Pub Date : 2023-10-23DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265687
Shala Ashraf, Ikram Badshah, Usman Khan
ABSTRACTThe article attempts to highlight the issue of enforced disappearances in Balochistan and in particular the Baloch population. The focus is on blood relatives and specifically mothers, sisters, daughters, wives, and other close female relatives of forcibly disappeared persons. The Baloch women are at the forefront of the struggle against these enforced disappearances. They are experiencing hardships in seeking justice for the victims and continue to search for the whereabouts of their forcibly disappeared loved ones. The politically motivated women activists have initiated a collective struggle for the safe recovery of the disappeared victims. The families created an organization by the name of Voice for Baloch Missing Persons (VBMP) in 2009, which provides the families legal, political, human rights, and emotional support with a strong aspiration to bring justice to the aggrieved families. The data were obtained using an ethnographic method of participant observation, interviews, and conversations with VBMP members, families, and especially female family members of the enforced disappeared victims. The article concluded by saying that, the Baloch women’s activism and resistance have opened a new horizon for the participation of victims’ relatives in a patriarchal society. The Baloch women have strived hard to bring back their loved ones, thus adding a new dimension to the ethnolinguistic politics and recognition in the age of state project of homogenization and suppression.KEYWORDS: Political activismenforced disappearanceBalochistanwomen Additional informationNotes on contributorsShala AshrafShala Ashraf is a Lecturer of Sociology at the Balochistan University of information, Technology, Engineering and Management Sciences (BUITEMS), Quetta Balochistan. She has done her Masters in Philosophy and in Anthropology from Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad. Her research interests include Baloch Women, Women’s collective actions, Women’s agency and feminist consciousness of Baloch Women.Ikram BadshahIkram Badshah is an Assistant professor at Department of Anthropology, Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad. His research interests include Pakhtun culture, peace poetry, identity politics, students politics, necropolitics, postcolonial states and content analysis of text books.Usman KhanUsman Khan is a Postdoctoral fellow at School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), Xi’an International Studies University, China. His research area covers colonial and post colonial states, social movements, borderland regions, Pashtuns of Pakistan.
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Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265684
Wai-Siam Hee
ABSTRACT“Amorous histories” represent an unofficial historical tradition that once served as a legitimate mechanism for narrating same-sex desire in Chinese culture. This tradition not only celebrated love (qing) but also explored obsession (pi) within the Chinese context. This article reexamines the erotic arts, including notes and erotic fictions, that constituted the narrative mechanism of amorous histories to rethink the intricate stance of both praise and critique towards male love during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The analysis reveals how these texts repeatedly employed a narrative tactic of combining enticement and moral suasion to represent male love. While legitimizing male love, these representations were simultaneously regulated by the moral norms of official histories. However, during the late Qing and early Republican era, the tradition of amorous histories began to wane and eventually gave way to the emergence of pathological narratives under the guise of “sexual histories” in modern China. Within the discourse of sexual histories, the tradition of praising qing and pi was substituted by Western-influenced “the science of sexuality,” which pathologized same-sex desire. This article traces the changes in the meaning of “pi,” which underwent a phase of non-pathologized development in Ming and Qing dynasties, before being pathologized by May 4th literati. Finally, this article analyses the impact of the replacement of amorous histories with pathologized sexual histories on the debates over homosexuality between Hu Qiuyuan and Yang Youtian in modern China. It shows how changes in historical narratives influenced early twentieth century perceptions of same-sex desire.KEYWORDS: Yanshi (amorous histories)xingshi (sexual histories)Taohua yanshiBian er chaipi (obsession)Zhang Dainanse (male love)homosexuality AcknowledgementsThank you to the two anonymous reviewers for their evaluation and provided revision suggestions. Special thanks go to the editors of this journal for their support and, ultimately, for approving this article. I would also like to express my gratitude to the Center for Chinese Studies, Taiwan and the generous support from the Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy, Academia Sinica, Taiwan which enabled me to utilize the rich collections of the Academia Sinica Library, National Central Library and other libraries to complete the revisions for this article. This article was invited to be presented at “The China Academic Network on Gender (CHANGE) Biennial Conference: Re-Envisioning Gender in China” organized by The Universite libre de Bruxelles, Belgium, Europe. I would also like to thank Professor Stephanie Hemelryk Donald and other reviewers for their constructive feedback on earlier drafts of this article. Lastly, I would like to extend my gratitude to Meng Jiajie for the assistance provided in gathering data.Special termsTableDownload CSVDisplay TableNotes1 Although Zhang Jingsheng was active in Republican Chi
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Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265682
Geng Song
ABSTRACTThe term “milky puppy” (xiao naigou) gained popularity as a slang term in Chinese cyberspace since 2017, symbolizing a young, endearing, and adorable male figure, much like the perception of a puppy. This phenomenon, influenced by Hallyu 4.0 and the toshishita romantic motif prevalent in Japanese and Korean popular cultures, has led to the emergence of an “older woman-younger man” relationship pattern as a new trend in Chinese digital entertainment, particularly TV dramas. In this context, the younger, “pet” boyfriend is commonly referred to as a “milky puppy.” This article investigates the transnational flow and cultural translation of the Pet Man imaginary in East Asia, arguing that the bodily rhetoric of “milky puppy” signifies a Chinese variant of moe culture and represents the commodification of the male body. The article presents critical analyses of two recent Chinese TV dramas within this romantic subgenre, Find Yourself and The Rational Life, and compares them to the South Korean drama Something in the Rain. Through this comparative study, the article aims to identify distinctive Chinese characteristics in the portrayal of pet man masculinity in these dramas. By engaging with feminist and governmentality theories, the study explores how gender dynamics in these dramas negotiate between neoliberal subjectivity and the resilience of patriarchal gender norms in postsocialist China.KEYWORDS: Chinamasculinitycultural translationEast AsiaTV dramaneoliberal subjectivity Notes1 Online commentaries pointed out many similarities between the drama and I’m Taking the Day Off, including the character of the protagonists, funny family members, and a beloved dog in the female protagonist’s family, as well as the existence of an older man who has a crush on the female protagonist and approaches her on the pretense of offering her relationship advice. For more details, see https://star.ettoday.net/news/1634057 (accessed May 19, 2022).2 The “bossy CEO” (badao zongcai) refers to a subgenre of revamped Cinderella stories in online fiction and TV dramas. The stories center on a love story between a wealthy and domineering young man and a humble girl. See Song (Citation2023) for a discussion of this subgenre.3 https://movie.douban.com/review/12207102/ (accessed June 8, 2022).4 Boys Over Flowers is originally a Japanese manga series by Yoko Kamio serialized during 1992–2008. It has been adapted into films and TV dramas in a variety of East Asian countries, including Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Mainland China, and Thailand, and has become an icon of the Pan-East Asian aesthetic of male effeminacy.Additional informationNotes on contributorsGeng SongGeng Song is an Associate Professor and Director of the Translation Program in the School of Chinese at the University of Hong Kong. He has been selected as a Luce East Asia Fellow at the National Humanities Centre, USA, for the 2022/23 academic year. Song’s research interests span transcultural, transdiscipli
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Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2243708
Jocelyn Yi-Hsuan Lai
ABSTRACTThis article investigates the working life of Taiwanese TV screenwriters who have commuted across the Taiwan Strait since the 2010s to supplement previous research on Taiwanese creative workers in China. My analysis is divided into three parts: (1) the screenwriters’ work structure and problems; (2) how their self-enterprising ethos pushes them to adhere to the Chinese state-market regime; and (3) the competitions in the screenwriting field, their solutions to the problems, and their attitudes toward building collective solidarity to empower themselves. This article argues that the Taiwanese screenwriters working across the Taiwan Strait have three common features: self-enterprising, self-censorship, and self-interests. Their competition has resulted in internal rivalry, jealousy, and personal attacks. So far, their resolutions to problems are individually based, and they do not change the structural relations that the screenwriters collectively face.KEYWORDS: Chinacultural and creative workerneoliberalismprecarityself-precarizationTaiwanese TV screenwriters AcknowledgementsThis research is approved by the Institutional Review Board at the researcher’s affiliated institution. The ethics approval number is C108042. The interviewees were fully informed about this research when they provided informed consent. The author wishes to thank all of the people who I interviewed. Different versions of this article were presented at the Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Society Virtual Conference (26–30 July, 2021) and at the Taiwan-based Chinese Communication Society Annual Conference (18–19 June, 2022). I wish to thank Leo Ching, Doobo Shim and Fang-chih Irene Yang and all of the reviewers who commented on the earlier versions of the article.Special termsTableDownload CSVDisplay TableNotes1 Taiwanese national health insurance and pension scheme were established in 1995 and 2007.2 Sara and her family moved to Beijing in January 2018 but returned to Taipei in July 2019. Celia and Andy were asked to live in their Beijing company’s housing during 2018 and 2020. They returned to Taiwan before the COVID-19 pandemic and have lost contact with the company ever since.3 Kat and Vivi told me that Chinese companies are their agents representing them in the Chinese screenwriting labor market.Additional informationFundingThis research was supported by the Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan [grant number MOST 109-2410-H-030-002].Notes on contributorsJocelyn Yi-Hsuan LaiJocelyn Yi-Hsuan Lai (PhD) is Assistant Professor of the Department of Communication Arts at Fu Jen Catholic University, New Taipei City, Taiwan. Her research focuses on the impacts of neoliberalism on Taiwanese television culture and workers. She has published essays in Taiwan’s academic journals and English anthologies. She coguest-edited a special issue on Confucian values and television in East Asia in Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies.
摘要本文以2010年代以来往返两岸的台湾电视编剧的工作生活为研究对象，作为对台湾在大陆创作工作者研究的补充。我的分析分为三个部分:(1)编剧的工作结构和存在的问题;(2)他们的自我进取精神如何推动他们坚持中国的国家市场体制;(3)编剧领域的竞争，他们对问题的解决方案，以及他们对建立集体团结以赋予自己权力的态度。本文认为两岸台湾编剧有三个共同的特点:自我进取、自我审查和自我利益。他们的竞争导致了内部竞争、嫉妒和人身攻击。到目前为止，他们对问题的解决都是基于个人的，并没有改变编剧集体面临的结构性关系。关键词:中国文化创意工作者新自由主义不稳定性自我不稳定性台湾电视编剧致谢本研究已获所属单位机构评审委员会批准。伦理批准号为C108042。受访者在提供知情同意书时已被充分告知本研究。作者要感谢我采访过的所有人。本文的不同版本分别在Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Society虚拟会议(2021年7月26日至30日)和台湾中文传播学会年会(2022年6月18日至19日)上发表。我要感谢Leo Ching、Doobo Shim和Fang-chih Irene Yang以及所有对本文早期版本发表评论的评论者。1台湾的国民健康保险和养老金计划分别于1995年和2007年建立。7.2 Sara和她的家人于2018年1月搬到北京，但于2019年7月返回台北。西莉亚和安迪被要求在2018年和2020年期间住在他们北京公司的房子里。他们在新冠肺炎疫情前返回台湾，此后一直与该公司失去联系Kat和Vivi告诉我，中国公司是他们在中国编剧劳动力市场的代理。本研究由台湾科学技术部支持[批准号MOST 109-2410-H-030-002]。作者简介赖以萱(博士)，台湾新北市辅仁天主教大学传播艺术系助理教授。她的研究重点是新自由主义对台湾电视文化和工作者的影响。她曾在台湾学术期刊和英文选集上发表文章。她在《媒体与文化研究杂志》上客串编辑了一期关于东亚儒家价值观和电视的特刊。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2242147
Leo T. S. Ching
ABSTRACTThe “new” Great Game suggests that, like the imperial competition of the past, we are witnessing a trans-imperial moment whereby Japan and China are vying for hegemony in East Asia. This is a new moment because East Asia, unlike Europe, has never had two co-existing superpowers. The prospect of a new imperial competition is complicated by the still-present American military power and the non-statist arena, especially in popular culture, where the imperial games are played out. Using two popular anti-Japan videogames, Glorious Mission Online (2013) and The Invisible Guardian (2019) as case studies, I argue these games are symptomatic of the relations between warfare and game in general. I then outline the trend in game development that subverts conventional wargames. Finally, I speculate on alternative game design over the disputed territories in the Southern China Sea that prioritizes ecology over human conflict and development.KEYWORDS: Wargamesanti-Japandecolonizationgame designChina’s rise Notes1 The distinction between real and virtual warfare is beginning to breakdown. As US General Martin Demsey discussed with our students in the Games and Culture class at Duke University some years ago, drone pilots also suffer from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) after their missions not unlike soldiers fighting in the battlefields.2 For a critique of the Second Amendment that justifies gun ownership in the US and its historical efforts to disenfranchise African Americans see Carol Anderson, The Second: Race and Guns in a Fatally Unequal America.3 As Darren Byler has argued, the Chinese state has appropriated the American term, War on Terror, to implement surveillance technologies and “re-education” camps to Sinicize Uyghur Muslim communities in Xinjiang (Citation2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsLeo T. S. ChingLeo T. S. Ching teaches Japanese and East Asian Cultural Studies at Duke University. He is the author of Anti-Japan: The Politics of Sentiment in Postcolonial East Asia (Duke University Press, 2019).
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Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2242150
Debopriya Shome
ABSTRACTPost-war Sri Lanka has witnessed revitalised tourism in the North. Tourism initiatives are now taking shape within a contested terrain still marred by decades of violence. Yet, tourism is reconfigured in the background of divided and often exclusive sovereign claims to territory and life-worlds. It is evident that dark tourism’s consumptive practices are prevalent, instituting careful memorialisation of war; mollifying the sensibilities of the Sinhala majority. These practices valorise the Army and effectuate relations of supremacy and subjection. Moreover, with the Army as pre-eminent rulers this stark reality also entails narratives of displacement, exclusion, and surveillance. The paper argues that transformation of the North as governed by the Army alongside aggressive development constitutes necrocapitalism.KEYWORDS: Sri Lankadark tourismmemorialisationarmyethnic conflictnecrocapitalism AcknowledgementAn earlier version of this paper was presented online at the “Innovations in the Social Sciences and Humanities” (ISSH) conference 2021, organised by Ton Duc Thang University et al.Additional informationNotes on contributorsDebopriya ShomeDebopriya Shome is a PhD student at the Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata. He is currently researching the growth of platform labour in India. As a young political scientist, he has contributed popular pieces on different subjects. His research interests include platform labour, dark tourism, digital political communication, digital political economy, Marxism, etc.
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Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2242145
Keith B. Wagner
ABSTRACTThis study is prompted by two of the most famous Hollywood blockbusters set above and below the ocean—The Abyss (1989) and Waterworld (1995). These films tell us something about catastrophic environmental degradation as much as they point us to the cultural power that is embedded in deep-sea structures and vehicles: the underwater drilling platform, built-up steampunk atolls and submersibles. The continuation of this fantastical infrastructure imagining occurs out at sea in The Meg (2018) and underground in The Wandering Earth (2019). As new Chinese science fiction films, each provide representations of other high-tech complexes—from an underwater research facility to massive Earth engines—each vying to show the struggles over technological ingenuity being usurped for military purposes. Thus, premonitions of China’s rise out at sea and off-world are argued to relate to its recent construction of artificial islands in the South China Sea. This is formulated by me to be a part of a “baseworld phenomenon.” An additional two tropes coalescence with The Meg and The Wandering Earth: mainly, that these films are part of an ever-expanding corpus of global SF cinema. Throughout the essay, the concept of “cultural pillarization”, where worlds created for Chinese audiences are partitioned and multiculturalism is compromised, is also analyzed.KEYWORDS: The MegThe Wandering Earthfantastical infrastructure imaginingglobal science fiction cinemabaseworld phenomenonhydrogeographiescultural pillarizationChina-hollywood co-production Special termsTableDownload CSVDisplay TableNotes1 For example: incursions into other Asian air spaces such as South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan (BBC 2022; Reuters Citation2022); a flash conflict on its mountain border with India, where special forces from both sides perished after falling to their deaths during the skirmish (NYT 2021; Gettleman and Myers Citation2021); to its creation of its own baseworld phenomenon at the edges of its dominion through the construction of seven artificial islands since 2015.2 With the US, NATO, and Japan, alongside other Pacific Rim military alliances now trying to contain China’s military ambitions, some commentators in and outside of the postsocialist country rightly chastise these hypocritical calls, given Europe, Japan, and America’s past exploits related to colonialism and pre-emptive strikes.Additional informationNotes on contributorsKeith B. WagnerKeith B. Wagner is a Visiting Professor in the Department of Media Communication at Sungshin Women’s University in Seoul, South Korea. He was formerly Assistant Professor at University College London and held a visiting professorship in the College of Liberal Studies at Seoul National University. He is the co-editor of Neoliberalism and Global Cinema: Capital, Culture and Marxist Critique (Routledge, 2011), China’s iGeneration: Cinema and Moving Image Culture for the Twenty-First Century (Bloomsbury Academic, 2014), Korean Art from 1953: Collisio
【摘要】这项研究是受到两部最著名的好莱坞大片——《深渊》(1989)和《水世界》(1995)的启发。这些电影向我们讲述了灾难性的环境退化，同时也向我们展示了深海建筑和交通工具中蕴含的文化力量:水下钻井平台、蒸汽朋克式的环礁和潜水器。在《巨齿鲨》(2018)和《流浪地球》(2019)中，这种对基础设施的幻想继续出现在海上和地下。就像新的中国科幻电影一样，每一部电影都展现了其他高科技综合体——从水下研究设施到大型地球引擎——每一部电影都在争相展示科技创造力被军事目的所篡夺的斗争。因此，对中国在海上和世界之外崛起的预感，被认为与中国最近在南中国海建造的人工岛屿有关。我将此表述为“基础世界现象”的一部分。与《巨齿鲨》和《流浪地球》相结合的另外两个比喻:主要是这些电影是不断扩大的全球科幻电影的一部分。本文还分析了“文化支柱化”的概念，即为中国观众创造的世界被分割，多元文化主义受到损害。关键词:巨型《漫游地球》奇幻基础设施想象全球科幻电影基地世界现象水文地理文化支柱中国-好莱坞合拍特稿stabledownload csv显示表注1例如:入侵其他亚洲空域如韩国、日本和台湾(BBC 2022;路透Citation2022);在与印度接壤的山区发生了一场突如其来的冲突，双方的特种部队都在冲突中阵亡(纽约时报2021;Gettleman and Myers Citation2021);随着美国、北约和日本以及其他环太平洋军事联盟现在试图遏制中国的军事野心，这个后社会主义国家内外的一些评论员正确地谴责了这些虚伪的呼吁，因为欧洲、日本和美国过去的殖民主义和先发制人的打击。本文作者keith B. Wagner是韩国首尔诚信女子大学媒体传播系的客座教授。他曾任伦敦大学学院助理教授和首尔国立大学通识学院客座教授。他是《新自由主义和全球电影:资本、文化和马克思主义批判》(劳特利奇出版社，2011年)、《中国的一代:21世纪的电影和运动影像文化》(布卢姆斯伯里学院出版社，2014年)、《1953年以来的韩国艺术:碰撞、创新和互动》(费顿出版社，2020年)、《弗雷德里克·詹姆逊和电影理论:世界电影中的马克思主义、寓言和地缘政治》(罗格斯大学出版社，2022年)和《全球银幕上的伦敦》的共同主编。游客，世界主义者和超级多样化城市的迁移愿景(曼彻斯特大学出版社，2023)。目前，瓦格纳博士正在完成两本新书:《全球电影的极端行为》和《电影的多重全球化再理论化》。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2242152
Zul Zugeerbai
ABSTRACTRegarding the origin, purpose, and political connotation of the Mongolian democratic revolution, academic circles have rarely mentioned the “theory-ideology-policy” of the Mongolian economist and revolutionary theorist, Pagam Nergui. Nonetheless, his research and participation had a significant impact on the Mongolian democratic revolution, which lasted from 1989 to 1990. According to Nergui, the Mongolian democratic revolution was nipped in the bud without achieving its goal three decades ago. The most significant difference between the perspectives of Nergui and most other scholars is that he believed Mongolia’s democratic revolution was affected not only by the democratization of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe but also by the hardships endured by the Mongolian people due to the control and the oppression of “latent colonialism” by the Soviet Union, along with the burden of huge debts accumulated over seven decades. Nergui concluded that the Mongolian people must promote an outright change of the country’s social structure to achieve its revolutionary goals.KEYWORDS: MongoliaNerguithe former Soviet Unionlatent colonialismsystemic crisisnationalismdemocratic revolution AcknowledgementsUtmost appreciation goes to Professor Wang, Fu-Chang (Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica) and Professor Poe Yu-Ze Wan (Department of Sociology, National Sun Yat-sen University) for offering invaluable suggestions during the process of revising this research paper and commenting on the final manuscript.Notes1 The Sino-Soviet Agreement was an agreement signed by the Soviet Union and China on 31 May 1924. China recognized the Soviet government, and the Soviet Union promised to withdraw its troops from Outer Mongolia completely and recognized Outer Mongolia as part of Chinese territory.2 A latent colonialist state is a state that appears to be independent of the colonized state, but is in fact subject to external states in all respects.3 The Soviet chauvinism refers to dominant power chauvinism. In international relations, larger countries do not respect the independence and equal status of smaller ones, and even impose their will on others, so as to damage their sovereignty and interests in each other.4 “Systemic crisis,” also known as the three major crises, includes the economic crisis of 1981, the political crisis of 1984, and the ideological crisis of 1987.5 Enkhsaihan Mendsaikhan was the Prime Minister of Mongolia from 1996 to 2000, representing the Mongolian Democratic Union.6 “Material-technical basis” is the material-technical conditions on which production relations depend. The material and technological base refers to the production of large machines with high labor productivity based on modern advanced technology that is widely used in industry, agriculture, and other sectors of the national economy (Wilczynsk Citation1981, 345).7 “Fixed capital” refers to the capital used to purchase durable labor materials such as machinery, equipment, t
{"title":"The ideological roots of Mongolia’s democratic revolution: Nergui’s theory of “latent colonialism” and its interpretations","authors":"Zul Zugeerbai","doi":"10.1080/14649373.2023.2242152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2023.2242152","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTRegarding the origin, purpose, and political connotation of the Mongolian democratic revolution, academic circles have rarely mentioned the “theory-ideology-policy” of the Mongolian economist and revolutionary theorist, Pagam Nergui. Nonetheless, his research and participation had a significant impact on the Mongolian democratic revolution, which lasted from 1989 to 1990. According to Nergui, the Mongolian democratic revolution was nipped in the bud without achieving its goal three decades ago. The most significant difference between the perspectives of Nergui and most other scholars is that he believed Mongolia’s democratic revolution was affected not only by the democratization of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe but also by the hardships endured by the Mongolian people due to the control and the oppression of “latent colonialism” by the Soviet Union, along with the burden of huge debts accumulated over seven decades. Nergui concluded that the Mongolian people must promote an outright change of the country’s social structure to achieve its revolutionary goals.KEYWORDS: MongoliaNerguithe former Soviet Unionlatent colonialismsystemic crisisnationalismdemocratic revolution AcknowledgementsUtmost appreciation goes to Professor Wang, Fu-Chang (Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica) and Professor Poe Yu-Ze Wan (Department of Sociology, National Sun Yat-sen University) for offering invaluable suggestions during the process of revising this research paper and commenting on the final manuscript.Notes1 The Sino-Soviet Agreement was an agreement signed by the Soviet Union and China on 31 May 1924. China recognized the Soviet government, and the Soviet Union promised to withdraw its troops from Outer Mongolia completely and recognized Outer Mongolia as part of Chinese territory.2 A latent colonialist state is a state that appears to be independent of the colonized state, but is in fact subject to external states in all respects.3 The Soviet chauvinism refers to dominant power chauvinism. In international relations, larger countries do not respect the independence and equal status of smaller ones, and even impose their will on others, so as to damage their sovereignty and interests in each other.4 “Systemic crisis,” also known as the three major crises, includes the economic crisis of 1981, the political crisis of 1984, and the ideological crisis of 1987.5 Enkhsaihan Mendsaikhan was the Prime Minister of Mongolia from 1996 to 2000, representing the Mongolian Democratic Union.6 “Material-technical basis” is the material-technical conditions on which production relations depend. The material and technological base refers to the production of large machines with high labor productivity based on modern advanced technology that is widely used in industry, agriculture, and other sectors of the national economy (Wilczynsk Citation1981, 345).7 “Fixed capital” refers to the capital used to purchase durable labor materials such as machinery, equipment, t","PeriodicalId":46080,"journal":{"name":"Inter-Asia Cultural Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135061330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2242149
Shi JI
The spring of 2022 brought an unexpected chill, and along with the arrival of “biting sheep”—in the Chinese language, there is a phonetic resemblance between the word for “sheep”(yang) and “positive”(yang) in nucleic acid testing. Suddenly, sheep seemed to be cropping up everywhere. On 27 March, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the city of Shanghai announced a lockdown divided by the Huangpu River as the boundary. Pudong (the right bank of the river) was the first to be placed under lockdown for four days, followed by Puxi (the left bank) for another four days. That night, residents went into a frenzy, rushing to buy groceries. 1 April—April Foul’s day— streets and alleys in Puxi were also sealed off. Stores were shuttered, factories ceased operations, public transportation came to a halt, intersections were guarded, and all residents were confined indoors. On 5 April, the anticipated reopening did not happen, and the city remained under lockdown. Wooden boards, metal fences, and other materials were used as barriers to “prevent viral intrusion.” Residents were unable to go outside to buy food or get medical care. Within residential complexes, continuous testing efforts were organized. And yet the number of positive cases kept rising, resulting in mandatory transfers to makeshift isolation facilities. Fear swept through the population. From the end of May, Shanghai initiated a gradual reopening, shifting from a complete city-wide lockdown to localized and targeted control measures. On 12 December, the last restrictions were lifted. The populace embraced their newfound freedom, but this was accompanied by a surge in positive cases, while pharmacies struggled with persistent shortages of medication and testing kits. The winter of 2022 was feverish.
{"title":"Sheep herding in Shanghai, 2022","authors":"Shi JI","doi":"10.1080/14649373.2023.2242149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2023.2242149","url":null,"abstract":"The spring of 2022 brought an unexpected chill, and along with the arrival of “biting sheep”—in the Chinese language, there is a phonetic resemblance between the word for “sheep”(yang) and “positive”(yang) in nucleic acid testing. Suddenly, sheep seemed to be cropping up everywhere. On 27 March, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the city of Shanghai announced a lockdown divided by the Huangpu River as the boundary. Pudong (the right bank of the river) was the first to be placed under lockdown for four days, followed by Puxi (the left bank) for another four days. That night, residents went into a frenzy, rushing to buy groceries. 1 April—April Foul’s day— streets and alleys in Puxi were also sealed off. Stores were shuttered, factories ceased operations, public transportation came to a halt, intersections were guarded, and all residents were confined indoors. On 5 April, the anticipated reopening did not happen, and the city remained under lockdown. Wooden boards, metal fences, and other materials were used as barriers to “prevent viral intrusion.” Residents were unable to go outside to buy food or get medical care. Within residential complexes, continuous testing efforts were organized. And yet the number of positive cases kept rising, resulting in mandatory transfers to makeshift isolation facilities. Fear swept through the population. From the end of May, Shanghai initiated a gradual reopening, shifting from a complete city-wide lockdown to localized and targeted control measures. On 12 December, the last restrictions were lifted. The populace embraced their newfound freedom, but this was accompanied by a surge in positive cases, while pharmacies struggled with persistent shortages of medication and testing kits. The winter of 2022 was feverish.","PeriodicalId":46080,"journal":{"name":"Inter-Asia Cultural Studies","volume":"147 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135060783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2242143
Amporn Jirattikorn
ABSTRACTThis paper explores how Thai television dramas, which have been a staple of the nation’s TV landscape for many decades, have made new inroads in mainland China. Despite intense censorship by the Chinese state, China’s extremely large market enticed the Thai media industry. Control over what citizens can see on websites has also created an obstacle for which fan communities must find ways to bypass. The paper outlines both the historical process of Thai TV dramas’ inroads into the Chinese market and the different tactics Thai media companies and Chinese fan communities employ to circumvent Chinese state censorship. Based on interviews with various actors, including Thai TV media personnel, Chinese fansub groups, and fan communities, the paper argues that Chinese fan culture surrounding Thai TV series is a mixture of a subversive community that rebels against state control, as well as a constantly negotiating subculture that adopts various practices to break out from state censorship. Chinese youth today show that consumption is a site of contestation, rather than a site of control and manipulation.KEYWORDS: Thai TV dramasChinese censorshipfan-subtitleaudience receptionThai boys’ love Additional informationFundingThe author would like to thank Thailand Science Research and Innovation for funding this project.Notes on contributorsAmporn JirattikornAmporn Jirattikorn is an Associate Professor at the Department of Social Science and Development at Chiang Mai University, Thailand. She received her PhD in Anthropology from the University of Texas, Austin in 2008. Amporn’s research interests are in two areas of media flows and mobility of people across national boundaries. One area involves cross-border flows of Thai television series to Asian countries and the audience reception of Thai popular culture. The other area focuses particularly on the movement of Shan migrants from Myanmar into Thailand. Her recent publication has centred on the consumption of Thai TV dramas outside Thailand.
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