Space Policy最新文献

The Cheollian Satellite 2A called Geo-Kompsat-2A is a geostationary meteorological satellite operated by Korea Meteorological Administration for weather and space-weather observation purposes. This article seeks to evaluate the public value arising from improving the accuracy of early detection of cumulonimbus using Geo-Kompsat-2A. To this end, an economic technique called contingent valuation (CV) is adopted taking a three step approach. In step 1, a CV questionnaire was prepared for deriving the willingness to pay (WTP) for the improvement. In step 2, a nationwide survey of 1000 households was conducted using the CV questionnaire and employing person-to-person interviews with household visits. In step 3, the average WTP was estimated. The yearly household average WTP was KRW 2143 (USD 1.91), securing statistical significance. Adjusting this value to suit the entire population of South Korea produces a yearly public value of KRW 44.1 billion (USD 39.3 million). Although it is not easy to accurately evaluate the costs involved in the improvement, the results of conducting a pilot cost-benefit analysis suggest that the improvement secures social desirability.

This research examines perceptions of failure at the US National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and NASA's “faster, better, cheaper” movement of the 1990s, identifying how subsequent perceptions, policies, and practices reflect and react to this former ideology in regards to perceptions of failure. Thirty-one NASA participants were surveyed regarding their definitions of failure and perceptions of causes of failure. Regarding failure, participants believed optimistic schedule and budget planning leads to failures and also believed that NASA was neutral on prioritizing prevention of budget overruns and schedule delays. Participants often defined and perceived failures in three areas of schedule, performance, and cost objectives, which are similar to the terms “faster, better, cheaper.” Associated NASA documentation, including strategic plans, is investigated, identifying that language regarding failure and success at NASA often involves these three areas. The examination of NASA documentation suggests potential evolution in policy, subsequent to the faster, better, cheaper era. Potential impacts in NASA policy and practice resulting from the FBC ideology are introduced: an absence and return to language of risk acceptance, a continued emphasis on science mission funding, and a gradual reduction in NASA civil servant workforce. The findings of this research provide insight into the operationalization of the three areas emphasized in the faster, better, cheaper ideology, their use in NASA documentation, and acknowledgment by NASA participants.

A range of media—including science fiction television programs and films, news outlets, and social media platforms—present messages about space exploration by the US government (NASA) and private companies (such as SpaceX). With this in mind, the present study examines how different forms of media use predict support for space exploration. In doing so, it builds on theoretical accounts of genre-specific cultivation effects, news framing effects, and social media effects. The analyses use data from three national surveys conducted in 2016, 2020, and 2021. The results indicate that science fiction viewing predicts greater support for both government and privatelyfunded space exploration. The results yield mixed evidence on whether television news viewing predicts such support and little evidence that social media use does so. The study's findings highlight the potential role of science fiction in shaping public opinion about space exploration—which, in turn, may influence space policy.

Protection against the effects of space radiation poses great technical and medical challenges for future human missions and is of interparliamentary concern requiring alignment of multiple scientific, clinical, and ethical parameters. In our article, we highlight the inadequacy of current countermeasures, which may justify the use of human enhancement (HE), or biomedical technologies to increase astronaut protection from the harmful space environment, protect lifespan longevity and increase the chance of survival during spaceflight or as colonists on other worlds. The deleterious effects of space radiation on the human body may justify even the most radical forms of HE, which may incorporate gene editing. As a thought experiment, we propose that an ethical assessment should depend on the anchor and purpose of the mission and we discuss differences and similarities between the bioethics of space missions and military ethics on Earth.

The European Union (EU) has put in place a unique multilateral governance model for its EU Space Surveillance & Tracking (EU SST) capability, which reconciles the need for increased autonomy in ensuring the resilience of space-based infrastructure for the European community with the requirements posed by sovereign security concerns. Implemented by a consortium of EU member states, EU SST has been in operation since 2016, and today it serves a growing user community of European organisations with SST services including Collision Avoidance. The participating entities channel diverse contributions into an operational sensor, data sharing, and service provision framework, while integrating the European ecosystem of industry and research and development. From the perspective of the EU SST partners, this paper reviews recent governance and operations, and highlights emerging developments in light of the European Union space programme, including its intersections with Space Traffic Management.

Commercial lunar resource extraction activities could become a reality in the mid to long term. Under the existing Outer Space Treaty, there is ambiguity regarding the legal context within which such activities could occur. The Artemis Accords, signed in 2020, are proposed as a mechanism by which space resource extraction activities could take place, with a key proposal of the Accords being the use of Safety Zones to facilitate lunar resource extraction. Whilst the use of Safety Zones is ostensibly proposed for small scale In Situ Resource Utilisation (ISRU) activities focussed on lunar water production, messaging around the Artemis Accords has indicated that there may be an intent to use them to set precedent for longer term, larger scale commercial resource activity. This article explores the practicability of using Safety Zones for large scale commercial lunar resource extraction from the perspective of the commercial entities that could undertake such activities. Conceptual long term demand for water sourced from ice contained in the lunar Permanently Shadowed Regions (PSRs) is derived, and the surface area required to produce sufficient water to meet this market demand determined. Due to the potential characteristics of water ice occurrence in the lunar PSRs, the footprint of operations could be substantial, and virtually without precedent in the terrestrial extractive resource industries. The article concludes that the use of the Safety Zones proposed in the Artemis Accords could be impractical for the governance of large scale commercial lunar resource production. It is suggested that whilst small scale ISRU activities take place under the auspices of the Artemis Accords, efforts are continued to develop a multilateral governance framework acceptable to both the international community and to the commercial sector for the potential large scale development of lunar resources.

Why did President John F. Kennedy call on the nation to send Americans to the moon? And why did his successors see the expensive and risky Apollo program to completion even after his death? Drawing from the literature on presidential decision-making, I argue Kennedy's announcement was both ordinary and epiphenomenal. Using archival materials spanning the Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon administrations, this article augments existing research and contends the 35th president constrained his own options by criticizing the outgoing Eisenhower administration for allowing a “missile gap” during the 1960 presidential campaign. After learning it did not exist, JFK's own crisis rhetoric set expectations and forced him to compete with the Soviets in a new arena at the height of the Cold War. His assassination made it politically risky for his successors to alter the lunar program, relegating both Johnson and Nixon to claim residual credit and avoid blame for diminishing the American crewed space exploration program. Reevaluating the historical role of the president in achieving one of the most significant government-led endeavors in history reveals how Kennedy's past actions inadvertently drove the development of space policy at mid-century.

The relationship between the civil and defence industries in China has undergone institutional changes from separation to combination and integration. Civil–military integration (CMI) was uplifted as a national-level strategy in 2015. Outer space was prioritised in the 2015 strategy, which presents an interesting opportunity for a review of its particularity and potentiality in China. The application of the CMI to space activities is a product of national policies related to economic development and technological advancement instead of a result of a military modernisation campaign. The CMI strategy holds the potential of being an enabler for space activities in China to accommodate the market-oriented approach and conform to the implementation practice of CMI in other advanced space countries. However, reform efforts remain at the early stages of development. Its operationalisation under the state-led development approach is characterised by uncertainty, ambiguity, and fluidity. The reforms are demanding in terms of tackling the entrenched issues of breaking down civil–military barriers and managing the contradiction between the traditional state-led approach and the revolutionary market-oriented approach. Specifically, it is in need of basic infrastructure to facilitate the development of commercial space, including a high-level, coherent framework of policy guidelines and the improvement of governance structure and institutional mechanisms through the enactment of a space law.

We propose a historical analysis of the Brazilian space budget based on activities. The main contribution of this article is to consider Brazilian space public budget data in the context of an international classification that allows a better understanding of the priorities set by Brazil in its space sector over the last two decades. Brazilian space policy and activities have suffered from varying budgets ever since the inception of the space program. This follows the pattern of the Science, Technology, and Innovation sector, but there are also issues regarding the space sector itself. Launching centers and Earth observation are identified as the two priority areas for the Brazilian space program. One of the findings of this research is that the funding for research institutions has decreased over time, which was not that clear from previous data.