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Reforming the BRI from the Inside: Japan’s Contribution via Soft Law Diplomacy 从内部改革“一带一路”:日本软法外交的贡献
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022019
Alisher Umirdinov
‘Deep-free trade agreements (FTA)-maker-multilateralist’ nations are obliged to find unconventional ways to co-exist with China in countries along the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); and this obligation is becoming more obvious. There is a possibility for Japan’s involvement in enlisting soft law mechanisms in order to ensure China’s BRI projects conform to high standards; and this serves as a main argument of this article. In my view, with its unique geographic position, the existing fierce rivalry in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the country’s intertwining market with China, Japan’s capacity to reform the BRI from the inside should not be underestimated. On the contrary, by persisting with high Quality Infrastructure Investment (QII) principles promoted in the last three years, Japan has been successful in nudging China toward these principles. The country has also enabled China to endorse the notion of high-quality infrastructure at the second BRI forum. With Japan’s leadership, the G20 Osaka Summit has contributed considerably into bolstering of the QII principles. Moreover, despite being less institutionalized and having soft law nature, the Japan-China Memorandum on Business Cooperation in Third Countries is effective: The Memorandum utilizes and suppresses the harm caused by the economic activities of Chinese businesses in third-country markets. Presently, Sino-Japanese collaboration in Thailand’s East- West Economic Corridor Program is testing whether the Chinese government is capable of earnestly engaging in ‘Third Party Market Cooperation’, or whether this endeavour is futile.BRI, FOIP, quality infrastructure, third-party market cooperation forum, China-Japan Relations
“深度自由贸易协定(FTA)-制造者-多边主义”国家有义务在“一带一路”沿线国家找到与中国共存的非常规方式;这种义务正变得越来越明显。日本有可能参与制定软法律机制,以确保中国的“一带一路”项目符合高标准;这也是本文的一个主要论点。在我看来,日本独特的地理位置、与东盟的激烈竞争、与中国相互交织的市场,从内部推动“一带一路”倡议改革的能力不容小觑。相反,通过坚持过去三年倡导的高质量基础设施投资(QII)原则,日本成功地将中国推向了这些原则。该国还使中国在第二届“一带一路”论坛上认可了高质量基础设施的概念。在日本的领导下,二十国集团大阪峰会为加强QII原则作出了重大贡献。此外,尽管日中第三国经贸合作备忘录的制度化程度较低,具有软法律性质,但它是有效的:该备忘录利用并抑制了中国企业在第三国市场的经济活动所造成的危害。目前,中日在泰国东西经济走廊项目上的合作正考验着中国政府是否有能力认真开展“第三方市场合作”,还是这种努力是徒劳的。“一带一路”、“一带一路”、优质基础设施、第三方市场合作论坛、中日关系
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引用次数: 0
Between a Rock and a Hard Place Under China’s Anti-Sanction Law 2021: The Game- Theoretical Perspective 《2021年中国反制裁法》下的两难境地:博弈——理论视角
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022014
Qingxiu Bu
The Chinese Anti-Sanction Law (ASL 2021) has for the first time created a legal basis for sanctioning specific foreign entities for conduct inconsistent with China’s core interests and policies. Those involved in implementing foreign sanction measures can be put on an anti-sanctions list and may be denied entry into China or be expelled from the country. The escalated confrontations are part of a broader global trend of tightening export controls, sanctions and foreign investment controls on national security or public interest grounds. At the heart of the problem is the incongruity between the US and Chinese perspectives on distinct values such as human rights, national security and other public policies. The conflict of law arises inevitably as a multinational company (MNC) attempts to comply with both US law and ASL 2021. The law creates a legal conundrum for foreign MNCs, which are placed in a proverbial rock-and-hard-place situation. Using in-depth analyses of China’s evolving sanctions regime, it is essential to explore resolutions to mitigate the escalated tension and break the deadlock. It is therefore necessary for foreign entities to navigate a delicate balancing act between compliance with US laws and China’s requirements for continued transactions.Blocking Mechanism, Anti-Sanction Law, National Security, Entity List
中国的《反制制法》首次为制裁不符合中国核心利益和政策的特定外国实体提供了法律依据。参与实施对外制裁措施的人员可被列入反制裁名单,并可能被拒绝入境或驱逐出境。不断升级的对抗是一个更广泛的全球趋势的一部分,即以国家安全或公共利益为由,收紧出口管制、制裁和外国投资管制。问题的核心在于,中美两国在人权、国家安全和其他公共政策等不同价值观上的观点不一致。当跨国公司(MNC)试图同时遵守美国法律和ASL 2021时,不可避免地会出现法律冲突。这部法律给外国跨国公司制造了一个法律难题,它们被置于众所周知的岩石和硬地的境地。通过对中国不断演变的制裁机制的深入分析,有必要探讨缓解不断升级的紧张局势、打破僵局的决议。因此,外国实体有必要在遵守美国法律和中国对持续交易的要求之间找到微妙的平衡。封锁机制,反制裁法,国家安全,实体名单
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引用次数: 0
Duty Evasion in Free Trade Agreements: Norm Emergence and Implications 自由贸易协定中的偷税漏税:规范的产生与启示
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022009
J. Marcoux, Andrea K. Bjorklund
Despite the failure of states to adopt multilateral rules to address the circumvention of anti-dumping and countervailing duties, efforts have more recently been deployed by the United States to focus on the issue of ‘duty evasion’. After failed attempts to discuss the issue at the World Trade Organization (WTO), the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA) specifically addresses cooperation between Parties regarding information sharing and duty evasion verification requests with a view to ensuring the enforcement of trade remedy laws. Can the elaboration of duty evasion provisions in regional trade agreements facilitate the negotiation of rules to address the issue of anti-circumvention at the multilateral level? This article argues that the motivations and inherent limits underlying the USMCA duty evasion provisions are most likely to impede broad adoption at the multilateral level. It proceeds in two steps. First, while the United States is playing a pivotal role as a norm entrepreneur in the emergence of these duty evasion provisions, the article demonstrates a clear evolution in its strategy toward a populist approach to international economic policy. Second, after identifying similarities with other provisions, the article addresses the lacunae in the USMCA duty evasion provisions from a legal perspective.duty evasion, anti-circumvention, anti-dumping duties, countervailing duties, United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement, Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, World Trade Organization, norm entrepreneur, populism
尽管各国未能采用多边规则来解决规避反倾销和反补贴税的问题,但美国最近已将重点放在“逃税”问题上。在试图在世界贸易组织(WTO)讨论该问题失败后,《美国-墨西哥-加拿大协定》(USMCA)专门解决了缔约方之间在信息共享和逃税核查请求方面的合作问题,以确保执行贸易救济法。在区域贸易协定中制订逃税条款是否有助于在多边一级就解决反规避问题的规则进行谈判?本文认为,美墨加协定逃税条款的动机和内在限制最有可能阻碍其在多边层面的广泛采用。它分两步进行。首先,尽管美国作为一个规范的企业家在这些逃税条款的出现中发挥了关键作用,但本文表明,美国在国际经济政策方面的民粹主义策略有明显的演变。其次,在找出与其他条款的相似之处后,本文从法律的角度对美墨加协定中逃税条款的缺失进行了分析。逃税、反规避、反倾销税、反补贴税、美墨加协定、跨太平洋伙伴关系协定、全面与进步跨太平洋伙伴关系协定、世界贸易组织、规范企业家、民粹主义
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引用次数: 0
Silence in WTO WTO中的沉默
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022008
G. Marceau, R. Walker, Niki Koumadoraki
The World Trade Organization’s expansion in terms of its activities is becoming increasingly demanding for Members. Members may not express their acceptance or rejection to every statement or action taking place in the WTO, and they may remain silent to intentionally signify their position. This article examines the legal significance of Members’ silence in the WTO, in particular in the consensus-based decision-making procedures, in committees and council meetings, in the determination of subsequent practice when interpreting WTO provisions, schedules and practices, and in the assessment of whether or not a WTO Member has relinquished its right to initiate WTO dispute settlement proceedings. A brief description of the state of play of silence in public international law serves as a reference point to guide the analysis of silence in WTO law, which highlights the fact-specific nature of silence in both fields. While this article reveals that silence plays a role in the consensus decision-making function of the WTO, whether silence can amount to acquiescence in the context of councils and committees meetings remains unclear. Similarly, the Appellate Body has left the door open to the possibility that Members’ silence may provide evidence of subsequent practice for purposes of treaty interpretation. Contrary to international law where it has been suggested that silence may lead to a waiver of a state’s right to invoke the responsibility of another State, a relinquishment of a WTO Member’s right to initiate WTO dispute settlement proceedings must be formulated in clear and unambiguous language.WTO, silence, protest, acceptance, relinquishment of rights, practice, decision-making, interpretation, subsequent practice
世界贸易组织在其活动方面的扩张对各成员国的要求越来越高。各成员不得对世贸组织中的每一项声明或行动表示接受或拒绝,也可以保持沉默,有意表明自己的立场。本文探讨了成员国在世贸组织保持沉默的法律意义,特别是在基于协商一致的决策程序中,在委员会和理事会会议上,在解释世贸组织条款、时间表和惯例时,在确定后续惯例方面,以及评估世贸组织成员是否已放弃启动世贸组织争端解决程序的权利。简要描述沉默在国际公法中的作用状态,可以作为指导WTO法中沉默分析的参考点,这突出了沉默在这两个领域中的特定事实性质。虽然这篇文章揭示了沉默在世贸组织的共识决策职能中发挥着作用,但在理事会和委员会会议的背景下,沉默是否可以构成默许仍不清楚。同样,上诉机构为成员国的沉默可能为条约解释提供嗣后惯例的证据敞开了大门。国际法认为,沉默可能导致一国放弃援引另一国责任的权利,与此相反,放弃世贸组织成员启动世贸组织争端解决程序的权利必须用明确无误的语言表述。WTO、沉默、抗议、接受、放弃权利、实践、决策、解释、后续实践
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引用次数: 0
Who Governs the Promotion of Social Objectives in EU’s Trade Policies? 谁在欧盟贸易政策中管理促进社会目标?
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022012
Rodrigo Fagundes Cezar
Who decides about the promotion of social objectives in EU’s trade policies? The existing literature oscillates between giving emphasis to the EU Commission or to interest group lobbying. Both approaches have limitations. To overcome those limitations, I here revisit the EU history of promoting labour provisions at the bi – and multilateral trade levels between 1993 and 2016. I argue that the EU Commission acts in line with the political positions and preferences of EU constituents on trade-labour linkage and that its autonomy depends on how polarized and salient those positions are. After finding evidence in line with that argument, I conclude that EU principals are ultimately in control of the link between trade and social objectives in EU trade policy and that the autonomy of the Commission, although existent, is limited. This article applies nuance to arguments centred on the power of the Commission to promote its own preferences at the expense of its constituents’. In doing so, it also contributes to understanding the politics of the design of social and sustainable development provisions in EU trade agreements.Trade Agreements. Labour. Social Issues. Principal-Agent Relations. Historical Narratives. European Union. EU Commission. Autonomy. Decision-making. Sanctions
谁决定在欧盟贸易政策中促进社会目标?现有文献在强调欧盟委员会或利益集团游说之间摇摆不定。这两种方法都有局限性。为了克服这些限制,我在这里回顾了1993年至2016年间欧盟在双边和多边贸易层面促进劳工条款的历史。我认为,欧盟委员会的行动符合欧盟成员国在贸易与劳工联系方面的政治立场和偏好,其自主权取决于这些立场的两极分化程度和突出程度。在找到与这一论点一致的证据后,我得出结论,欧盟负责人最终控制着欧盟贸易政策中贸易与社会目标之间的联系,委员会的自主权虽然存在,但有限。本条对以委员会以牺牲其选民利益为代价促进其自身偏好的权力为中心的论点适用了细微差别。这样做也有助于理解欧盟贸易协定中社会和可持续发展条款设计的政治性。贸易协定。劳动社会问题。委托代理关系。历史叙述。欧盟。欧盟委员会。自治决策。制裁
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引用次数: 0
TV Quotas Under the AVMS Directive After Brexit 英国脱欧后AVMS指令下的电视配额
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022013
Thomas Dillon
The European Union (EU)’s Audiovisual Media Services Directive 2010/13/EU (AVMS Directive) requires broadcasters to seek to ensure that a majority of transmission time is dedicated to ‘European works’. The definition of eligible works for this cultural quota includes states party to the European Convention on Transfrontier Television (ECTT), of which twenty EU Member States and the UK are among the members. EU broadcasters can hence satisfy the quota with UK works. It appears, however, that post-Brexit the European Commission contemplates an attempt to exclude UK works from the definition, so as to enlarge the share of the market available to EU Member State producers. This article examines that ambition against the obligations of the EU and its Member States under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and the ECTT, concluding that several obstacles stand in the way of achieving that policy goal.AVMS, ‘Television without Frontiers’, European works, broadcasting quota, Brexit, GATS
欧盟(EU)的《2010/13/EU视听媒体服务指令》(AVMS指令)要求广播公司设法确保大部分传输时间用于“欧洲作品”。符合这一文化配额的作品的定义包括《欧洲跨国界电视公约》的缔约国,其中20个欧盟成员国和英国也在其中。因此,欧盟广播公司可以通过英国作品来满足配额要求。然而,英国脱欧后,欧盟委员会似乎打算将英国作品排除在定义之外,以扩大欧盟成员国生产商的市场份额。这篇文章针对欧盟及其成员国在《服务贸易总协定》(GATS)和《ECTT》下的义务审查了这一雄心,得出的结论是,实现这一政策目标存在几个障碍。AVMS,“无国界电视”,欧洲作品,广播配额,英国脱欧,GATS
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引用次数: 0
Alternative Dispute Settlement and the Jurisprudential Legacy of the World Trade Organization’s Appellate Body 替代性争端解决和世界贸易组织上诉机构的法理遗产
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022011
George A. Papaconstantinou, Luigi F. Pedreschi
This article analyses the possible impact of the disputes advanced through the Multiparty Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (‘MPIA’) and preferential trade agreements (‘PTAs’) on the jurisprudential legacy of the Appellate Body (‘AB’) and shows that those alternative dispute settlement mechanisms can play a significant role in preserving and further developing World Trade Organization’s (‘WTO’) case law. In the future, the importance of alternative dispute settlement mechanisms resolving arguments of international trade law is bound to increase (especially, in light of the ongoing deadlock at the WTO). That said, this does not come without risks for the (much disputed) coherence of WTO precedence by way of departure from established interpretations of the WTO acquis. Ultimately, it is the quality of the alternative dispute settlement awards that will determine the extent to which the jurisprudential legacy of the AB will be maintained. This article demonstrates that alternative dispute settlement mechanisms pose both challenges and opportunities for the consistency of the WTO case law. This article sheds further light on the potential risks and virtues pertaining to each one of them and argues that until the functioning of the Appellate Body is restored, alternative dispute adjudicating bodies must observe its jurisprudential legacy to promote legal certainty and predictability in international trade dispute settlement.WTO Dispute Settlement, Alternative Dispute Settlement, Appellate Body, Multiparty Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement, Preferential Trade Agreements
本文分析了多方临时上诉仲裁安排(“MPIA”)和优惠贸易协定(“pta”)对上诉机构(“AB”)的法理遗产可能产生的影响,并表明这些替代性争端解决机制可以在维护和进一步发展世界贸易组织(“WTO”)判例法方面发挥重要作用。在未来,解决国际贸易法争端的替代性争端解决机制的重要性必然会增加(特别是考虑到世贸组织目前的僵局)。话虽如此,由于偏离了对WTO判例的既定解释,这对WTO优先权的一致性(颇有争议)并非没有风险。最终,替代性争端解决裁决的质量将决定仲裁机构的法理遗产将在多大程度上得到保留。本文论证了替代性争端解决机制对WTO判例法一致性的挑战与机遇并存。本文进一步阐明了与上诉机构各自相关的潜在风险和优点,并认为在上诉机构恢复运作之前,替代性争端裁决机构必须遵守其法律遗产,以促进国际贸易争端解决中的法律确定性和可预测性。WTO争端解决,替代性争端解决,上诉机构,多方临时上诉仲裁安排,优惠贸易协定
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引用次数: 0
Interpreting GATS Schedules: Saudi Arabia and Crude Oil Energy Services 解释服务贸易总协定表:沙特阿拉伯和原油能源服务
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022010
R. Zedalis
The world has become increasingly sensitive to the need to shift away from the utilization of crude oil and other fossil fuels. Nonetheless, the former continues to be a major contributor to the energy industry. Many crude oil-rich nations rely on foreign suppliers to provide them with production know-how and technology services within the ambit of the 1994 General Agreement on Trade in Services. While the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) contains several obligations of importance, the focus here is on the agreement’s market access and national treatment obligations. More narrowly, the Schedule of service sector commitments agreed to by Saudi Arabia, the world’s single largest crude oil exporter, is examined in the context of three important sectors essential to the crude oil industry. The examination is conducted through the lens of the basic interpretive principles articulated in and gleaned from the small handful of World Trade Organization (WTO) adjudicative decisions addressing the matter of GATS Schedule interpretation. This approach illustrates how those principles operate in the context of real language deployed in the actual Schedule of an important energy supplier.market access, national treatment, MA, NT, ‘bound’, ‘unbound’, ‘none’, horizontal, engineering, mining, construction, pipelines, Vienna Convention, CPC, Sectoral Classification, Article XVI, Article XX, Saudi Arabia
世界对减少使用原油和其他化石燃料的必要性越来越敏感。尽管如此,前者仍然是能源行业的主要贡献者。根据1994年签订的《服务贸易总协定》(General Agreement on Trade in services),许多原油资源丰富的国家依赖外国供应商向它们提供生产诀窍和技术服务。虽然《服务贸易总协定》(GATS)包含若干重要义务,但这里的重点是该协定的市场准入和国民待遇义务。更狭义地说,世界上最大的原油出口国沙特阿拉伯同意的服务部门承诺时间表,是在原油工业必不可少的三个重要部门的背景下进行审查的。审查是根据世界贸易组织(世贸组织)关于服务贸易总协定附表解释问题的少数裁决决定所阐述和收集的基本解释原则进行的。这种方法说明了这些原则如何在一个重要能源供应商的实际时间表中使用的真实语言的背景下运作。市场准入、国民待遇、MA、NT、“限定”、“未限定”、“无限定”、横向、工程、采矿、建筑、管道、维也纳公约、CPC、部门分类、第16条、第20条、沙特阿拉伯
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引用次数: 0
Who Uses the Special and Differential Treatment Provisions of the WTO? 谁在使用WTO的特殊和差别待遇条款?
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022006
Hyoseon Lee, Youngwan Kim
Why do some countries promptly implement free trade rules, whereas others opt for slow adaptation? The Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) provisions serve as a tool for the developing and least-developed countries to delay the implementation of World Trade Organization (WTO) free trade rules. SDT supporters point out the positive impacts of the provisions in facilitating free trade in the long term. In their view, developing countries may improve their economic status by increasing their chances of participating in free trade. SDT provisions can play a positive role, although they prolong the prompt implementation of free trade rules. However, not all poor WTO members utilize SDT provisions when implementing free trade rules. Some poor members accept the rules without requesting SDT. This study attempts to answer why some such member countries of the WTO use SDT provisions more than others. We found that member countries’ (1) domestic policy implementation capabilities and (2) international socialization determine the utilization of the provisions. When countries lack these factors, they are more likely to request provisions. Our argument is supported by evidence from the implementation of the WTO’s Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA). World Trade Organization, Special and Differential Treatment, Trade Facilitation Agreement, policy implementation capability, international socialization
为什么有些国家迅速实施自由贸易规则,而另一些国家则选择缓慢适应?特殊和差别待遇条款是发展中国家和最不发达国家拖延执行世界贸易组织(世贸组织)自由贸易规则的工具。SDT的支持者指出,这些条款在促进自由贸易方面的长期积极影响。他们认为,发展中国家可以通过增加参与自由贸易的机会来改善其经济地位。SDT条款可以发挥积极作用,尽管它们延长了自由贸易规则的及时实施。然而,并非所有贫穷的WTO成员在实施自由贸易规则时都利用SDT条款。一些贫穷的成员国没有要求SDT就接受了规则。本研究试图回答为什么一些这样的世贸组织成员国使用SDT条款比其他国家。我们发现成员国的(1)国内政策执行能力和(2)国际社会化决定了条款的使用。当国家缺乏这些因素时,它们更有可能要求提供条款。我们的论点得到了世贸组织《贸易便利化协定》(TFA)实施的证据的支持。世界贸易组织,特殊与差别待遇,贸易便利化协定,政策执行能力,国际社会化
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引用次数: 0
Terroir and Trade War: Reforming China’s Legislation on Generic Terms Under the nfluence of the EU and US 风土与贸易战:欧美影响下的中国通用条款立法改革
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.54648/trad2022007
Xiaoyan Wang, Xinzhe Song
Geographical indications (GIs), valuable intellectual property assets for their respective countries and regions, are in danger of being considered as generic names for types of products and falling into public domain. Driven by trade interests, both the EU and US are competing in China to promote their conflicting approaches to the determination of generic status and the preventive measures against genericide. This article demonstrates that the EU-US competition results in a hybrid of both approaches, which cannot help overcome the difficulty of assessing generic status under China’s current GI system and may lead to a loss of legislative coherence. Furthermore, the hybrid compromises the intended goals of the bilateral agreements between China and the EU/US. Since the ‘bilateral treaty model’ fails to satisfy the need of each contractual party, we propose that national GI laws must be designed on the basis of the distinguishing function of GIs. Generic terms, Geographical indications, Terroir, Trade competition, Bilateral agreements, Consumer perception, Harmonized approach, Distinguishing function
地理标志作为各自国家和地区的宝贵知识产权资产,正面临被视为产品类型的通用名称并进入公共领域的危险。在贸易利益的驱动下,欧盟和美国都在中国竞争,以推动他们在确定仿制药地位和防止仿制药的预防措施方面的相互冲突的方法。本文表明,欧盟与美国的竞争导致了两种方法的混合,这无助于克服中国现行地理标志制度下评估通用地位的困难,并可能导致立法一致性的丧失。此外,这种混合妥协了中国与欧盟/美国之间双边协议的预期目标。由于“双边条约模式”不能满足每一个合同方的需要,我们建议国家地理标志法必须在地理标志区分功能的基础上进行设计。通用术语,地理标志,风土,贸易竞争,双边协议,消费者认知,协调方法,区分功能
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of World Trade
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