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CEH volume 32 issue 4 Cover and Front matter CEH第32卷第4期封面和封面问题
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000577
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引用次数: 0
(In)Gratitude, US Ascendancy and Transatlantic Relations after the First World War 一战后的感恩、美国的崛起与跨大西洋关系
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1017/s096077732300053x
Elisabeth Piller
During and after the First World War, the United States provided very substantial amounts of humanitarian and economic aid to war-torn Europe. All compassion aside, international historians have long recognised the strategic and social expectations attached to such foreign aid. US generosity was to build trust, reverence and influence abroad and, by inspiring ‘gratitude’ among recipients, to translate into a foreign policy advantage. But what happened when these expectations were disappointed? This article looks at transatlantic relations after the First World War to explore the role of gratitude in interwar international politics. It shows just how difficult it often was for Europeans to be appropriately ‘grateful’ and how emotionally the US public could react to such displays of perceived ‘ingratitude’. US aid – and the expectations and obligations that came with it – could excite distrust and resentment on both sides of the Atlantic.
在第一次世界大战期间和之后,美国向饱受战争蹂躏的欧洲提供了大量的人道主义和经济援助。撇开同情不谈,国际历史学家早就认识到,这种对外援助带有战略和社会期望。美国的慷慨是为了在国外建立信任、尊敬和影响力,并通过激发接受者的“感激之情”,转化为一种外交政策优势。但当这些期望落空时又会发生什么呢?本文着眼于第一次世界大战后的跨大西洋关系,探讨感恩在两次世界大战之间的国际政治中的作用。这表明,对欧洲人来说,适当地“感恩”是多么困难,而美国公众对这种被认为是“忘恩负义”的表现会做出多么情绪化的反应。美国的援助——以及随之而来的期望和义务——可能会激起大西洋两岸的不信任和怨恨。
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引用次数: 0
Macedonian Historiography: The Question of Identity and Politics 马其顿史学:身份与政治问题
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000528
Petar Todorov
Historians are playing an important role in Macedonian society. Their understanding of history and their focus of research interest revolves around the national identity of Macedonians and differentiating them from Others. In recent decades, the political debates in the Republic of (North) Macedonia and its relations with Bulgaria and Greece have had important impact on historiographic production and the new (revisionist) interpretations of the past. History has become an essential element in contemporary politics that is key for framing the national identity of the Macedonians. In this new political context historians are even more engaged in political campaigns and debates, thus making them and their historiographical work one of the sources for symbolic division in the country.
历史学家在马其顿社会中发挥着重要作用。他们对历史的理解和研究兴趣的焦点围绕着马其顿人的民族特性以及他们与其他民族的区别。近几十年来,(北)马其顿共和国的政治辩论及其与保加利亚和希腊的关系对历史学的创作和对过去的新(修正主义)解释产生了重要影响。历史已成为当代政治的基本要素,是塑造马其顿人民族身份的关键。在这一新的政治背景下,历史学家甚至更多地参与政治运动和辩论,从而使他们及其历史学著作成为该国象征性分裂的来源之一。
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引用次数: 0
Historiography in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Between Academic Discipline and Political Activism 波黑史学:在学术纪律与政治行动主义之间
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000516
Husnija Kamberović
The wars of Yugoslav succession in the 1990s dramatically stimulated interest in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). To satisfy this interest from the outside world, many historical publications offered up various explanations for the outbreak of the wars. 1 Yet the prior, and perhaps more significant, development occurred on the eve of the war, when historians in Bosnia and Herzegovina – although to a considerably lesser extent than in Serbia and Croatia – made an important contribution to national(ist) mobilisation and to the creation of a belligerent atmosphere by sensationally broaching traumatic topics linked to the Second World War. 2 The war in the 1990s left behind a devastated and divided country and created deep social divisions which have also affected the role and status of the nation's historiography. Many today accept the claim that Bosnia and Herzegovina is a country in which there exist three views on history, although this is only partly true, because in this country far more than ‘three views on history’ exist. In practice, the thesis of three national historiographies (Serbian, Croatian, and Bosniak) 3 turns out to be completely erroneous, because the existence of ‘national historiographies’ would also presume the existence of clearly defined thematic and methodological approaches to historical research, and that is not the case with historiography in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, it is more precise to speak of a scholarly historiography that exists alongside an ideologically or politically motivated historiography or ‘parahistoriography’, by which is meant ‘dealing with history . . . in a completely different way than studying history’. 4
20世纪90年代南斯拉夫的继承权战争极大地激发了人们对波黑历史的兴趣。为了满足外界的这种兴趣,许多历史出版物对战争的爆发提出了各种各样的解释。然而,更早的,或许也是更重要的发展发生在战争前夕,当时,波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的历史学家——尽管在很大程度上比塞尔维亚和克罗地亚的历史学家要小得多——通过耸人听闻地提出与第二次世界大战有关的创伤性话题,为全国(ist)动员和创造一种交战气氛做出了重要贡献。20世纪90年代的战争留下了一个满目疮痍、分裂的国家,造成了深刻的社会分裂,这也影响了国家历史编纂的角色和地位。今天许多人接受波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那是一个存在三种历史观的国家的说法,尽管这只是部分正确的,因为在这个国家存在的远不止“三种历史观”。在实践中,三个民族史学(塞尔维亚、克罗地亚和波斯尼亚)的论文被证明是完全错误的,因为“民族史学”的存在也假定存在明确定义的主题和方法方法来进行历史研究,而波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的史学并非如此。因此,更确切地说,学术史学与意识形态或政治动机的史学或“准史学”并存,其意思是“处理历史……”用一种与学习历史完全不同的方式。”4
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引用次数: 0
Arming Upstanding Citizens: Dynamics of Civilian Disarmament and Rearmament in Restoration Spain 武装正直的公民:西班牙复辟时期平民解除武装和重整军备的动态
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000474
Assumpta Castillo Cañiz
This article examines the state's actions to arm and disarm the civilian population in Spain during the convulsive final years of the Bourbon Restoration period (1917–23). While this topic has received little attention in the abundant literature on the crisis of the liberal regime in Spain, it is crucial to fully understanding the inherent causes and nature of the high levels of political violence which characterised this period. By analysing the ‘selective rearmament’ of part of the population by both legal and illegal means, this article considers the relationship between dynamics of civilian disarmament and rearmament and the evolution of the alleged state monopoly on violence in Spain.
本文考察了在波旁王朝复辟时期(1917 - 1923)动荡的最后几年,西班牙政府为武装和解除平民武装所采取的行动。虽然这个话题在关于西班牙自由政权危机的大量文献中很少受到关注,但充分理解这一时期特征的高水平政治暴力的内在原因和性质至关重要。通过分析部分人口通过合法和非法手段的“选择性重新武装”,本文考虑了西班牙平民解除武装和重新武装的动态与所谓的国家垄断暴力的演变之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
A Dual Entity: The European Investment Bank and Its Lending Policy from Its Origins to the Late 1970s 双重实体:欧洲投资银行及其贷款政策从起源到20世纪70年代末
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000462
Lucia Coppolaro
By reconstructing the lending policy of the European Investment Bank (EIB) from its inception in 1958 to the late 1970s, this article shows that, until the 1970s, the EIB did not pursue EEC (European Economic Community) policies but policy elaborated at the national level. The individual member states’ political priorities and preferences played a key role in shaping the loan operations and the bank's loans were used rather more individualistically by each community country in pursuit of national aims. This situation started to change in the 1970s when internal and external developments to the EEC redeployed and refocused the methods and objectives of the bank so that lending progressively became the result of the interplay between EEC institutions. Gradually, the EIB moved away from being a mere member state's tool to pursue individual national policies, transformed into an EEC policy-driven bank and it became the financial arm of the EEC.
通过重构欧洲投资银行(EIB)从1958年成立到20世纪70年代末的贷款政策,本文表明,直到20世纪70年代,EIB并没有追求EEC(欧洲经济共同体)的政策,而是在国家层面制定的政策。个别成员国的政治优先事项和偏好在形成贷款业务方面发挥了关键作用,每个共同体国家在追求国家目标时更个人地使用银行的贷款。这种情况在20世纪70年代开始发生变化,当时欧洲经济共同体的内部和外部发展重新部署了该银行的方法和目标,使贷款逐渐成为欧洲经济共同体各机构之间相互作用的结果。逐渐地,欧洲投资银行不再仅仅是成员国执行个别国家政策的工具,而是转变为欧洲经济共同体政策驱动的银行,并成为欧洲经济共同体的金融部门。
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引用次数: 0
The Price of Isolation: Fascism, Vichy and the Holocaust in French History 孤立的代价:法西斯主义、维希与法国历史上的大屠杀
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000498
Christoph Farquet
The historiographical debate about France during the Second World War has long been dominated by two foreign historians. On the one hand, the Israeli intellectual Zeev Sternhell notoriously placed the origin of fascism in France's Belle Epoque and saw Vichy France as the paradigmatic example of a fascist regime in his book, Neither Right nor Left, four decades ago. Year after year, Sternhell, who had studied in Paris, made criticisms of the Parisian intellectual milieu and denounced its egocentrism and provincialism. On the other hand, American historian Robert Paxton reigned over the history of French collaboration with Nazi Germany. Although it raised certain controversies when it was translated into French in 1973, his Vichy France has been since accepted as the key reference on the subject, as well as an indispensable pedagogical tool against apologetic views of Marshall Pétain's regime, which enjoy periodic revivals in the country. Despite their age – Sternhell died in 2020 and Paxton is ninety years old – these two historians have remained the unavoidable cornerstones in the discussion on French attitudes during the Second World War – the first as a competitor, the second as a paternal figure.
关于第二次世界大战期间法国的史学争论长期以来一直由两位外国历史学家主导。一方面,以色列知识分子泽夫·斯特恩霍尔(Zeev Sternhell)将法西斯主义的起源放在了法国的美好时代,并在40年前的《既不是右翼也不是左翼》一书中将维希·法国视为法西斯政权的典范。年复一年,曾在巴黎留学的Sternhell对巴黎的知识环境提出了批评,并谴责其自我中心主义和地方主义。另一方面,美国历史学家罗伯特·帕克斯顿统治着法国与纳粹德国合作的历史。尽管它在1973年被翻译成法语时引起了一些争议,但他的《维希法国》自那以后一直被认为是该主题的关键参考文献,也是反对马歇尔·佩坦政权道歉观点的不可或缺的教学工具,这些观点在该国定期复兴。尽管他们年事已高——Sternhell于2020年去世,帕克斯顿90岁了——但这两位历史学家仍然是第二次世界大战期间法国态度讨论中不可避免的基石——第一位是竞争对手,第二位是父亲。
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引用次数: 0
Archaeology of a Treasure Island: Actors and Practices of Holding Companies in Luxembourg (1929–1940) 金银岛考古:卢森堡控股公司的行为和实践(1929–1940)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000437
Matteo Calabrese, B. Majerus
Tax avoidance has become a hotly discussed topic. These debates have been informed by academic research done by social scientists. Historians, relative latecomers in the field, argue for a greater consideration of the interwar period so as to understand the pathway dependencies of the infrastructures used for tax dodging practices today. This article explores the question of how Luxembourg became, in the 1930s, an important node in the network of legal re-coding of capital for tax shopping purposes. The Holding Act of 1929 offered legal security but was vague enough to foster a fiscal bricolage that allowed notaries, banks and lawyers to serve a heterogeneous group of people eager to pay less tax. Concealing the real beneficiaries of the holding while at the same publicising the opportunities of the legal coding proved to be a complementary process.
避税已经成为一个热门话题。社会科学家的学术研究为这些争论提供了依据。历史学家是该领域相对较晚的人,他们主张更多地考虑两次世界大战期间,以了解当今用于逃税行为的基础设施的路径依赖性。本文探讨了卢森堡如何在20世纪30年代成为资本法律重新编码网络中的一个重要节点,以实现税收购物目的。1929年的《控股法》提供了法律保障,但过于模糊,助长了一种财政拼凑,允许公证人、银行和律师为渴望少纳税的异质群体服务。事实证明,在公开法律编码的机会的同时,隐瞒控股的真正受益人是一个互补的过程。
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引用次数: 0
Between Political Constraints and Professional Historical Writing: Three Decades of Croatian Historiography (1990–2021) 在政治约束与专业历史写作之间:克罗地亚史学三十年(1990-2021)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000486
Snježana Koren, Damir Agičić
Like most European historiographies, modern Croatian historiography was founded in the second half of the nineteenth century. It coincided with the appearance and spread of nationalism – what is more, it was one of its essential components. Nonetheless, the number of historians in Croatia remained small for a long period of time (In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, approximately twenty historians worked in universities, museums, and archives), and historiographic production was modest and methodologically traditional. The number of historians and institutions dedicated to historical writing increased significantly in the decades following the Second World War, reflecting the importance placed on history by the communist authorities. Approximately one hundred historians were employed in Croatia at the time of its independence in the early 1990s, principally at the country's two universities and a number of historical institutes. Today, Croatia – a country with a population of less than four million – offers up to eight undergraduate and graduate history programs, as well as several doctoral programs. More than 300 professional historians work in faculties, institutes and other institutions such as archives, museums or non-governmental organisations.
像大多数欧洲史学一样,现代克罗地亚史学建立于19世纪下半叶。它与民族主义的出现和传播不约而同——更重要的是,它是民族主义的重要组成部分之一。尽管如此,克罗地亚历史学家的数量在很长一段时间内仍然很少(在第二次世界大战刚结束时,大约有20名历史学家在大学、博物馆和档案馆工作),历史编纂工作规模不大,方法上也很传统。在第二次世界大战后的几十年里,致力于历史写作的历史学家和机构的数量显著增加,这反映了共产党当局对历史的重视。克罗地亚在1990年代初独立时雇用了大约100名历史学家,主要是在该国的两所大学和一些历史研究所。今天,克罗地亚——一个人口不到400万的国家——提供多达8个本科和研究生历史课程,以及几个博士课程。300多名专业历史学家在学院、研究所和其他机构(如档案馆、博物馆或非政府组织)工作。
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引用次数: 0
New Histories of and for Europe: Narrating the European Project 欧洲的新历史:叙述欧洲计划
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000450
Félix Krawatzek, Friedemann Pestel
Approaching Europe's historical trajectories to explain its present condition is an ever-growing genre. More than 200 years after the Congress of Vienna, more than 100 years after the First World War, more than sixty years after the Treaty of Rome, more than half a decade after the Brexit referendum – and after more than a year of open warfare in Ukraine, the European project remains in constant flux. A seemingly endless sequence of junctures over the last two decades has raised the demand for historically grounded analyses of Europe. The desire for such publications, both academic and for a broader audience, is thus far from exhausted. Every turn in European politics gives rise to a new take on Europe's past by historians and scholars working in related disciplines.
接近欧洲的历史轨迹来解释其现状是一种不断增长的流派。维也纳会议召开200多年后,第一次世界大战结束100多年后,《罗马条约》签订60多年后,英国脱欧公投结束5年多后,以及乌克兰一年多的公开战争之后,欧洲项目仍在不断变化。在过去的二十年中,一系列看似无穷无尽的转折点,提高了对欧洲历史分析的需求。对这种出版物的渴望,无论是学术的还是更广泛的读者,远远没有枯竭。欧洲政治的每一次转折都会引起相关学科的历史学家和学者对欧洲历史的新看法。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary European History
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