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Elemental structures of memory: Marston Mats in Vietnam and beyond 记忆的元素结构:越南及其他地区的马斯顿垫
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2024.2293553
John Hutnyk
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引用次数: 0
Main challenges of Vietnamese families nowadays and in the coming years 越南家庭当前和未来几年面临的主要挑战
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2024.2293534
Huu Minh NGUYEN
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引用次数: 0
Hello, Okinawa 你好,冲绳
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265692
Tongli AI
Published in Inter-Asia Cultural Studies (Vol. 24, No. 6, 2023)
发表于《亚洲文化研究》第24卷第6期
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引用次数: 0
Extravagant thrifters: online sales shopping and the making of “new frugalities” among the urban young in Kolkata 奢侈的节俭者:网上购物和加尔各答城市年轻人的“新节俭”
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265698
Runa Das Chaudhuri
Online shopping among the young in India has attracted much attention from scholars but the carnivals of sales shopping in cyberspace have been relatively less explored. This article addresses this...
印度年轻人的网上购物引起了学者们的广泛关注,但网上购物的狂欢却相对较少被探索。这篇文章解决了这个问题……
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引用次数: 0
How committed is China to zero-COVID? Debating on how to execute China’s COVID policy 中国对零加征关税的承诺有多大?讨论如何执行中国的 COVID 政策
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265700
Yuanbo Qi, Ronghui Yang, Yijun Meng
ABSTRACT China’s COVID programme has created a great deal of controversy. One of the primary aspects is whether China needs to implement a strict and harsh mass control strategy to stop the spreading virus. Based on prior research on China’s perceptions of its COVID policy, this article examines how China intends to contain the COVID by using content analysis of Chinese-language literature on the policy. It identifies four major suggestions to execute China’s COVID policy: governance coordination, public control, propaganda operation, and economic recovery. When debating how to carry out China’s COVID policy, it is discovered that governance coordination is the most popular method, followed by the idea of building a local community-engaged public control system to deal with COVID. Despite the top-down command to maintain a strict approach to COVID, this article argues that the diverse (and sometimes contradictory) domestic views on China’s COVID strategy and execution have made it difficult to predict China’s future policy and how long it will remain in place.
ABSTRACT 中国的 COVID 计划引发了大量争议。其中一个主要方面是中国是否需要实施严格而严厉的大规模控制策略来阻止病毒的传播。基于之前对中国 COVID 政策认知的研究,本文通过对有关该政策的中文文献进行内容分析,探讨了中国打算如何遏制 COVID。文章提出了执行中国 COVID 政策的四大建议:治理协调、公共控制、宣传运作和经济复苏。在讨论如何执行中国 COVID 政策时,研究发现治理协调是最受欢迎的方法,其次是建立地方社区参与的公共控制体系来应对 COVID。尽管自上而下的命令要求对 COVID 保持严格的态度,但本文认为,国内对中国 COVID 战略和执行的不同观点(有时甚至是相互矛盾的观点)使得人们难以预测中国未来的政策,也难以预测这一政策将持续多久。
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引用次数: 0
Watching the romance together: the affective audiences in A Dream of Splendor 一起看浪漫:《花好月圆》的情感观众
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265699
Ran Xi
This research unfolds a new form of TV viewing experience that has enjoyed increasing popularity over a decade in Asia media ecology, which is realized through a participatory commenting interface ...
这项研究揭示了一种新的电视观看体验形式,它在过去十年中在亚洲媒体生态中越来越受欢迎,它是通过参与式评论界面实现的……
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引用次数: 0
Writing in solidarity: Gu Cangwu, Cultural Revolution, Cold War 团结写作:顾沧武、文革、冷战
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265697
Shuk Man Leung
ABSTRACTThis article will shed light on the remarkable yet overlooked influence of the Cultural Revolution on renowned Hong Kong writer Gu Cangwu during the Cold War period. Through scrutinizing his untapped works in the 1970s, the article will argue that Gu Cangwu incorporated a Communist perspective in his observations of pivotal local, national, and global events in his poems and writings. Gu’s untapped works show his attempts to use Cultural Revolution ideology and Chinese nationalism as a source of resistance to British colonialism amid Hong Kong’s Defending Diaoyu Island Movement in 1971, a movement in which international recognition of Communist China at the United Nation sparked Gu’s nationalistic fervor and encouraged him to embrace critical realism. The article also puts Gu’s sympathetic portrayals of the Cultural Revolution and Vietnam War in juxtaposition with his decadent narratives of the 1972 Hong Kong landslides, showing that his effort to build local solidarity with Chinese nationals and the people suffering in the global conflict of the Cold War was based on a stance in opposition to capitalist-imperialist-colonial aggression. More significantly, transcending the simplistic Cold War binary between communist totalitarianism versus liberal capitalism and foregrounding the specific experience of the Cold War in the Hong Kong context, the case of Gu Cangwu demonstrates that the production of Hong Kong literature in the 1970s occurred at the intersection between local ideological contestation and global Cold War tensions.KEYWORDS: Gu cangwuCultural Revolutioncultural Cold WarHong Kong literature AcknowledgementsI would like to express my gratitude to the late author Gu Cangwu for giving me his precious time in the interview in 2018. Thanks to my research assistant Wong Shing Kit for his meticulous assistance. The work described in this paper was fully supported by Seed Fund for Basic Research for New Staff, The University of Hong Kong (201807159004).Special termsTableDownload CSVDisplay TableNotes1 The capitalized term “Communism” is particularly used to describe the ideology related to the Chinese Communist Party.2 The worst landslide day in Hong Kong’s history occurred on 18 June 1972. The Hong Kong Observatory measured 653 mm of rain, which was the second-highest amount of rain ever recorded there. Seventy-one persons lost their lives as a result of the mud that flooded more than 70 temporary wooden dwellings in the neighborhood of Sau Mau Ping. Gu Cangwu used the tragedy to criticize the colonial government’s lack of concern regarding the living conditions of underprivileged locals. (Hong Kong Geotechnical Engineering Office Citation2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsShuk Man LeungShuk Man Leung is an Assistant Professor in the School of Chinese at the University of Hong Kong. Her research specializations include modern Chinese literature, Hong Kong literature, and print culture in Greater China. Her first book is U
摘要本文将揭示冷战时期文化大革命对香港著名作家顾沧武的显著而又被忽视的影响。通过对他在20世纪70年代未被开发的作品的仔细研究,本文将论证顾沧武在他的诗歌和作品中对关键的地方、国家和全球事件的观察中融入了共产主义的视角。在1971年香港的“保钓运动”中,顾的未开发作品表明他试图用文化大革命思想和中国民族主义作为抵抗英国殖民主义的源泉。在这场运动中,联合国对共产主义中国的国际承认激发了顾的民族主义热情,并鼓励他拥抱批判现实主义。文章还将顾对文化大革命和越南战争的同情描写与他对1972年香港山体滑坡的颓废叙述并列,表明他努力与中国国民和在全球冷战冲突中受苦的人民建立团结,这是基于反对资本主义-帝国主义-殖民主义侵略的立场。更重要的是,顾苍武的案例超越了简单化的共产主义极权主义与自由资本主义之间的冷战二元对立,突出了冷战在香港语境中的具体经历,表明了20世纪70年代香港文学的创作发生在本地意识形态争论和全球冷战紧张局势的交汇处。关键词:顾沧武文化大革命文化冷战香港文学致谢感谢已故作家顾沧武先生在2018年抽出宝贵的时间接受我的采访。感谢我的研究助理黄盛杰的悉心协助。本文工作得到香港大学新入职人员基础研究种子基金(201807159004)资助。特别术语“共产主义”这个大写的词特别用来描述与中国共产党有关的意识形态。2香港历史上最严重的山体滑坡发生在1972年6月18日。香港天文台测得的雨量为653毫米,是香港有记录以来的第二高雨量。在秀茂坪附近,70多间临时木制房屋被泥浆淹没,71人丧生。顾沧武利用这一悲剧来批评殖民政府对当地弱势群体的生活状况缺乏关注。(香港岩土工程办事处Citation2022)。其他资料投稿人备注梁淑文,香港大学中文学院助理教授。她的研究方向包括中国现代文学、香港文学和大中华区印刷文化。她的第一本书是《中国的乌托邦小说:体裁、印刷文化和知识形成,1902-1912》(Brill出版社,2023年出版),第二本书是《冷战中的身份:1966-1977年香港印刷媒体的文化大革命话语》,由香港特别行政区政府研究资助局资助。主要发表于《亚洲研究评论》、《中国现代文学与文化》、《文化研究》、《中国现代文学学报》、《比较文学研究》。
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引用次数: 0
Deracinating ethnic minors: the affect of authoritarian certitude 剥夺少数民族未成年人的权利:专制确定性的影响
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265680
Peng Hai
ABSTRACTThe figure of the ethnic minor is a heavily inscribed representational subject in PRC cinema. Coming out of a socialist cinematic tradition as images of thoroughly assimilated, phlegmatic adults-in-waiting, the portrayal of ethnic children in PRC cinema today assumes more nuances as an art-house cinema verité aesthetics demands ethnic children enact their social presence in a complex network of social relations fraught with the tension between modernity and tradition, identity structures and their restructures. This paper examines two 2018 films about ethnic minors in Tibet and the Uyghur region of China—Wangdrak’s Rain Boots by Lhapal Gyal and A First Farewell by Wang Lina, respectively. Through the lenses of what Félix Guattari calls “partial subjectivity” and the “social machine,” the article demonstrates how the two films portray weather forecast and linguistic ability in Mandarin Chinese as socializing conduit of Chinese state power and produce for the ethnic children an affect of authoritarian certainty. The paper argues that those two films critique the PRC’s current ethnopolitical strategies in the said regions, which place a premium on a monoglot and monovocal articulation of a pan-Chinese identity at the cost of impoverishing a polyvocal ethno-social reality.KEYWORDS: TibetUyghursocial machinemicro-fascismFélix Guattarifigure of the child Special termsTableDisplay TableNotes1 A First Farewell won the Crystal Bear of the Generation Kplus section at Berlinale and the Asian Future Best Film award in Tokyo. Wangdrak's Rain Boots nominated for the Crystal Bear at Berlinale.2 The editor for A First Farewell, for example, is Frenchman Matthieu Laclau, who had previously edited several films by the award-winning Chinese filmmaker Jia Zhangke. Wangdrak’s Rain Boots was co-produced by Bai Yang, Yu Jianhong, two Chinese and Sonam Gyal, a Tibetan.3 Observed on the ninth day of the ninth month in the Chinese calendar, Chong Yang is a traditional Chinese holiday which involves paying respects to one’s elderly, deceased or alive.4 Guattari uses this term to describe apparatuses that have a homogenizing effect on a mass society, see Guattari, Chaosmosis, 30.5 Tibetan culture speaks of unrelated social relations in kinship terms as a way of showing respect, here the suffix aku (ཨ་ཁུ་) is a Tibetan kinship term meaning paternal uncle.6 This is a universal slogan that graces every primary school across China in adherence to article 19 of the Chinese Constitution and more specifically the Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Standard Spoken and Written Chinese Language promulgated in January 2001.Additional informationNotes on contributorsPeng HaiPeng Hai is an assistant professor of modern China and Inner Asia in the Department of History at the University of Pittsburgh.
摘要未成年人形象是中国电影中一个被大量刻划的代表性主题。在社会主义电影传统中,少数民族儿童的形象是完全同化的、冷漠的等待中的成年人,而今天中国电影中对少数民族儿童的描绘有了更多的细微差别,因为艺术电影的真实美学要求少数民族儿童在一个复杂的社会关系网络中表现出他们的社会存在,这个网络充满了现代与传统、身份结构及其重构之间的紧张关系。本文考察了2018年两部关于西藏和中国维吾尔地区未成年人的电影——拉帕嘉的《旺德拉的雨靴》和王丽娜的《初次告别》。通过flix Guattari所说的“部分主观性”和“社会机器”的镜头,这篇文章展示了这两部电影是如何将天气预报和普通话语言能力描绘成中国国家权力的社交渠道,并为少数民族儿童带来专制确定性的影响。本文认为,这两部电影批判了中国目前在上述地区的民族政治战略,这些战略以削弱多元民族社会现实为代价,以单一语言和单一语言表达泛中国身份为代价。关键词:西藏、维吾尔、社会机器、微观法西斯主义《儿童形象》特别术语《stabledisplay table》第一部《初次告别》获得柏林电影节“一代水晶熊”k +单元和东京亚洲未来最佳电影奖。例如,《初次告别》的剪辑师是法国人马修·拉克劳,他之前曾剪辑过几部获奖的中国电影导演贾樟柯的电影。王德的《雨靴》是由白杨、于建宏、两位中国人和西藏人索南嘉共同制作的。重阳节是中国的传统节日,在中国农历九月初九,人们向已故或活着的老人表示敬意瓜塔里用这个词来描述在大众社会中具有同质化作用的设备,见瓜塔里,混乱,30.5西藏文化用亲属术语来描述不相关的社会关系,作为一种表示尊重的方式,这里的词根aku(ཨ)是藏语亲属术语,意思是父亲的叔叔根据中国宪法第十九条,特别是2001年1月颁布的《中华人民共和国国家通用语言文字法》,这是中国每一所小学的普遍口号。作者简介:彭海,美国匹兹堡大学历史系现代中国和亚洲内部研究助理教授。
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引用次数: 0
Interrogating Hong Kong’s Cold War settlement: a Christian perspective 从基督教的角度审视香港的冷战和解
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265696
Brian Tsui
ABSTRACTThis article explores Ronald Owen Hall, the Anglican bishop of Hong Kong, as an unlikely critic of the city’s Cold War settlement in the 1950s. By examining his sermons and writings and putting them into dialogue with pronouncements of the Hong Kong government and the colonial governor Alexander Grantham, it reconstructs a moral counterpoint to a sociopolitical project that pitched the colony as an economic city and as the “Berlin of the East”—an enclave of capitalist “freedom” on the doorstep of Communist China. Grantham and his administration saw the city’s Chinese population as a source of capital, labor, or security threat. Local residents, including those who recently crossed the border from mainland China, were not so much citizens as either contributors to industrial development or potential fuel for Communist menace. Hall, on the other hand, saw communism as less a threat to the colony than a sign of the society’s inability to provide for the poor and the weak. He extolled his flock to embrace Chinese nationhood instead of languishing in an atomized, profit-pursuing society. Set against the social context the colonial state created for Hong Kong, Hall offered an alternative vision that transcended Cold War binaries, capitalist values, and the nation-state logic based on his locally-embedded Christian faith.KEYWORDS: Ronald Owen HallAlexander granthamChristianityMoral criticismCold warCommunismNationhood Special termsTableDownload CSVDisplay TableNotes1 This article uses “communism” to refer to ideals that individuals embraced and “Communist” to identify members of actual Communist parties, particularly the Chinese variant. This distinction is important as not all individuals who embraced communist tenets were members of Communist parties. Exceptions are made for original texts cited and in observance of grammatical conventions.2 See Hon and Chan in this issue.3 Elite Chinese in Hong Kong had throughout the twentieth-century worked closely with British rulers, thus buttressing colonial power. Collaboration took institutional forms such as social services and education, but it also, Law Wing Sang (Citation2009) stresses, found its way into cultural expressions and national identities. Law stresses that complicity with colonial power was not antithetical but could rather inform collaborators’ Chinese nationalism. Hall was obviously not ethnic Chinese but the schools and philanthropic organizations he oversaw contributed to this type of collaboration. This article echoes Law in moving beyond strictly political examination of colonial rule and submits that the cleric’s musings on the nation complement and complicate Law’s inquiry into the dynamics of colonialism and Chinese identities.4 Indeed, as Alan Smart (Citation2006, 3) convincingly argues, one critical motivation of the Hong Kong government to resettle victims of squatter fires in publicly built apartments—celebrated in colonial propaganda as state benevolence—was to counter int
摘要本文探讨了英国圣公会香港主教Ronald Owen Hall在20世纪50年代对香港冷战解决方案的批评。通过研究他的布道和著作,并将其与香港政府和殖民地总督亚历山大·格兰瑟姆(Alexander Grantham)的声明进行对话,本书重建了一个道德上的对应物,以对抗一个社会政治项目,该项目将香港定位为一个经济城市和“东方柏林”——一个位于共产主义中国家门口的资本主义“自由”飞地。格兰瑟姆和他的政府将该市的华人人口视为资本、劳动力或安全威胁的来源。当地居民,包括那些最近从中国大陆越境的人,与其说是公民,不如说是工业发展的贡献者,或者是共产主义威胁的潜在燃料。另一方面,霍尔认为共产主义与其说是对殖民地的威胁,不如说是社会无力为穷人和弱者提供服务的标志。他赞扬他的信徒拥抱中国的国家,而不是在一个原子化的、逐利的社会中苦苦挣扎。在殖民国家为香港创造的社会背景下,霍尔提供了一种超越冷战二元对立、资本主义价值观和基于本土基督教信仰的民族国家逻辑的另类视野。关键词:罗纳德·欧文·霍尔亚历山大·格兰瑟姆基督教道德批判冷战共产主义国家特指1本文用“共产主义”指代个人信奉的理想,用“共产主义”指代实际的共产党成员,尤其是中国共产党的变体。这种区别很重要,因为并非所有信奉共产主义信条的人都是共产党成员。引用原文和遵守语法惯例的除外在这期见韩寒和成龙整个二十世纪,香港的精英华人一直与英国统治者密切合作,从而支持了殖民权力。合作采取了社会服务和教育等制度形式,但正如罗永生(Citation2009)强调的那样,它也进入了文化表达和国家认同。劳强调,与殖民势力串通并不是对立的,反而会让合作者的中国民族主义情绪有所抬头。霍尔显然不是华裔,但他监管的学校和慈善组织为这种合作做出了贡献。这篇文章回应了劳的观点,超越了对殖民统治的严格政治审视,并认为这位神职人员对国家的思考补充并使劳对殖民主义动态和中国人身份认同的探究复杂化事实上,正如Alan Smart (citation2006,3)令人信服地论证的那样,香港政府将寮屋火灾的受害者安置在公共建造的公寓中的一个关键动机——在殖民宣传中被称为国家的慈善——是为了对抗北京和广州对他们困境的干预犹太人与邪恶的金钱之间的联系在欧洲社会,无论是基督教社会还是世俗社会,都是一个长期的反犹比喻,霍尔也不能幸免于其影响就像20世纪50年代访问中国的任何外国政要一样,霍尔的旅行是由中国政府策划的,覆盖了多个地点,目的是让客人对“新中国”有一个粗略但良好的印象。霍尔的访问从1956年5月30日至6月24日持续了不到一个月,访问了六个城市。霍尔的同事,英国圣公会高级神职人员休利特·约翰逊(1874-1966),坎特伯雷的院长,也受到了类似的待遇。有关霍尔访问的详细行程,见吴(Citation2017, 146-147)。本文所描述的工作得到了中国香港特别行政区研究资助局的资助(项目编号:香港理工大学15602321)。投稿人备注崔志文,香港理工大学副教授。作为一名训练有素的历史学家,他对中国革命政治、激进右翼意识形态和中国与亚洲的关系感兴趣。他是《中国的保守革命:对新秩序的追求,1927-1949》(剑桥大学,2018年)的作者,并与Tansen Sen合著了《超越泛亚主义:连接中国和亚洲,1840 - 1960》。他目前正在研究“新中国”是如何激励来自英国及其亚洲帝国的知识分子和活动人士想象一个超越冷战二元对立的非殖民世界的。
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引用次数: 0
Ambivalence of entertainment: the Cold War and pro-communist Mandarin cinema 娱乐的矛盾心理:冷战和亲共的国语电影
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2265694
Po-Shek Fu, Man-Fung Yip
ABSTRACTColonial Hong Kong was a transregional hub of Cold War ideological confrontation. The United States and its Chinese ally, Chiang Kai-shek’s Taiwan, struggled with Beijing for the hearts of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and around the world. Pro-Communist émigré cinema in the mid-twentieth century was a prime cultural manifestation of this Cold War contest. After an initial period of radicalization and antagonism, the pro-Communist studios in Hong Kong gradually shifted to a moderate approach whose goal was not to undermine British colonial rule or espouse revolutionary ideologies. Rather, the new strategy was one of flexibility and restraint that aimed to maintain a strategic presence in the local film industry and serve as a point of contact for overseas Chinese. Later, with the emergence of two pro-Free China giant studios, Motion Pictures & General Investment Co. Ltd. and Shaw Brothers, the cinematic ecosystem in Hong Kong was significantly altered. In order to hold on to their market presence in an increasingly more competitive environment, pro-Communist film companies embraced a more entertainment-oriented ethos and experimented with various popular genres, while struggling to remain truthful to their ideal of “guiding people to do good.” With in-depth analysis of two popular films by Zhu Shilin, The Dividing Wall (Yibang zhi ge) and Sweet as Honey (Tiantian mimi), this essay seeks to historicize the ways in which the Beijing-sponsored film establishment in 1950s Hong Kong negotiated and balanced a changing set of political, ideological, and commercial interests in pursuit of its strategic mission.KEYWORDS: Cinematic ecosystemcold warmarch first incidentZhu ShilinChang-Feng-Xin Special termsTableDownload CSVDisplay TableNotes1 Box-office statistics from 1950s Hong Kong are hard to come by, but the limited evidence we have does indicate the market success of “Patriotic” films. In 1951, for instance, Li Pingqian’s A Night-Time Wife (Jin hun ji), a Great Wall production, was the highest grossing Mandarin-language film in Hong Kong, followed by three productions—Zhu Shilin’s Should They Marry? (Wu jiaqi) and Flower Girl (Hua guniang), and Wang Weiyi’s The Fiery Phoenix (Huo fenghuang)—by Loon-Ma and Wushi niandai, the two companies that would merge to become Feng Huang (“Yi jiu wu yi nian” 1952). Similarly, three films by Great Wall—Yue Feng’s Modern Red Chamber Dream (Xin honglou meng),Tao Qin’s Father Marries Again (Yi jia chun), and Li Pingqian’s Honeymoon (Miyue)—held the top-grossing spots in 1952, while Zhu Shilin’s The Dividing Wall was at the sixth place (Wang Citation1953). In 1955, Hu Xiaofeng’s Loves of the Youngsters (Da Ernü jing) came in third place, while topping the box-office chart was Sang Hu and Huang Sha’s The Romance of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai (Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai, 1954), a Shanghai Yue opera film from China whose immense success in Hong Kong, as we shall see, would pave the way for the trend of cos
摘要殖民时期的香港是冷战意识形态对抗的跨区域中心。美国及其中国盟友蒋介石领导下的台湾与北京争夺东南亚和世界各地华侨华人的心。20世纪中期的亲共主义电影是这场冷战竞赛的主要文化表现。在最初的激进化和对抗之后,香港的亲共工作室逐渐转向温和的方式,其目标不是破坏英国的殖民统治,也不是支持革命的意识形态。相反,新策略是一种灵活和克制的策略,旨在保持在当地电影行业的战略地位,并作为海外华人的联络点。为了在竞争日益激烈的环境中保持自己的市场地位,亲共的电影公司接受了一种更以娱乐为导向的精神,并尝试了各种流行类型,同时努力保持对他们“引导人们做好事”的理想的忠诚。本文通过对朱士林的两部热门电影《一邦之歌》和《甜如蜜》的深入分析,试图将20世纪50年代北京支持的香港电影机构在追求其战略使命的过程中,是如何谈判和平衡不断变化的政治、意识形态和商业利益的。关键词:电影生态系统冷暖三月第一事件朱士林长风新特约术语1 50年代香港的票房数据很难获得,但我们有限的证据确实表明“爱国”电影在市场上取得了成功。例如,1951年,李萍茜的《夜猫子》,一部长城电影,是香港票房最高的国语电影,紧随其后的是朱士林的《他们应该结婚吗?》(吴佳琪)和卖花女(花娘娘),以及王维义的《火凤凰》(霍凤凰)——由龙妈和五氏念代创作,这两家公司后来合并成为凤凰(1952年)。同样,长城的三部电影——岳峰的《现代红楼梦》、陶秦的《父亲再嫁》和李萍茜的《芈月》——在1952年占据了票房冠军,而朱士林的《隔墙》排在第六位(王引用1953)。据报道,《爱之战》票房超过15万港元,打破了香港国语电影10年来的票房纪录(1957年的《青肠如战肠》)。石富先生在伊利诺伊大学香槟分校教授历史和电影研究。他最近的著作是《香港传媒与亚洲冷战》(牛津,2023)。叶文锋(Man-Fung YipMan-Fung Yip),俄克拉荷马大学电影与媒体研究副教授。他是《武术电影与香港现代性:美学、表现、流通》(2017)的作者,也是《冷战与亚洲电影》(2020)的联合主编。他目前的研究重点是亚洲和全球南方的电影冷战。
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Inter-Asia Cultural Studies
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