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On How the Human Rights Framework Can Contribute to Inclusive Trade Agreements 人权框架如何促进包容性贸易协定
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2023006
Caroline Dommen
There is a growing willingness to include inclusivity and sustainability provisions in trade agreements. This has gone hand-in-hand with a new trend in trade policy circles to acknowledge the differential impacts of trade. These developments offer an unprecedented opportunity to deepen reflection about ways of anticipating what possible impacts of new trade agreements might be, how to avoid adverse impacts, and how to design flanking and mitigating measures. This article considers the pertinence of a human rights-based approach for identifying economic, social and environmental impacts. Noting that discussion about human rights in the trade context has been hampered by misunderstandings, the article clarifies the legal basis for undertaking human rights impact assessment (HRIA) and what a human rights approach can achieve. It demonstrates that the function of HRIA goes beyond determining impacts of trade rules on human rights, to be a tool for ascertaining whether trade is fulfilling its intended societal functions. The article draws on a recent ex ante assessment of the European Free Trade Area (EFTA)-Mercosur trade agreement (EMFTA) to illustrate how HRIA methodology can be applied. Referring to this and other HRIAs, it concludes that human rights-based methodologies are well-suited to assess potential impacts of planned trade agreements, and that such assessment is a promising route towards trade agreements that are inclusive, robust, and supportive of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).International trade, trade negotiations, Mercosur, EFTA, inclusive trade, human rights, impact assessment, sustainability impact assessment
人们越来越愿意将包容性和可持续性条款纳入贸易协定。这与贸易政策界承认贸易差异影响的新趋势密切相关。这些事态发展提供了一个前所未有的机会,可以深入思考如何预测新贸易协议可能产生的影响,如何避免不利影响,以及如何设计辅助和缓解措施。本文考虑了以人权为基础的方法来确定经济、社会和环境影响的相关性。注意到贸易背景下关于人权的讨论因误解而受阻,该条阐明了进行人权影响评估的法律依据以及人权方法可以实现的目标。它表明,人权影响评估的职能不仅仅是确定贸易规则对人权的影响,而是确定贸易是否履行其预期社会职能的工具。本文借鉴了最近对欧洲自由贸易区(EFTA)-南方共同市场贸易协定(EMFTA)的事前评估,以说明如何应用HRIA方法。在提到这一点和其他HRA时,报告得出结论,基于人权的方法非常适合评估计划中的贸易协议的潜在影响,这种评估是达成包容性、强有力和支持可持续发展目标的贸易协议很有希望的途径,人权、影响评估、可持续性影响评估
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引用次数: 0
Quantifying the Impact of the Latest US Tariff Sanctions on Russia: A Sectoral Analysis 量化美国最新关税制裁对俄罗斯的影响:行业分析
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2023003
Simon Schropp, O. Latipov, Christian Lau, Kornel Mahlstein
In addition to the existing import ban on energy products (oil, gas, coal), the United States recently announced a new sanction package that imposes significantly higher import tariffs on 570 product groups from Russia. These tariff increases affect more than USD 2 billion in US imports from Russia.Using a sector-specific partial-equilibrium (PE) model, we quantify the impact of these US tariff increases. We find that the new tariffs affect 8.7% of total US imports from Russia and may decrease Russian welfare by USD 181 million per year, while imposing annual costs of USD 90 million on US consumers.Our sectoral analysis shows that the US’ choice of target sectors produces mixed results. On one hand, the sanctions cover dozens of sectors whose inclusion produce particularly large welfare losses to Russia and/or high welfare gains to the US Yet, for several target sectors higher tariffs result in zero harm to Russia, and/or greater harm to the US than to Russia. For example, higher tariffs for several selected sectors result in zero harm to Russia, and/or greater harm to the United States than to Russia. These and other insights may provide guidance for the design of future tariff sanctions by the European Union (EU) and other Allies.International trade, war in Ukraine, economic sanctions, import tariffs, economic impact, partial equilibrium, sectoral analysis, welfare analysis, pass-through, tariff revenue, Russia, United States, European Union
除了现有的能源产品(石油、天然气、煤炭)进口禁令外,美国最近宣布了一项新的制裁方案,对来自俄罗斯的570种产品征收明显更高的进口关税。这些关税增加影响了美国从俄罗斯进口的超过20亿美元。使用特定行业的部分均衡(PE)模型,我们量化了这些美国关税增加的影响。我们发现,新关税影响了美国从俄罗斯进口总额的8.7%,可能使俄罗斯的福利每年减少1.81亿美元,同时使美国消费者每年承担9000万美元的成本。我们的行业分析显示,美国对目标行业的选择产生了好坏参半的结果。一方面,制裁涵盖了数十个行业,这些行业对俄罗斯的福利损失特别大,对美国的福利收益也很高。然而,对于一些目标行业,更高的关税对俄罗斯的伤害为零,对美国的伤害大于对俄罗斯的伤害。例如,对几个选定的部门征收更高的关税对俄罗斯的伤害为零,对美国的伤害大于对俄罗斯的伤害。这些见解和其他见解可能为欧洲联盟(欧盟)和其他盟国设计未来的关税制裁提供指导。国际贸易,乌克兰战争,经济制裁,进口关税,经济影响,局部均衡,部门分析,福利分析,传递,关税收入,俄罗斯,美国,欧盟
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引用次数: 1
Cultural Services in Australia and New Zealand’s Preferential Trade Agreements 澳大利亚和新西兰优惠贸易协定中的文化服务
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2023002
G. Gagné, Camille Jean-Desnoyers
This article (1) summarizes the provisions relating to cultural services in the preferential trade agreements (PTAs) to which Australia and New Zealand belong, and (2) discusses the scope of these provisions, in light of the cultural policy measures involved and states’ resulting ability to pursue cultural policies. Not only have Australia and New Zealand pursued some of the world’s most ambitious cultural policies, these two partner countries at times took unusual positions on the trade and culture debate. Yet, both have resolutely positioned themselves toward the ‘culture’ side of the debate, with either some of the most far-reaching exceptions or modest commitments relating to the cultural sector in their respective PTAs.Australia, New Zealand, cultural policies, trade and culture debate, trade liberalization, preferential trade agreements, cultural provisions, cultural services, cultural exceptions, cultural commitments
本文(1)总结了澳大利亚和新西兰所属的优惠贸易协定(pta)中与文化服务相关的条款,(2)根据所涉及的文化政策措施和各国实施文化政策的能力,讨论了这些条款的范围。澳大利亚和新西兰不仅推行了一些世界上最雄心勃勃的文化政策,而且这两个伙伴国有时在贸易和文化辩论中采取不同寻常的立场。然而,双方都坚定地将自己定位于辩论的“文化”方面,在各自的pta中,要么是一些最深远的例外,要么是与文化部门有关的适度承诺。澳大利亚,新西兰,文化政策,贸易和文化辩论,贸易自由化,优惠贸易协定,文化条款,文化服务,文化例外,文化承诺
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引用次数: 0
A New Digital Economy Collaboration in the Indo-Pacific: Negotiating Digital Trade in the Australia-India CECA 印度-太平洋地区新的数字经济合作:在澳大利亚-印度经济合作区内谈判数字贸易
4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2023001
Andrew D. Mitchell, Neha Mishra
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引用次数: 0
ASEAN and the Regime Complex for Digital Trade in the Asia-Pacific 东盟与亚太地区数字贸易体制综合体
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022038
Gregory P. Corning
How does the complexity and fragmentation of digital trade governance shape the digital trade strategies of members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)? And how are these strategies, in turn, shaping digital governance in the region? Drawing on the regime complexity literature in international relations, this article examines the different digital strategies used by three ASEAN members – Singapore, Vietnam, and Indonesia – to navigate between the regulatory approaches of the United States and China. The article highlights the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA) as a key venue for increasing cooperation and consistency of digital trade rules in the Asia-Pacific. If the US pushes for a binding digital trade agreement as part of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), the loose, modular cooperation of DEPA would become more attractive to ASEAN members. Yet, even a modest DEPA that chooses to emphasize breadth of membership over deep liberalization would still represent progress in reducing regime complexity.digital trade, e-commerce, cross-border data flows, regime complex, ASEAN, Digital Economy Partnership Agreement, Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, Singapore, Vietnam, Indonesia
数字贸易治理的复杂性和碎片化如何影响东盟成员国的数字贸易战略?这些战略反过来又如何影响该地区的数字治理?借助国际关系中有关政权复杂性的文献,本文考察了三个东盟成员国——新加坡、越南和印度尼西亚——在美国和中国的监管方法之间进行导航时使用的不同数字战略。文章强调,《数字经济伙伴关系协定》(DEPA)是加强亚太地区数字贸易规则合作和一致性的关键场所。如果美国推动一项具有约束力的数字贸易协定,作为印度-太平洋经济框架(IPEF)的一部分,那么DEPA的松散、模块化合作将对东盟成员国更具吸引力。然而,即使是一个适度的DEPA,选择强调成员的广度而不是深度自由化,仍然代表着在减少制度复杂性方面的进步。数字贸易、电子商务、跨境数据流、制度综合体、东盟、数字经济伙伴关系协定、印度-太平洋经济框架、新加坡、越南、印度尼西亚
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引用次数: 0
Jurisdictional Conflict Between the World Trade Organization and Regional Trade Agreements: Res Judicata Revisited 世界贸易组织与区域贸易协定之间的管辖权冲突——《司法判例法》再探
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022037
Joel Soon
This article discusses the long-standing issue of jurisdictional conflict in World Trade Organisation (WTO) jurisprudence, which has, in the recent decades, been exacerbated by the proliferation of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). An examination of WTO jurisprudence reveals that jurisdictional conflict stems from the lack of choice of forum clauses in WTO-covered agreements, and the lack of a hierarchy of sources in international law. While there exists legal basis for the application of general principles of international law such as res judicata, a careful analysis demonstrates that there is conceptual difficulty applying the doctrine in the context of WTO disputes. To remedy this, the article argues that the WTO Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) could be amended to allow for the operation of res judicata.WTO, res judicata, jurisdiction conflict, regional trade agreements, general principles of law, Dispute Settlement Understanding
本文讨论了世界贸易组织(WTO)判例中长期存在的管辖权冲突问题,近几十年来,区域贸易协定的扩散加剧了这一问题。对世贸组织判例的审查表明,管辖权冲突源于世贸组织所涵盖的协议中缺乏对法院条款的选择,以及国际法中缺乏来源层次。虽然适用既判力等国际法一般原则有法律依据,但仔细分析表明,在世贸组织争端中适用该原则在概念上存在困难。为了弥补这一点,文章认为,可以对《WTO争端解决谅解》进行修订,以允许既判力的运作。WTO、既判力、管辖权冲突、区域贸易协定、一般法律原则、争端解决谅解
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引用次数: 1
Special and Differential Treatment as If It Could Be Reformed 似乎可以改革的特殊和差别待遇
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022036
P. Sauvé
The central question posed by the longstanding debate among World Trade Organization (WTO) Members over special and differential treatment (S&DT) is how best to address legitimate demands for differentiation. Should this be done by replacing the self-designation of development status by a set of objective metrics distinguishing different categories of WTO Members? Or should Members alternatively focus their efforts on addressing objectively assessed capacities and needs in a more customized manner and on a case by case and agreement-specific basis? This note’s review of the S&DT debate suggests that rather than focusing on the divisive issue of development status, where prospects for consensus appear non-existent, WTO Members should design S&DT support focusing on objectively assessed negotiating and implementation needs to which targeted Aid for Trade would respond. A forward-looking approach to differentiation within the WTO requires that an altogether different narrative on trade and development take root in the organization, one that ascribes to trade (and to trade policy) a key supportive role in development trajectories. All too often, S&DT demands are formulated as if multilateral rules are inherently inimical to the development needs and aspirations of the world’s poorest nations. The note advances several reform options in charting a forward-looking S&DT agenda.Trade and development, trade governance, developing countries, least developed countries, special and differential treatment, World Trade Organization
世界贸易组织(WTO)成员之间关于特殊和差别待遇(S&DT)的长期争论所提出的核心问题是如何最好地解决对差别待遇的合法要求。是否应该用一套区分不同WTO成员类别的客观指标来取代对发展状况的自我认定?或者,成员是否应该以更有针对性的方式,在具体情况和具体协议的基础上,集中精力解决客观评估的能力和需求?本报告对S&DT辩论的回顾表明,WTO成员不应将重点放在发展状况这一存在分歧的问题上,因为在这一问题上达成共识的前景似乎并不存在,而应设计S&DT支持,重点放在客观评估的谈判和实施需求上,有针对性的贸易援助将对这些需求做出回应。要想在世贸组织内部实现差异化,就必须在该组织内建立一种完全不同的贸易和发展叙事,将贸易(和贸易政策)视为发展轨迹中的关键支持性作用。通常情况下,S&DT的要求被表述得好像多边规则本质上不利于世界上最贫穷国家的发展需求和愿望。该说明在制定前瞻性S&DT议程方面提出了若干改革方案。贸易与发展,贸易治理,发展中国家,最不发达国家,特殊与差别待遇,世界贸易组织
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引用次数: 0
Export Rebates and the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism: WTO Law and Environmental Objections 出口退税与欧盟碳边界调整机制:WTO法律与环境异议
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022040
Giulia Claudia Leonelli
The EU proposal for a carbon border adjustment mechanism (‘CBAM’) has triggered a lively academic and policy debate. In June 2022, the European Parliament put forward amendments regarding the potential introduction of export rebates under the EU Emission Trading System (‘ETS’) and the CBAM. This article focuses on this specific proposal, enquiring into the WTO law compatibility of ETS/CBAM export rebates. First, it enquires whether the ‘pecuniary burden’ associated with compliance with the CBAM would qualify as a ‘charge’ that is ‘equivalent to an internal tax’ and that is ‘imposed consistently with Article III:2 GATT’. Second, it suggests that the ‘pecuniary burden’ associated with compliance with the ETS/ CBAM is unlikely to qualify as an adjustable product tax; the analysis draws on a close examination of relevant provisions in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994 and the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (‘SCMA’). Finally, the article develops some brief considerations on the detrimental environmental effects of export rebates. As the article concludes, the regulatory design of the CBAM is not perfect; export rebates, however, would make this scheme considerably worse.Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, Carbon Border Measures, Export Rebates, Border Tax Adjustment, Tax, Charge, GATT 1994, Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, Emission Trading System
欧盟关于碳边界调整机制的提议引发了激烈的学术和政策辩论。2022年6月,欧洲议会提出了关于在欧盟排放交易体系(“ETS”)和CBAM下可能引入出口退税的修正案。本文主要针对这一具体建议,探讨ETS与CBAM出口退税在WTO法律上的兼容性。首先,它询问与遵守CBAM相关的“金钱负担”是否符合“相当于内部税”的“费用”,并且“符合GATT第三条第2款的规定”。其次,它表明,与遵守ETS/CBAM相关的“金钱负担”不太可能成为可调整的产品税;该分析是在仔细审查1994年《关税及贸易总协定》(GATT)和《补贴和反补贴措施协定》(CMA)中的相关条款的基础上进行的。最后,文章对出口退税对环境的不利影响提出了一些简要的考虑。文章认为,CBAM的监管设计并不完善;然而,出口退税将使这一计划变得更加糟糕。碳边界调整机制、碳边界措施、出口退税、边界税收调整、税收、收费、GATT1994、补贴和反补贴措施协定、排放交易制度
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引用次数: 0
Special Economic Zones: The Subnational- National-International Nexus in China’s Integration With the International Economic Order 经济特区:中国融入国际经济秩序的次国家国际纽带
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022042
Chenxi Wang
This article investigates China’s Special Economic Zones (SEZs) strategy in the context of China’s integration with the international economic order by concurrently examining China’s internal and external economic policy. It expounds the experimental development path of a massive unitary country which strives to balance between the international pressure against the background of economic globalization and the internal unevenness across different regions. Based on case study of SEZs in different historical times, this article explores a subnational-national-international nexus in China’s integration with the international economic order. This article highlights that, throughout the history, the Chinese central government persistently mobilizes certain regions and names them as SEZs to experiment innovative policies, so as to facilitate the enactment of foreign economic policies and the engagement in international trade and investment negotiations. This study opens the black box of the Chinese State and tells a complementary story regarding China’s interaction with international economic law from a structural perspective. It provides a springboard for future studies of China’s engagement with the rules-based global economy in a world where the international economic legal order recursively travels across international, national and local levels.China, Special Economic Zones, International Economic Order, Regional Trade Agreements, Bilateral Investment Treaties, Shenzhen SEZ, Shanghai FTZ, Hainan FTP, Subnational-national-international Nexus
本文通过考察中国的内外部经济政策,探讨了中国在融入国际经济秩序的背景下的经济特区战略。阐述了一个庞大的单一国家在经济全球化背景下努力平衡国际压力和不同地区内部不均衡之间的实验性发展道路。本文通过对不同历史时期经济特区的个案研究,探讨了中国融入国际经济秩序过程中的国家以下国际关系。这篇文章强调,在整个历史上,中国中央政府一直在动员某些地区并将其命名为经济特区,以试验创新政策,从而促进对外经济政策的制定和国际贸易和投资谈判。本研究打开了中国政府的黑匣子,从结构的角度告诉了中国与国际经济法互动的补充故事。它为未来研究中国参与基于规则的全球经济提供了一个跳板,在这个世界上,国际经济法律秩序在国际、国家和地方层面上循环流动。中国、经济特区、国际经济秩序、区域贸易协定、双边投资条约、深圳经济特区、上海自由贸易区、海南FTP、次国家国际关系网
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引用次数: 0
Implementing and Enhancing Labour Standards Through FTAs? A Critical Analysis of the Panel Report in the EU-Korea Case 通过自由贸易协定实施和提高劳工标准?对欧盟-韩国案专家组报告的批判性分析
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022039
Chunlei Zhao
The EU has been a long-time advocate of including labour provisions in trade agreements. The labour provisions in the EU’s Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) have gone through intergenerational development and become a staple practice. Moreover, recent years witnessed the EU’s strengthened enforcement of labour commitments made in FTAs by trade partners. In 2018, the EU initiated a dispute settlement process against Korea based on the EU-Korea FTA, which is the first and, up to now, the only case on alleged violations of labour provisions in an EU FTA. In the published report, the Panel makes findings on three key jurisdictional and substantive issues: the requirement of a trade-labour linkage, the incorporation of International Labour Organization (ILO) labour standards into the FTA, and the obligation to ratify the fundamental ILO Conventions. Based on a critical analysis, the Panel’s decisions arguably not only left much to be desired at the technical level, but may exert an unpleasant effect on the development of the relationship between labour protection and FTAs. Nevertheless, the EUKorea case provides an important opportunity to revisit the appropriateness of using FTAs to implement and enhance labour standards, including enforcing labour provisions through a dispute settlement process.Dispute Settlement, Free Trade Agreements, Labour Standards, The EU-Korea Labour Dispute, Trade-Labour Linkage
欧盟长期以来一直主张在贸易协定中加入劳工条款。欧盟自由贸易协定(fta)中的劳工条款经历了代际发展,成为一种惯例。此外,近年来,欧盟加强了对贸易伙伴在自由贸易协定中作出的劳工承诺的执行力度。2018年,欧盟根据韩欧自贸协定启动了针对韩国的争端解决程序,这是欧盟自贸协定中第一个也是迄今为止唯一一个涉嫌违反劳动条款的案件。在发表的报告中,小组就三个关键的司法和实质性问题作出调查结果:贸易-劳工联系的要求、将国际劳工组织(劳工组织)的劳工标准纳入自由贸易协定以及批准劳工组织各项基本公约的义务。根据一项批判性的分析,可以说,专家组的决定不仅在技术层面上留下了许多不足之处,而且可能对劳动保护与自由贸易协定之间关系的发展产生不愉快的影响。然而,欧盟与韩国的案例提供了一个重要的机会,可以重新审视利用自由贸易协定实施和提高劳工标准的适当性,包括通过争端解决程序执行劳工条款。争端解决,自由贸易协定,劳工标准,欧盟-韩国劳资纠纷,贸易-劳工联动
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引用次数: 1
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