2021 marked the twentieth anniversary of China entering the WTO. Those first two decades have been far from smooth with multiple trade tensions arising between China and other members, both within the WTO and beyond. This article uses the twenty-year milestone as an opportunity to assess China’s role within the global trade system and the impact it has had on broader trade relations. We argue that while there are areas of China’s trade-related practices that are worrying and present severe challenges to the system, claims that it is consistently behaving outside of the WTO’s established rules and norms are exaggerated. While China is certainly using all the latitude available within the rules and is at times transgressing WTO law, its behaviour remains similar to that of other great powers within the system and is consistent with what is expected within any inherently competitive system wherein conflict and contestation are normal features of engagement. WTO, China, trade
{"title":"China and the WTO, Redux: Making Sense of Two Decades of Membership","authors":"James Scott, Rorden Wilkinson","doi":"10.54648/trad2022004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2022004","url":null,"abstract":"2021 marked the twentieth anniversary of China entering the WTO. Those first two decades have been far from smooth with multiple trade tensions arising between China and other members, both within the WTO and beyond. This article uses the twenty-year milestone as an opportunity to assess China’s role within the global trade system and the impact it has had on broader trade relations. We argue that while there are areas of China’s trade-related practices that are worrying and present severe challenges to the system, claims that it is consistently behaving outside of the WTO’s established rules and norms are exaggerated. While China is certainly using all the latitude available within the rules and is at times transgressing WTO law, its behaviour remains similar to that of other great powers within the system and is consistent with what is expected within any inherently competitive system wherein conflict and contestation are normal features of engagement. WTO, China, trade","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71321561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The industrial policy is back in vogue of the ‘development discourse’ both in the developed and developing countries due to suboptimal success of market-oriented policies in facilitating socioeconomic and structural transformation. The rise of debate and discourse on industrial policy is also shaped by many other developments such as evolution of newer technologies and their impact on manufacturing, global trade protectionism and pandemic-induced global supply chain disruption( s) among others. The increased interest in the industrial policy at the time of global protectionism has refreshed the old debate in the developing countries on the choice of industrial model, that is, import-substituting industrialization (ISI) and export-led industrialization (ELI). In this context, this article examines India’s industrial strategy under the Self-Reliant India Mission with a special focus on trade policy, investment policy and production-linked incentives (PLI) to understand whether it is adopting policies that squarely fall under the ISI or ELI model. The findings of the article are based on analysis of the trade policy, investment policy and PLI scheme to illustrate that India is adopting policies that broadly fall under the ambit of ISI model thus taking India economy back to re-adoption of inward-looking policies of prereforms era. industrial policy, trade policy, investment, production subsidies, free trade agreement and industrial revolution
{"title":"Revisiting the Debate on Import-Led Substitution and Export-Led Industrialization: Where Is India Heading Under Self-Reliant India?","authors":"Surendar Singh, Ram Singh","doi":"10.54648/trad2022005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2022005","url":null,"abstract":"The industrial policy is back in vogue of the ‘development discourse’ both in the developed and developing countries due to suboptimal success of market-oriented policies in facilitating socioeconomic and structural transformation. The rise of debate and discourse on industrial policy is also shaped by many other developments such as evolution of newer technologies and their impact on manufacturing, global trade protectionism and pandemic-induced global supply chain disruption( s) among others. The increased interest in the industrial policy at the time of global protectionism has refreshed the old debate in the developing countries on the choice of industrial model, that is, import-substituting industrialization (ISI) and export-led industrialization (ELI). In this context, this article examines India’s industrial strategy under the Self-Reliant India Mission with a special focus on trade policy, investment policy and production-linked incentives (PLI) to understand whether it is adopting policies that squarely fall under the ISI or ELI model. The findings of the article are based on analysis of the trade policy, investment policy and PLI scheme to illustrate that India is adopting policies that broadly fall under the ambit of ISI model thus taking India economy back to re-adoption of inward-looking policies of prereforms era. industrial policy, trade policy, investment, production subsidies, free trade agreement and industrial revolution","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71321578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On 10 December 2019, the impending impasse at the WTO Appellate Body (AB) cemented itself after the terms of two of the three remaining AB members expired as the US continued to block new nominations. Recent developments, like the proposals for unilateral countermeasures in trade and the COVID-19 pandemic, have sharpened the need to resolve the AB crisis. Interim solutions have indeed come forward such as the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Agreement (MPIA) under Article 25 of the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) with additional interim solutions that include the Director General’s (DG’s) good offices, conciliation, and mediation. This article examines some of the existing proposals, including the difficulties in implementing them. It also describes the Arab countries’ participation at the dispute settlement boday so far as well as views and positions on the practical matters on trade-related disputes resolution processes. It is argued that traditional Arab jurisprudence on dispute resolution can make valuable contributions to bypass the current situation whilst the stalemate at the AB is resolved.
{"title":"WTO Members Can Save Their ‘Crown Jewel’: A View from the Arab World","authors":"Ahmed Essa Al-Sulaiti","doi":"10.54648/trad2022002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2022002","url":null,"abstract":"On 10 December 2019, the impending impasse at the WTO Appellate Body (AB) cemented itself after the terms of two of the three remaining AB members expired as the US continued to block new nominations. Recent developments, like the proposals for unilateral countermeasures in trade and the COVID-19 pandemic, have sharpened the need to resolve the AB crisis. Interim solutions have indeed come forward such as the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Agreement (MPIA) under Article 25 of the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) with additional interim solutions that include the Director General’s (DG’s) good offices, conciliation, and mediation. This article examines some of the existing proposals, including the difficulties in implementing them. It also describes the Arab countries’ participation at the dispute settlement boday so far as well as views and positions on the practical matters on trade-related disputes resolution processes. It is argued that traditional Arab jurisprudence on dispute resolution can make valuable contributions to bypass the current situation whilst the stalemate at the AB is resolved.","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71321961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2020 Australia’s political relations with China plumbed new depths. Trade and other economic ties were also hit with disruption. Contributing to this deterioration, and complicating an accurate assessment of the consequences, has been a raft of misunderstandings. This article demystifies the bilateral trade tensions by exposing the deeper drivers of political friction, providing a critical assessment of the vulnerability of the Australian economy, and placing the current state of Australia’s relations with China in a comparative regional perspective. These discussions provide context for a detailed analysis of the legal issues that Chinese trade measures have created under the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the China – Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA). We show that these legal issues have been over-simplified in existing work. A clear understanding of these issues offers the best prospect for an improved relationship trajectory, serving both countries’ interests. China, Australia, Trade tensions, WTO, Free Trade Agreement
{"title":"Demystifying Australia-China Trade Tensions","authors":"Weihuan Zhou, J. Laurenceson","doi":"10.54648/trad2022003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2022003","url":null,"abstract":"In 2020 Australia’s political relations with China plumbed new depths. Trade and other economic ties were also hit with disruption. Contributing to this deterioration, and complicating an accurate assessment of the consequences, has been a raft of misunderstandings. This article demystifies the bilateral trade tensions by exposing the deeper drivers of political friction, providing a critical assessment of the vulnerability of the Australian economy, and placing the current state of Australia’s relations with China in a comparative regional perspective. These discussions provide context for a detailed analysis of the legal issues that Chinese trade measures have created under the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the China – Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA). We show that these legal issues have been over-simplified in existing work. A clear understanding of these issues offers the best prospect for an improved relationship trajectory, serving both countries’ interests. China, Australia, Trade tensions, WTO, Free Trade Agreement","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71321979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The first dispute brought by the EU under its bilateral trade agreements, Ukraine – Export Restrictions on Wood, was in many respects a typical World Trade Organization (WTO) case. A panel of three arbitrators, including two prominent and highly experienced WTO adjudicators, was to rule on consistency of the respondent’s export bans with Articles XI and XX of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, incorporated by reference into the EUUkraine Association Agreement. The latter, moreover, explicitly requires that arbitrators rely on the WTO jurisprudence – which they, technically, did. Yet, the arbitration panel appears to have shown more deference to the respondent than any WTO panel ever has (or would). By contrasting the reasoning of the arbitration panel with that of WTO panels deciding similar issues, the article questions whether WTO law may take a more deferential path outside the WTO. WTO law, GATT, Article XX(b), EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, wood export ban, dispute settlement, judicial deference
{"title":"EU-Ukraine Arbitration: Will WTO Law Become More Deferential Outside the WTO?","authors":"Yury Rovnov","doi":"10.54648/trad2021041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2021041","url":null,"abstract":"The first dispute brought by the EU under its bilateral trade agreements, Ukraine – Export Restrictions on Wood, was in many respects a typical World Trade Organization (WTO) case. A panel of three arbitrators, including two prominent and highly experienced WTO adjudicators, was to rule on consistency of the respondent’s export bans with Articles XI and XX of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, incorporated by reference into the EUUkraine Association Agreement. The latter, moreover, explicitly requires that arbitrators rely on the WTO jurisprudence – which they, technically, did. Yet, the arbitration panel appears to have shown more deference to the respondent than any WTO panel ever has (or would). By contrasting the reasoning of the arbitration panel with that of WTO panels deciding similar issues, the article questions whether WTO law may take a more deferential path outside the WTO.\u0000WTO law, GATT, Article XX(b), EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, wood export ban, dispute settlement, judicial deference","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43427415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On 4 February 2020, the Department of Commerce (Commerce) adopted revised Regulations Regarding Benefit and Specificity in Countervailing Duties Proceedings after reviewing solicited comments. Soon after, the Commerce initiated countervailing investigations against Vietnamese passenger vehicle tires and Chinese twist ties, and for the first time imposed preliminary countervailing duties (CVDs) against these two countries based on currency undervaluation. This article considers the revised regulations, two CVD investigations and their WTOcompatibility. We argue that views on whether or not currency undervaluation constitutes a subsidy reflect divergences between the US and other negotiating parties during the Uruguay Round on the definition of a subsidy. Whereas currency undervaluation does confer benefits to producers and exporters, it does not fulfill the criteria of ‘financial contribution’ and specificity as laid down in the Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM) Agreement; thus the CVD decisions of the Commerce are WTO-incompatible. Currency undervaluation, Countervailing duties, subsidy, specificity, financial contribution
{"title":"Is Currency Undervaluation a Subsidy: US Law and Practice and the WTO Compatibility","authors":"Chien-Huei Wu, Mao-wei Lo","doi":"10.54648/trad2021043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2021043","url":null,"abstract":"On 4 February 2020, the Department of Commerce (Commerce) adopted revised Regulations Regarding Benefit and Specificity in Countervailing Duties Proceedings after reviewing solicited comments. Soon after, the Commerce initiated countervailing investigations against Vietnamese passenger vehicle tires and Chinese twist ties, and for the first time imposed preliminary countervailing duties (CVDs) against these two countries based on currency undervaluation. This article considers the revised regulations, two CVD investigations and their WTOcompatibility. We argue that views on whether or not currency undervaluation constitutes a subsidy reflect divergences between the US and other negotiating parties during the Uruguay Round on the definition of a subsidy. Whereas currency undervaluation does confer benefits to producers and exporters, it does not fulfill the criteria of ‘financial contribution’ and specificity as laid down in the Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM) Agreement; thus the CVD decisions of the Commerce are WTO-incompatible.\u0000Currency undervaluation, Countervailing duties, subsidy, specificity, financial contribution","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45907048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article addresses China’s recent practices regarding the issue of non-market economy (NME) status in anti-dumping investigations against imports. The article uses the latest developments to analyse and examine two important questions. One question is whether China’s practices are justified under the World Trade Organization (WTO)’s rules and its domestic anti-dumping rules, and the other question is whether China’s new practices are merely a strategy for balancing various increasingly unresolved allegations against Chinese exporters abroad. Part 2 outlines the background of China’s recent investigations and key rulings on China’s practices regarding the issue of NME status. Part 3 then discusses the two aforementioned questions by analysing the detailed issues embedded in the rulings. Part 4 makes some concluding remarks. China’s anti-dumping investigations, NME status, WTO ADA, PMS, NME investigations, NME rulings
{"title":"The Issue of Non-market Economy Status in China’s Anti-dumping Investigations Against Imports: A Development for the Implementation of New Rules or A Balancing Strategy?","authors":"Yanni Yu","doi":"10.54648/trad2021040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2021040","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses China’s recent practices regarding the issue of non-market economy (NME) status in anti-dumping investigations against imports. The article uses the latest developments to analyse and examine two important questions. One question is whether China’s practices are justified under the World Trade Organization (WTO)’s rules and its domestic anti-dumping rules, and the other question is whether China’s new practices are merely a strategy for balancing various increasingly unresolved allegations against Chinese exporters abroad. Part 2 outlines the background of China’s recent investigations and key rulings on China’s practices regarding the issue of NME status. Part 3 then discusses the two aforementioned questions by analysing the detailed issues embedded in the rulings. Part 4 makes some concluding remarks.\u0000China’s anti-dumping investigations, NME status, WTO ADA, PMS, NME investigations, NME rulings","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42664708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With the rise of digital services taxes (DSTs) all over the world, questions have arisen regarding their compatibility with international trade law. Between 2019 and 2021, the United States initiated investigations into several DSTs and published observations on the DSTs adopted by Austria, France, Italy, India, Spain, Turkey and the United Kingdom. In addition to the argument that these taxes violate international tax principles, the US considers that they are discriminatory. This article uses this claim as a basis to analyse the likelihood for DSTs to be incompatible with World Trade Organization (WTO) law. First, it provides an overview of the unilateral, regional and multilateral tax proposals to mitigate the challenges of the digitalized economy. Second, it discusses the main legal issues that could arise under the law of the WTO, focusing on legal issues under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). While recognising that there may be good tax policy reasons to oppose DSTs, this article concludes that arguments based on WTO law provide, if at all, a weak justification to oppose such taxes. Digital Service Taxes (DST), GATS, Unilateral taxes, Digitalized economy, Destinationbased taxes, National treatment, Most-favoured-nation principle, Non-discrimination of services and service providers
{"title":"When International Trade Law Meets Tax Policy: The Example of Digital Services Taxes","authors":"A. Pirlot, Henri Culot","doi":"10.54648/trad2021038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2021038","url":null,"abstract":"With the rise of digital services taxes (DSTs) all over the world, questions have arisen regarding their compatibility with international trade law. Between 2019 and 2021, the United States initiated investigations into several DSTs and published observations on the DSTs adopted by Austria, France, Italy, India, Spain, Turkey and the United Kingdom. In addition to the argument that these taxes violate international tax principles, the US considers that they are discriminatory. This article uses this claim as a basis to analyse the likelihood for DSTs to be incompatible with World Trade Organization (WTO) law. First, it provides an overview of the unilateral, regional and multilateral tax proposals to mitigate the challenges of the digitalized economy. Second, it discusses the main legal issues that could arise under the law of the WTO, focusing on legal issues under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). While recognising that there may be good tax policy reasons to oppose DSTs, this article concludes that arguments based on WTO law provide, if at all, a weak justification to oppose such taxes.\u0000Digital Service Taxes (DST), GATS, Unilateral taxes, Digitalized economy, Destinationbased taxes, National treatment, Most-favoured-nation principle, Non-discrimination of services and service providers","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41475411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. Chi, Axel Berger, Bernard Hoekman, Makane Moïse Mbengue, Karl P. Sauvant, Matthew Stephenson
Foreign direct investment (FDI) flows are at a low point as a result of not only the COVID-19 pandemic but also restrictive FDI policies adopted in recent years. Investment facilitation has gained in importance as a set of practical measures to increase the transparency and predictability of investment frameworks and promote cooperation to advance development. Investment facilitation can help to reduce the transactional and administrative costs faced by foreign investors and contribute to a resilient and sustainable economic recovery. Discussions on a distinct set of investment facilitation policies and measures have gained momentum in recent years. Negotiations are undertaken at the bilateral and regional levels, for example, in the context of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) or the Sustainable Investment Protocol of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). Another important initiative is underway among members of the World Trade Organization (WTO) which are negotiating an Investment Facilitation Framework for Development. This article develops a set of key recommendations for policy-makers on how investment facilitation frameworks can be designed to help attract sustainable FDI for sustainable development and recovery in general. These recommendations can be summarized in three guiding principles: contribute directly to sustainable development, focus on conflict prevention and management, and learn from experiences from other processes such as trade facilitation.
{"title":"Facilitating Sustainable Investment To Build Back Better","authors":"M. Chi, Axel Berger, Bernard Hoekman, Makane Moïse Mbengue, Karl P. Sauvant, Matthew Stephenson","doi":"10.54648/trad2021037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2021037","url":null,"abstract":"Foreign direct investment (FDI) flows are at a low point as a result of not only the COVID-19 pandemic but also restrictive FDI policies adopted in recent years. Investment facilitation has gained in importance as a set of practical measures to increase the transparency and predictability of investment frameworks and promote cooperation to advance development. Investment facilitation can help to reduce the transactional and administrative costs faced by foreign investors and contribute to a resilient and sustainable economic recovery. Discussions on a distinct set of investment facilitation policies and measures have gained momentum in recent years. Negotiations are undertaken at the bilateral and regional levels, for example, in the context of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) or the Sustainable Investment Protocol of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). Another important initiative is underway among members of the World Trade Organization (WTO) which are negotiating an Investment Facilitation Framework for Development. This article develops a set of key recommendations for policy-makers on how investment facilitation frameworks can be designed to help attract sustainable FDI for sustainable development and recovery in general. These recommendations can be summarized in three guiding principles: contribute directly to sustainable development, focus on conflict prevention and management, and learn from experiences from other processes such as trade facilitation.","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49025781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is tempting to think of trade war as an innocuous conflict between the big economic interests of states with scant implications for the rest of the international system and citizens’ rights. This could not be further from reality. This study chronicles the collapse of the Appellate Body of the dispute settlement system of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the end point of a long process tarnished by deep ideological disputes ill-suited for adjudication. These disputes, frequently expressed through tit-for-tat litigation, have eroded the legitimacy of the WTO as a dispute settlement organization. The resulting vacuum has been exacerbated by the United States (US) – China trade war that has been conducted through imposition of tariffs, embargoes and unilateral sanctions. The trade war has spilled over to other areas and has created fierce antagonism over the establishment of international technology standards and the governance of the internet. Global institutions have been forced to take sides undermining their authority as neutral arbiters. Other spillovers have undermined the global economic welfare and have chipped away at citizens’ rights. China shock, economic war, internet governance, internet standards, market economy, sanctions, subsidies, trade conflicts, trade embargoes, world trade organization
{"title":"The New Trade Order: Conflicts, Internet Standards and Human Security","authors":"E. Louka","doi":"10.54648/trad2021039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2021039","url":null,"abstract":"It is tempting to think of trade war as an innocuous conflict between the big economic interests of states with scant implications for the rest of the international system and citizens’ rights. This could not be further from reality. This study chronicles the collapse of the Appellate Body of the dispute settlement system of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the end point of a long process tarnished by deep ideological disputes ill-suited for adjudication. These disputes, frequently expressed through tit-for-tat litigation, have eroded the legitimacy of the WTO as a dispute settlement organization. The resulting vacuum has been exacerbated by the United States (US) – China trade war that has been conducted through imposition of tariffs, embargoes and unilateral sanctions.\u0000The trade war has spilled over to other areas and has created fierce antagonism over the establishment of international technology standards and the governance of the internet. Global institutions have been forced to take sides undermining their authority as neutral arbiters. Other spillovers have undermined the global economic welfare and have chipped away at citizens’ rights.\u0000China shock, economic war, internet governance, internet standards, market economy, sanctions, subsidies, trade conflicts, trade embargoes, world trade organization","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44473089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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