(1835)中的一段题词作为开篇。在这段题词中，他反思了大旅行这种逐渐消失的仪式，这种仪式曾经是“一件非常重要的事情”，但随着旅行的日益便利和无处不在，它变得“有些可笑”(霍尔曼qtd)。像许多穿越这片熟悉土地的旅行作家一样，霍尔曼感到有必要重新塑造他的主题，这可能证明了他失明的优势:“不被视觉物体的回忆所分心”，他写道，他可以更丰富地利用他的其他感官(霍尔曼qtd. 1)。就像霍尔曼为同时代人所做的一样，本杰明·科尔伯特和露西·莫里森现在编辑的这本书重新想象了维多利亚时代与欧洲的相遇。该系列为一个熟悉的主题带来了新的批判性和调查性工具，包括在塑造旅行体验时更加关注身体和感官，超越视觉。例如，Chloe Chard考察了在庞贝古城遗址附近野餐的流行程度，在那里，在其保存完好的家庭空间中消费简单的食物提供了一种特别共鸣的“将历史时间转移到个人时间的范围内的方式”(78)。其他章节反映了旅行研究对旅行写作作者的多层次性质和复杂的编辑干预的新关注，这些干预通常在出版之前。就范围而言，这本书扩大了我们对维多利亚时代欧洲北部和东部地图的理解，同时也采取了一些未被研究的目的地和旅行写作的子类型，沿着西欧更人迹罕至的道路。大陆旅游是由两章审查的手段和现代旅游的步伐及其对身体的影响。莫里森的那一章讲述了在拿破仑时代之后的巴黎，人们对过山车旅行的短暂而引人注目的狂热，提醒了维多利亚时代的人们，早在铁路到来之前，人们就已经在努力打造一种新的“以运动和以感觉旅行的消费主义体验”(17)。正如它的名字所示，俄罗斯山岳本身就是一种来自俄罗斯的文化输入(用雪橇和冰代替马车和轨道)，并将成为一个主要的国际景点，例如托马斯·摩尔的《巴黎的福吉家族》(1818)。(摩尔的文字，以及本世纪初的其他旅行讽刺作品，是科尔伯特单独一章的重点。)在欧洲经历了大约半个世纪的铁路旅行后，罗伯特·路易斯·史蒂文森的《与驴同行的旅行》(1879)仿佛踩了刹车，模拟了我们现在所说的慢旅行:喜欢旅行意味着允许一个人停留更长时间，与沿途遇到的人和地方更紧密地联系在一起。正如这一章的作者珍妮弗·海沃德所强调的，史蒂文森的目的地也是当时人们在西欧所能到达的最远的地方。这个地区“与世隔绝，地形崎岖，充满了强大的神话”吸引了这位苏格兰作家，就像它的宗教异见历史一样，这构成了本书后半部分的大部分重点，海沃德在这部分投入了一些迟来的学术关注(270)。本书的另外两项贡献说明，由于更密切地关注许多旅行作品的互文性，旅行作者的概念得到了极大的丰富。凯文·j·詹姆斯(Kevin J. James)专注于客栈相册复杂的来生，这些相册的内容，尤其是来自大查特鲁兹(Grande Chartreuse)等著名景点的内容，经常被复制在旅行杂志、诗歌和其他单独的作品中。这张Chartreuse专辑收录了托马斯·格雷(Thomas Gray)等英国名人的诗句，据说是被拿破仑统治下的法国士兵偷走的，这让它在……
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911112
Reviewed by: Serving a Wired World: London's Telecommunications Workers and the Making of an Information Capital by Katie Hindmarch-Watson, and: Racing the Street: Race, Rhetoric, and Technology in Metropolitan London, 1840–1900 by Robert J. Topinka Mark W. Turner (bio) Serving a Wired World: London's Telecommunications Workers and the Making of an Information Capital, by Katie Hindmarch-Watson; pp. xi + 270. Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2020, $29.95, $29.95 ebook, £25.00, £25.00 ebook. Racing the Street: Race, Rhetoric, and Technology in Metropolitan London, 1840–1900, by Robert J. Topinka; pp. xii + 182. Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2020, $85.00, $34.95 paper, $34.95 ebook, £71.00, £30.00 paper, £30.00 ebook. It probably comes as no surprise to anyone to learn that race, gender, and class were deeply imbricated in the forms and technologies of communication in the nineteenth century. More surprising, I think, is how little extended work there has been that teases out in granular ways the implications of that imbrication, considering the significance and impacts of a range of rapidly developing communication technologies across the century. Both Katie Hindmarch-Watson's Serving a Wired World: London's Telecommunications Workers and the Making of an Information Capital and Robert J. Topinka's Racing the Street: Race, Rhetoric, and Technology in Metropolitan London, 1840–1900 offer important new insights into the topic and deepen our understanding of a technologized society. Their focus is not the histories of specific technologies (though there is some of that in both books), but the social implications of a society quickly adapting to those technologies. As a historian, Hindmarch-Watson provides a deeply researched, archive-driven account of the labor forces behind the telegraph and the telephone in particular; hers is a labor history of one branch of the nineteenth-century service economy. As a media studies scholar, Topinka brings together a media archaeology approach and actor-network theory to argue that race was a key technology in mediating the proliferation of material things in the urban world. While they explore the concept of technology in distinct and even divergent ways, both studies lead to a consideration of biopolitics in the center of the globalizing, imperial, and highly networked world: London. Hindmarch-Watson's study focuses on the "information conduits" who acted as mediators in the electronic communication systems that came to define the modern, [End Page 306] urban world, from roughly the 1870s to the beginning of World War I (1). As the infrastructure of new communications systems were rolled out—telegraph lines and stations in the city and telegraph poles alongside railways, for example—new occupations emerged, such as telegraphists, telegraph messengers (the infamous "telegraph boys"), and telephone operators (12). The quickly growing workforce became central to the expans
书评:《服务于有线世界:伦敦的电信工人和信息资本的形成》，作者:凯蒂·辛德马奇-沃森;罗伯特·j·托平卡，作者:马克·w·特纳(传记):《服务于有线世界:伦敦的电信工人和信息资本的形成》，作者:凯蒂·辛德马奇-沃森;Pp. xi + 270。加州奥克兰:加州大学出版社，2020年，29.95美元，电子书29.95美元，电子书25.00英镑。罗伯特·j·托平卡著，《街头赛跑:1840-1900年伦敦大都会的种族、修辞和技术》;Pp. xii + 182奥克兰，加州:加州大学出版社，2020年，85.00美元，纸34.95美元，电子书34.95美元，71.00英镑，纸30.00英镑，电子书30.00英镑。在19世纪，种族、性别和阶级深深地交织在交流的形式和技术上，这对任何人来说可能都不足为奇。我认为，更令人惊讶的是，考虑到本世纪一系列快速发展的通信技术的重要性和影响，很少有扩展工作以细致的方式梳理出这种砖块的含义。Katie Hindmarch-Watson的《为有线世界服务:伦敦的电信工人和信息资本的形成》和Robert J. Topinka的《街头赛车:1840-1900年伦敦大都会的种族、修辞和技术》都为这一主题提供了重要的新见解，并加深了我们对技术社会的理解。他们的重点不是特定技术的历史(尽管两本书中都有一些)，而是一个快速适应这些技术的社会的社会含义。作为一名历史学家，欣德马奇-沃森对电报和电话背后的劳动力进行了深入研究，并提供了档案驱动的描述;她的书是19世纪服务经济的一个分支的劳动史。作为一名媒体研究学者，托平卡将媒体考古学方法和行动者网络理论结合在一起，认为种族是调节城市世界物质扩散的关键技术。虽然他们以不同甚至不同的方式探索技术的概念，但这两项研究都导致了对全球化、帝国主义和高度网络化世界中心的生命政治的考虑:伦敦。欣德马奇-沃森的研究集中在“信息管道”上，这些“信息管道”在电子通信系统中扮演着中间人的角色，从大约19世纪70年代到第一次世界大战开始，电子通信系统定义了现代城市世界(1)。随着新通信系统的基础设施(例如，城市中的电报线路和车站以及铁路旁的电线杆)的推出，新的职业出现了，比如电报员，电报员(臭名昭著的“电报员”)和电话接线员(12)。快速增长的劳动力成为行业扩张的核心;这种新劳动力“对自由主义者追求更高效的流动流的愿望至关重要”，因此也是帝国扩张的关键(3)。欣德马奇-沃森发展了她所谓的“体力劳动史”。一个关注“工人和他们所服从的权力之间的积极谈判”和“人类参与前景”的人(4)。亨利·詹姆斯(Henry James)的《在笼子里》(1898)中的电报员，一个奇怪的中间人，调解信息，被文学学者讨论了很多，可能是这种体力劳动的一个例子，但服务于一个有线世界关心的是真实的生活，而不是想象的信息经济生活。例如，关于“身体电报”的一章探讨了该行业中男女电报工作者之间的性别动态(和紧张关系)。关于“电子骚扰”和电报员可能通过辨别“信号的个人风格，如摩尔斯电码声音的时间”来推断信使性别的方式，有一个有趣的讨论(78)。“这种电报式的元通信，”她写道，“是建立在对电线另一端的个体的幻想之上的”(79)。其他一些章节探讨了报务员在伦敦出现的人和地点网络中的作用。1889年的克利夫兰街丑闻(Cleveland Street Scandal)中，报童在伦敦这个“电报之城”穿梭，不仅是作为电信……
{"title":"Serving a Wired World: London's Telecommunications Workers and the Making of an Information Capital by Katie Hindmarch-Watson, and: Racing the Street: Race, Rhetoric, and Technology in Metropolitan London, 1840–1900 by Robert J. Topinka (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/vic.2023.a911112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/vic.2023.a911112","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Serving a Wired World: London's Telecommunications Workers and the Making of an Information Capital by Katie Hindmarch-Watson, and: Racing the Street: Race, Rhetoric, and Technology in Metropolitan London, 1840–1900 by Robert J. Topinka Mark W. Turner (bio) Serving a Wired World: London's Telecommunications Workers and the Making of an Information Capital, by Katie Hindmarch-Watson; pp. xi + 270. Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2020, $29.95, $29.95 ebook, £25.00, £25.00 ebook. Racing the Street: Race, Rhetoric, and Technology in Metropolitan London, 1840–1900, by Robert J. Topinka; pp. xii + 182. Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2020, $85.00, $34.95 paper, $34.95 ebook, £71.00, £30.00 paper, £30.00 ebook. It probably comes as no surprise to anyone to learn that race, gender, and class were deeply imbricated in the forms and technologies of communication in the nineteenth century. More surprising, I think, is how little extended work there has been that teases out in granular ways the implications of that imbrication, considering the significance and impacts of a range of rapidly developing communication technologies across the century. Both Katie Hindmarch-Watson's Serving a Wired World: London's Telecommunications Workers and the Making of an Information Capital and Robert J. Topinka's Racing the Street: Race, Rhetoric, and Technology in Metropolitan London, 1840–1900 offer important new insights into the topic and deepen our understanding of a technologized society. Their focus is not the histories of specific technologies (though there is some of that in both books), but the social implications of a society quickly adapting to those technologies. As a historian, Hindmarch-Watson provides a deeply researched, archive-driven account of the labor forces behind the telegraph and the telephone in particular; hers is a labor history of one branch of the nineteenth-century service economy. As a media studies scholar, Topinka brings together a media archaeology approach and actor-network theory to argue that race was a key technology in mediating the proliferation of material things in the urban world. While they explore the concept of technology in distinct and even divergent ways, both studies lead to a consideration of biopolitics in the center of the globalizing, imperial, and highly networked world: London. Hindmarch-Watson's study focuses on the \"information conduits\" who acted as mediators in the electronic communication systems that came to define the modern, [End Page 306] urban world, from roughly the 1870s to the beginning of World War I (1). As the infrastructure of new communications systems were rolled out—telegraph lines and stations in the city and telegraph poles alongside railways, for example—new occupations emerged, such as telegraphists, telegraph messengers (the infamous \"telegraph boys\"), and telephone operators (12). The quickly growing workforce became central to the expans","PeriodicalId":45845,"journal":{"name":"VICTORIAN STUDIES","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911132
Reviewed by: Marriage and Late-Victorian Dramatists by Mary Christian Eglantina Remport (bio) Marriage and Late-Victorian Dramatists, by Mary Christian; pp. xii + 203. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $99.99, $99.00 paper, $74.99 ebook. Mary Christian opens Marriage and Late-Victorian Dramatists with a re-examination of the widely held view that, when Henrik Ibsen's A Doll's House was first performed at the Novelty Theatre in London in June 1889, it presented Victorian audiences with a marriage plotline that was markedly different from those to which they had been accustomed. She argues that, by offering an ending in which the wife leaves her husband, the play challenged the traditional marriage plotline of British comedies and melodramas, and "the rising and falling action of the well-made play" that was popular at the time (3). She further remarks that, due to its thematic novelty, the play challenged contemporary British playwrights to engage newly with the traditional marriage plotline, by responding to changing social realities at the turn of the century. Christian focuses on five dramatists from the period: Oscar Wilde, Arthur Wing Pinero, Henry Arthur Jones, George Bernard Shaw, and Elizabeth Robins. The first strand of the argument is concerned with the ways in which these dramatists engaged with Ibsen's A Doll's House (Et dukkehjem), first performed at the Royal Theatre in Copenhagen, Denmark in December 1879. Christian's analysis offers a new way of regarding marriage itself as theatrical, a play in which husband and wife each fulfill their socially constructed gender roles. Christian considers the tarantella episode in A Doll's House as the starting point of these [End Page 350] investigations, emphasizing the significance of its meta-theatricality. This argument is intriguing and is well-elaborated in the second chapter, though perhaps there could have been a more sustained engagement with this idea throughout the book as a whole, an approach that would have strengthened Christian's case for Ibsen's influence on British dramatists of the 1890s and 1900s. As it stands, the representation of marriage in the plays of the New Drama movement of the 1890s is often conflated with other issues more generally related to marriage during the period. These include Christian's discussion of a range of issues in the book: marriage legislation in Britain; contemporary divorce cases; the married lives of dramatists; actors playing marital roles; interaction between the actors playing in marriage plots and their audiences (both on-stage and off-stage); critical commentary in newspapers on the marriage plot of a given play; and the rewriting of certain marriage-themed plays as parodies. Each chapter of the book deals with a number of these issues, offering intriguing analyses of the plays of Wilde, Shaw, Pinero, Jones, and Robins. The result is a remarkably informative book on marriage and theater during the late Victorian period, but one i
《婚姻与维多利亚晚期戏剧家》，作者:玛丽·克里斯蒂安·埃格兰蒂娜·雷波特;Pp. xii + 203。Cham，瑞士:Palgrave Macmillan出版社，2020年版，99.99美元，纸质版99.00美元，电子书74.99美元。玛丽·克里斯蒂安在《婚姻与维多利亚晚期戏剧家》一书中重新审视了人们普遍持有的观点，即当亨里克·易卜生的《玩偶之家》于1889年6月在伦敦新奇剧院首次演出时，它向维多利亚时代的观众呈现了一个与他们所习惯的婚姻情节明显不同的婚姻情节。她认为，通过提供妻子离开丈夫的结局，该剧挑战了英国喜剧和情节剧的传统婚姻情节，以及当时流行的“制作精良的戏剧的起起落落的情节”(3)。她进一步评论说，由于其主题新颖，该剧挑战了当代英国剧作家，通过回应世纪之交不断变化的社会现实，以新的方式参与传统婚姻情节。克里斯蒂安着重介绍了这一时期的五位剧作家:奥斯卡·王尔德、阿瑟·温·皮涅罗、亨利·阿瑟·琼斯、乔治·萧伯纳和伊丽莎白·罗宾斯。争论的第一条线是关于这些剧作家对易卜生的《玩偶之家》(Et dukkehjem)的处理方式，易卜生的《玩偶之家》于1879年12月在丹麦哥本哈根的皇家剧院首次演出。克里斯蒂安的分析提供了一种新的方式，将婚姻本身视为戏剧，丈夫和妻子各自履行社会建构的性别角色。Christian认为《玩偶之家》中的tarantella插曲是这些调查的起点，强调了其元戏剧性的重要性。这个论点很有趣，在第二章中得到了很好的阐述，尽管也许在整本书中可以更持续地讨论这个观点，这种方法可以加强克里斯蒂安对易卜生对19世纪90年代和20世纪英国剧作家的影响的论证。事实上，19世纪90年代新戏剧运动的戏剧中对婚姻的表现常常与当时与婚姻有关的其他问题混为一谈。其中包括克里斯蒂安在书中对一系列问题的讨论:英国的婚姻立法;当代离婚案件;剧作家的婚姻生活;扮演婚姻角色的演员;扮演婚姻情节的演员与观众之间的互动(包括舞台上和舞台下);报纸上对某一戏剧的婚姻情节的评论;改写某些以婚姻为主题的戏剧作为戏仿。这本书的每一章都涉及许多这样的问题，对王尔德、萧伯纳、皮涅罗、琼斯和罗宾斯的戏剧进行了有趣的分析。这是一本关于维多利亚时代晚期婚姻和戏剧的内容丰富的书，但其中的主要论点——或者，也许是论点——被淹没在每一段所提供的大量信息中，这些信息往往是离题的。这种微观写作最近变得很流行，但它确实使任何重要的论点都变得模糊不清。克里斯蒂安关于在美国出生的英国女演员兼剧作家罗宾斯的最后一章是对整本书所进行的调查的一个有效的结尾。克里斯汀展示了罗宾斯是一位以舞台为讲坛的妇女参政权论者，她与英国社会中女性的婚姻压迫和边缘化作斗争而成名。分析罗宾斯的舞台剧作品，可以让克里斯蒂安更直接、更有说服力地表达她自己对女性在“最后的结局”戏剧中的表现的担忧，尤其是在更传统的男性剧作家，如皮涅罗和琼斯的作品中。她有效地将罗宾斯的维多利亚时代晚期的《艾伦的妻子》(1893)和爱德华时代晚期的《为妇女投票》联系起来!(1907)、王尔德的《温德米尔夫人的扇子》(1892)、皮涅罗的《唐奎雷夫人二世》(1893)、琼斯的《假面舞会》(1894)、萧伯纳的《念珠达》(1894)等。她指出，在维多利亚时代晚期，无论是在舞台上还是在英国社会，婚姻都经常被视为一种奇观。婚姻是为了……
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911124
Reviewed by: The Sculptural Body in Victorian Literature: Encrypted Sexualities by Patricia Pulham Laura Eastlake (bio) The Sculptural Body in Victorian Literature: Encrypted Sexualities, by Patricia Pulham; pp. x + 226. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2020, $110.00, £75.00. "Please do not touch." From ubiquitous signage to spiky plants intended to deter visitors from sitting on historic furniture, the modern museumgoer understands that touching artworks is a forbidden desire in and of itself. Patricia Pulham's latest book, The Sculptural Body in Victorian Literature: Encrypted Sexualities, takes us back to the period when the museum was first becoming an "eyes only space" and explores the cultural associations between statues and sexuality (24). Pulham focuses on transgressive desires, defined broadly as those that would have been "impossible to acknowledge in the moral climate of the nineteenth century … whether these be homosexuality, Pygmalionism, necrophilia or paedophilia" (1–2). Pulham argues convincingly across each of the five chapters that literature functions as an extension of the museum space. The sculptural body in literature is a site where forbidden touch becomes imaginatively possible. Desire is "encrypted" into the language of sculpture both in the sense of its being hidden or buried, but also its being secretly encoded and available for viewing only by those "in the know" (2). We proceed through "a literary gallery of sculptures" beginning with two full chapters on the most famous instance of statue love: the myth of Pygmalion and the perfect woman he sculpts from marble (25). Pulham reminds us that Ovid's account of the Pygmalion myth is just one of a constellation of variant versions from antiquity and that nineteenth-century writers and artists tended to shy away from Ovid's more explicitly eroticized version. Instead, Victorian receptions used the myth of Pygmalion to navigate ideas of pure and impure heterosexual desire, and parallel tensions between the real and the ideal in art. The story of Pygmalion became a touchstone for late Victorian aestheticism and the Parnassian ideal. With the craft of art often expressed by Théophile Gautier and others through the language of hard substances like marble and gems, the desire to touch statues—whether literally as sculptor or figuratively as poet—can be read as part of a larger Parnassian desire to sculpt thoughts in marble. Pygmalion's desire to sculpt the perfect woman becomes a quest for artistic perfection. Pulham offers the works of Arthur O'Shaughnessy and Thomas Hardy's The Well-Beloved (1897) as examples of a "reverse Pygmalionism which rejects flesh in favour of 'pure' art" but that often renders the living woman a spectral or corpse-like object of artistic desire (74). The remaining chapters look beyond Pygmalion to examine an expanded range of contexts and desires. Chapter 3 explores sculpture and sexuality in the context of Italian collections and the increasin
《维多利亚文学中的雕塑身体:加密的性行为》，作者:帕特里夏·普勒姆;p. x + 226。爱丁堡:爱丁堡大学出版社，2020，$110.00，£75.00。“请不要碰。”从无处不在的标牌到旨在阻止游客坐在历史家具上的尖刺植物，现代博物馆的参观者明白，触摸艺术品本身就是一种被禁止的欲望。帕特里夏·普尔姆的新书《维多利亚文学中的雕塑身体:加密的性》将我们带回到博物馆最初成为“只有眼睛的空间”的时期，并探讨了雕像与性之间的文化联系。Pulham关注的是越界的欲望，将其广义地定义为那些“在19世纪的道德氛围中不可能被承认的……无论是同性恋、皮格马利恋、恋尸癖还是恋童癖”(1-2)。在这五章中，普勒姆令人信服地论证了文学是博物馆空间的延伸。在文学作品中，雕塑般的身体是一个场所，在这里，禁止触摸成为想象中的可能。欲望被“加密”到雕塑的语言中，不仅是因为它被隐藏或埋葬，而且还因为它被秘密地编码，只有那些“知道”的人才能看到(2)。我们继续通过“雕塑文学画廊”，以两个完整的章节开始，讲述最著名的雕像之爱:皮格马利翁的神话和他用大理石雕刻的完美女人(25)。普勒姆提醒我们，奥维德对皮格马里昂神话的描述只是古代众多变体版本中的一个，19世纪的作家和艺术家倾向于回避奥维德更明确的色情版本。相反，维多利亚时代的接待用皮格马利翁的神话来引导异性恋的纯洁和不纯洁的欲望，以及艺术中现实与理想之间的平行紧张关系。皮格马利翁的故事成为维多利亚时代晚期唯美主义和帕纳西理想的试金石。戈蒂埃(th ophile Gautier)和其他人经常通过大理石和宝石等坚硬物质的语言来表达艺术的工艺，触摸雕像的愿望——无论是真正的雕塑家还是象征性的诗人——可以被理解为帕纳西亚人在大理石上雕刻思想的更大愿望的一部分。皮格马利翁塑造完美女性的愿望变成了对艺术完美的追求。普拉姆列举了阿瑟·奥肖内西和托马斯·哈代的《心爱的人》(1897)的作品，作为“反皮格马勒主义”的例子，这种主义拒绝肉体，赞成“纯粹的”艺术，但往往把活着的女人描绘成一个幽灵或像尸体一样的艺术欲望对象(74)。剩下的章节超越了皮格马利翁，考察了更广泛的背景和欲望。第三章探讨了20世纪下半叶意大利收藏品和越来越多的美国游客到罗马的背景下的雕塑和性。普勒姆令人信服地指出，一些雕塑作品——包括观景宫的阿波罗、垂死的角斗士、各种各样的安提诺斯和维纳斯雕像，以及普拉克西特莱斯的羊怪——在当时新兴的大众文化中变得如此出名，以至于它们可以作为小说中普通观众描绘关系和欲望的象征。纳撒尼尔·霍桑(Nathaniel Hawthorne)的《大理石羊神》(1860)是一个中心案例研究，令人印象深刻地证明了文学作为博物馆空间的延伸，以及“美学、性和对雕塑的感官反应之间的相互关系”(20)。不仅“霍桑的眼睛是追踪雕塑的美丽线条的触觉手指”，并且将小说中男性角色之间的同性恋紧张关系记录下来，而且还通过对一系列雕塑朱诺斯、维纳斯、麦当娜和克利奥帕特拉斯的引用，对希尔达和米利亚姆的角色以及他们“同性姐妹关系”的变化给予了应有的关注(116,125)。哈丽特·霍斯默自然对霍桑产生了重要影响，无论是通过她的雕塑作品，她的女性艺术家网络，还是在她的圈子里常见的浪漫友谊或“波士顿婚姻”(114)。这本书的这些部分以令人印象深刻的跨学科的能量，结合插图与信件，日记和旅行写作。…
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911111
Reviewed by: Combating London's Criminal Class: A State Divided, 1869–95 by Matthew Bach Rosalind Crone (bio) Combating London's Criminal Class: A State Divided, 1869–95, by Matthew Bach; pp. x + 191. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020, $112.50, $35.95 paper, $28.76 ebook, £28.99 paper, £26.09 ebook. Over the course of 100 years, approximately between 1770 and 1870, imprisonment—one of several options for the punishment of petty offenders and occasionally felons during the early modern period—became the most common sanction for all types of crime. Imprisonment replaced a range of bodily punishments, from branding and whipping to hanging and transportation. The decline of transportation was particularly protracted. It began with the loss of the American colonies in the mid-1770s, followed by legislation and institutions (including Millbank Penitentiary in London) that enabled judges to sentence some felons, who would otherwise have been transported, to periods of imprisonment instead. The establishment of new penal colonies in Australia from 1788 gave transportation a new lease of life—more than 162,000 convict men and women were shipped to Australia between 1787 and 1868. It was the closure of New South Wales to convicts in the 1840s followed by Van Diemen's Land in 1853 that dramatically reduced the numbers being transported and finally forced the British government to construct a system of land-based prisons to accommodate serious offenders serving long sentences of imprisonment (then called penal servitude). The release of convicts back into British society after serving a term of imprisonment in domestic prisons was not new. However, the official end of transportation captured the public imagination and helped to stoke fears about the existence of a so-called criminal class, the members of which, contemporaries argued, were uncivilized and undisciplined habitual offenders who rejected honest labor and made their living entirely from crime. The need to do something about this criminal class was given a sense of urgency by the garroting panics—two waves of violent street crime supposedly committed by convicted felons released from prison with tickets of leave (on probation) in 1856 and 1862. The legislation that followed, crafted specifically to bring the criminal class under control, is the subject of Matthew Bach's book Combating London's Criminal Class: A State Divided, 1869–95. As Bach rightly points out, the 1869 Habitual Criminals Act was some years in the making. It built upon earlier legislation on penal servitude passed in 1853, 1857, and 1864, which introduced tickets of leave, conditions for license holders, and tougher sanctions for repeat offenders. As the Acts of 1857 and 1864 were passed in the wake of [End Page 304] the garroting panics, some historians have argued that they were knee-jerk reactions to address public alarm. The 1869 Habitual Criminals Act followed the cessation of transportation to the last remaining penal colony
书评:《打击伦敦的犯罪阶级:一个分裂的国家，1869-95》，作者:马修·巴赫;p. x + 191。伦敦:布卢姆斯伯里学术出版社，2020年，112.50美元，纸质书35.95美元，电子书28.76美元，纸质书28.99英镑，电子书26.09英镑。在大约1770年至1870年的100年间，监禁——现代早期对轻罪罪犯和偶尔重罪犯的几种惩罚方式之一——成为对所有类型犯罪最常见的制裁手段。监禁取代了一系列身体上的惩罚，从烙印、鞭打到绞刑和运输。交通运输的衰落尤其旷日持久。它始于18世纪70年代中期美国殖民地的丧失，随后的立法和机构(包括伦敦的米尔班克监狱)使法官能够判处一些重罪犯，否则他们将被转移到监禁期。从1788年开始，在澳大利亚建立了新的流放地，给交通带来了新的生机——1787年至1868年间，超过16.2万名罪犯被运往澳大利亚。19世纪40年代，新南威尔士州对囚犯关闭，随后1853年，范·迪门斯岛(Van Diemen’s Land)也关闭了监狱，这大大减少了囚犯的数量，最终迫使英国政府建立了一个陆上监狱系统，以容纳长期服刑的严重罪犯(当时被称为劳役)。在国内监狱服刑一段时间后，罪犯被释放回英国社会并不是什么新鲜事。然而，官方终止交通运输的做法抓住了公众的想象力，并助长了人们对所谓犯罪阶层存在的恐惧。当时的人认为，这一阶层的成员是不文明、不守纪律的惯犯，他们拒绝诚实劳动，完全靠犯罪为生。1856年和1862年，两波街头暴力犯罪被认为是由出狱(缓刑)的重罪犯犯下的，这让人们对这一犯罪阶层采取措施的必要性有了紧迫感。马修·巴赫(Matthew Bach)在《打击伦敦的犯罪阶级:分裂的国家，1869-95》(combat London’s criminal class: A State Divided, 1869-95)一书中提到了随后专门为控制犯罪阶级而制定的立法。正如巴赫正确指出的那样，1869年的《惯犯法案》已经酝酿了好几年。它建立在1853年、1857年和1864年通过的关于刑罚奴役的早期立法的基础上，这些立法引入了休假票、执照持有人的条件以及对屡犯者更严厉的制裁。由于1857年和1864年的法案是在这场令人窒息的恐慌之后通过的，一些历史学家认为，它们是为了应对公众恐慌而做出的下意识反应。1869年的《惯犯法案》是在1868年停止向最后一个流放地西澳大利亚运送犯人之后颁布的。然而，巴赫引起了人们对其他因素的关注，尤其是著名的刑罚改革者和1857年成立的社会科学协会(SSA)所起的作用。回顾过去，巴赫认为1869年法案的路径比以前认为的要连贯得多。随着时间的推移，立法越来越多地反映了马修·达文波特·希尔(Matthew Davenport Hill)在19世纪50年代初设计的处理释放罪犯的蓝图。然而，历史学家应该始终警惕后见之明往往带来的清晰。希尔和他在国安局的同事起草的《惯犯法案》得到了国会议员的实质性修改。正如巴赫所言，不仅法案的严峻性降低了，而且至关重要的是，会议结束时的匆忙意味着错误要么被忽视，要么被引入，使立法在很大程度上无效。两年后，该法案被废除，取而代之的是1871年的《预防犯罪法案》。巴赫研究的其余部分分析了这项立法在1895年之前在伦敦的有效性，重点关注其三个核心要素:建立和使用惯犯登记册，警察监督执照持有人和惯犯，以及对惯犯施加更严厉的刑罚。历史学家此前认为，1869年《惯犯法》和1871年《预防犯罪法》条款的综合效果是……
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