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Bulgarian Historiography after 1989 1989 年后的保加利亚史学
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000541
Stefan Detchev
Speaking on a popular TV show in 1990, soon after the collapse of the previous regime, long-time dissident and doyen of Bulgarian historical science, former Dean of the Faculty of History at the University of Sofia, Nikolay Genchev, insisted on putting the ‘Bulgarian national interest’ ‘above all’. Genchev said with regret that ‘the Bulgarian national problem has recently appeared mainly as a Turkish problem’. Irritated, he added that it is talked about ‘only for the Turks . . . [in spite of the fact that there were only] a million [Turkish] people living in this country’. He followed up with apocalyptic predictions that Yugoslavia wanted Pirin (or Bulgarian) Macedonia, Romania longed for Dobrodja (which is split between Bulgaria and Romania), the Turks claimed secession, and therefore only the ‘hard chest of the Balkan’ remained.
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引用次数: 0
The Unknown Infection, or ‘Rožňava Disease’ in Czechoslovakia in 1951 1951 年捷克斯洛伐克的未知感染或 "罗兹纳瓦病
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000553
Kristýna Kaucká
This article analyses the scientific and ideological impact of the 1951 tick-borne encephalitis epidemic in Rožňava (Czechoslovakia). Scientists in Rožňava discovered the possibility of transmission of the tick-borne encephalitis virus through non-pasteurised milk. The article focuses on both the outbreak in Rožňava, with its social and ideological implications, and the subsequent virological research, which became a means of prestige and symbolic power for Czechoslovak scientists within the domestic and international scientific community. The article shows that an epidemic can become a tool of power. The Rožňava epidemic, although now forgotten, helped establish the institutional background for virological research in Czechoslovakia and was at the origin of the still cutting-edge knowledge of tick-borne encephalitis.
本文分析了 1951 年罗兹纳瓦(捷克斯洛伐克)蜱传脑炎疫情对科学和意识形态的影响。罗日纳瓦的科学家发现了蜱传脑炎病毒通过未经巴氏消毒的牛奶传播的可能性。文章重点介绍了罗日纳瓦的疫情及其社会和意识形态影响,以及随后的病毒学研究,该研究成为捷克斯洛伐克科学家在国内和国际科学界获得声望和象征性权力的手段。文章表明,流行病可以成为权力的工具。罗兹纳瓦疫情虽然现在已被人们遗忘,但它帮助捷克斯洛伐克建立了病毒学研究的制度背景,是蜱传脑炎前沿知识的起源。
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000565
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 4 Cover and Back matter CEH第32卷第4期封面和封底
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000589
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 4 Cover and Front matter CEH第32卷第4期封面和封面问题
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000577
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
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引用次数: 0
(In)Gratitude, US Ascendancy and Transatlantic Relations after the First World War 一战后的感恩、美国的崛起与跨大西洋关系
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1017/s096077732300053x
Elisabeth Piller
During and after the First World War, the United States provided very substantial amounts of humanitarian and economic aid to war-torn Europe. All compassion aside, international historians have long recognised the strategic and social expectations attached to such foreign aid. US generosity was to build trust, reverence and influence abroad and, by inspiring ‘gratitude’ among recipients, to translate into a foreign policy advantage. But what happened when these expectations were disappointed? This article looks at transatlantic relations after the First World War to explore the role of gratitude in interwar international politics. It shows just how difficult it often was for Europeans to be appropriately ‘grateful’ and how emotionally the US public could react to such displays of perceived ‘ingratitude’. US aid – and the expectations and obligations that came with it – could excite distrust and resentment on both sides of the Atlantic.
在第一次世界大战期间和之后,美国向饱受战争蹂躏的欧洲提供了大量的人道主义和经济援助。撇开同情不谈,国际历史学家早就认识到,这种对外援助带有战略和社会期望。美国的慷慨是为了在国外建立信任、尊敬和影响力,并通过激发接受者的“感激之情”,转化为一种外交政策优势。但当这些期望落空时又会发生什么呢?本文着眼于第一次世界大战后的跨大西洋关系,探讨感恩在两次世界大战之间的国际政治中的作用。这表明,对欧洲人来说,适当地“感恩”是多么困难,而美国公众对这种被认为是“忘恩负义”的表现会做出多么情绪化的反应。美国的援助——以及随之而来的期望和义务——可能会激起大西洋两岸的不信任和怨恨。
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引用次数: 0
Macedonian Historiography: The Question of Identity and Politics 马其顿史学:身份与政治问题
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000528
Petar Todorov
Historians are playing an important role in Macedonian society. Their understanding of history and their focus of research interest revolves around the national identity of Macedonians and differentiating them from Others. In recent decades, the political debates in the Republic of (North) Macedonia and its relations with Bulgaria and Greece have had important impact on historiographic production and the new (revisionist) interpretations of the past. History has become an essential element in contemporary politics that is key for framing the national identity of the Macedonians. In this new political context historians are even more engaged in political campaigns and debates, thus making them and their historiographical work one of the sources for symbolic division in the country.
历史学家在马其顿社会中发挥着重要作用。他们对历史的理解和研究兴趣的焦点围绕着马其顿人的民族特性以及他们与其他民族的区别。近几十年来,(北)马其顿共和国的政治辩论及其与保加利亚和希腊的关系对历史学的创作和对过去的新(修正主义)解释产生了重要影响。历史已成为当代政治的基本要素,是塑造马其顿人民族身份的关键。在这一新的政治背景下,历史学家甚至更多地参与政治运动和辩论,从而使他们及其历史学著作成为该国象征性分裂的来源之一。
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引用次数: 0
Historiography in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Between Academic Discipline and Political Activism 波黑史学:在学术纪律与政治行动主义之间
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000516
Husnija Kamberović
The wars of Yugoslav succession in the 1990s dramatically stimulated interest in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). To satisfy this interest from the outside world, many historical publications offered up various explanations for the outbreak of the wars. 1 Yet the prior, and perhaps more significant, development occurred on the eve of the war, when historians in Bosnia and Herzegovina – although to a considerably lesser extent than in Serbia and Croatia – made an important contribution to national(ist) mobilisation and to the creation of a belligerent atmosphere by sensationally broaching traumatic topics linked to the Second World War. 2 The war in the 1990s left behind a devastated and divided country and created deep social divisions which have also affected the role and status of the nation's historiography. Many today accept the claim that Bosnia and Herzegovina is a country in which there exist three views on history, although this is only partly true, because in this country far more than ‘three views on history’ exist. In practice, the thesis of three national historiographies (Serbian, Croatian, and Bosniak) 3 turns out to be completely erroneous, because the existence of ‘national historiographies’ would also presume the existence of clearly defined thematic and methodological approaches to historical research, and that is not the case with historiography in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, it is more precise to speak of a scholarly historiography that exists alongside an ideologically or politically motivated historiography or ‘parahistoriography’, by which is meant ‘dealing with history . . . in a completely different way than studying history’. 4
20世纪90年代南斯拉夫的继承权战争极大地激发了人们对波黑历史的兴趣。为了满足外界的这种兴趣,许多历史出版物对战争的爆发提出了各种各样的解释。然而,更早的,或许也是更重要的发展发生在战争前夕,当时,波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的历史学家——尽管在很大程度上比塞尔维亚和克罗地亚的历史学家要小得多——通过耸人听闻地提出与第二次世界大战有关的创伤性话题,为全国(ist)动员和创造一种交战气氛做出了重要贡献。20世纪90年代的战争留下了一个满目疮痍、分裂的国家,造成了深刻的社会分裂,这也影响了国家历史编纂的角色和地位。今天许多人接受波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那是一个存在三种历史观的国家的说法,尽管这只是部分正确的,因为在这个国家存在的远不止“三种历史观”。在实践中,三个民族史学(塞尔维亚、克罗地亚和波斯尼亚)的论文被证明是完全错误的,因为“民族史学”的存在也假定存在明确定义的主题和方法方法来进行历史研究,而波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的史学并非如此。因此,更确切地说,学术史学与意识形态或政治动机的史学或“准史学”并存,其意思是“处理历史……”用一种与学习历史完全不同的方式。”4
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引用次数: 0
Arming Upstanding Citizens: Dynamics of Civilian Disarmament and Rearmament in Restoration Spain 武装正直的公民:西班牙复辟时期平民解除武装和重整军备的动态
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000474
Assumpta Castillo Cañiz
This article examines the state's actions to arm and disarm the civilian population in Spain during the convulsive final years of the Bourbon Restoration period (1917–23). While this topic has received little attention in the abundant literature on the crisis of the liberal regime in Spain, it is crucial to fully understanding the inherent causes and nature of the high levels of political violence which characterised this period. By analysing the ‘selective rearmament’ of part of the population by both legal and illegal means, this article considers the relationship between dynamics of civilian disarmament and rearmament and the evolution of the alleged state monopoly on violence in Spain.
本文考察了在波旁王朝复辟时期(1917 - 1923)动荡的最后几年,西班牙政府为武装和解除平民武装所采取的行动。虽然这个话题在关于西班牙自由政权危机的大量文献中很少受到关注,但充分理解这一时期特征的高水平政治暴力的内在原因和性质至关重要。通过分析部分人口通过合法和非法手段的“选择性重新武装”,本文考虑了西班牙平民解除武装和重新武装的动态与所谓的国家垄断暴力的演变之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
A Dual Entity: The European Investment Bank and Its Lending Policy from Its Origins to the Late 1970s 双重实体:欧洲投资银行及其贷款政策从起源到20世纪70年代末
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000462
Lucia Coppolaro
By reconstructing the lending policy of the European Investment Bank (EIB) from its inception in 1958 to the late 1970s, this article shows that, until the 1970s, the EIB did not pursue EEC (European Economic Community) policies but policy elaborated at the national level. The individual member states’ political priorities and preferences played a key role in shaping the loan operations and the bank's loans were used rather more individualistically by each community country in pursuit of national aims. This situation started to change in the 1970s when internal and external developments to the EEC redeployed and refocused the methods and objectives of the bank so that lending progressively became the result of the interplay between EEC institutions. Gradually, the EIB moved away from being a mere member state's tool to pursue individual national policies, transformed into an EEC policy-driven bank and it became the financial arm of the EEC.
通过重构欧洲投资银行(EIB)从1958年成立到20世纪70年代末的贷款政策,本文表明,直到20世纪70年代,EIB并没有追求EEC(欧洲经济共同体)的政策,而是在国家层面制定的政策。个别成员国的政治优先事项和偏好在形成贷款业务方面发挥了关键作用,每个共同体国家在追求国家目标时更个人地使用银行的贷款。这种情况在20世纪70年代开始发生变化,当时欧洲经济共同体的内部和外部发展重新部署了该银行的方法和目标,使贷款逐渐成为欧洲经济共同体各机构之间相互作用的结果。逐渐地,欧洲投资银行不再仅仅是成员国执行个别国家政策的工具,而是转变为欧洲经济共同体政策驱动的银行,并成为欧洲经济共同体的金融部门。
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Contemporary European History
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