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The intimate affliction of vicarious racialization: Afro-Chinese couples in South China 替代性种族化的亲密痛苦:中国南方的非裔华人夫妇
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209425
Wei Wang, A. P. Hoang, L. Jordan
ABSTRACT Racial prejudice and discrimination towards Africans in Guangzhou have been widely documented and are systemic. Nonetheless, conjugal unions and family formation between Chinese citizens and members of the African diaspora have become more prevalent in recent years. Together, Afro-Chinese couples confront quotidian threats of violence, arrest, and deportation of the African partners, which threats affect their families and livelihoods. Studies thus far have neglected the complex dynamics and negotiations of racism that manifest in the interracial domestic sphere. Through reflexive observational fieldwork and qualitative interviews, this study provides a contemporary analysis of negotiating racism in intimate family life, especially from the unique standpoint of the Chinese spouse in an Afro-Chinese marriage. Drawing upon empirical data and the Althusserian notion of interpellation, we develop the concept of the intimate affliction of vicarious racialization to analyze how multiple inequities intersect and condition the couples’ overlapping lived experiences. Vicarious racialization particularly emphasizes processes by which Chinese women become interpellated but also resist anti-Black racism. This intimate affliction destabilizes the prevailing discourse on racism, which focuses on targeted (racialized) minorities, and the dichotomy of direct/indirect discrimination against them. This study highlights the often-overlooked role of women’s agency across multiple borderlands with their partners as they negotiate gendered, racialized, and classed subjections in familial and social spaces.
在广州,对非洲人的种族偏见和歧视已经被广泛记录下来,并且是系统性的。尽管如此,近年来,中国公民和散居海外的非洲人之间的婚姻和家庭组建变得越来越普遍。非洲-中国夫妇共同面对非洲伴侣的暴力、逮捕和驱逐出境等日常威胁,这些威胁影响到他们的家庭和生计。迄今为止的研究忽略了种族主义在种族间家庭领域中表现出来的复杂动态和谈判。通过反身性的实地观察和定性访谈,本研究对亲密家庭生活中的谈判种族主义进行了当代分析,特别是从非洲-中国婚姻中的中国配偶的独特立场出发。根据经验数据和阿尔都塞的质询概念,我们发展了替代种族化的亲密痛苦的概念,以分析多重不平等如何交叉并影响夫妻重叠的生活经历。替代性种族化特别强调的是中国女性在接受质询的同时也抵制反黑人种族主义的过程。这种亲密的痛苦动摇了关于种族主义的主流话语,这种话语关注的是有针对性的(种族化的)少数群体,以及对他们的直接/间接歧视的二分法。这项研究强调了女性在家庭和社会空间中与伴侣协商性别、种族和阶级问题时,在多个边境地区扮演的经常被忽视的角色。
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引用次数: 0
Tomar naam, amar naam, Vietnam Vietnam! Folk styles and solidarity in the Bengali new wave cinema 越南,越南,越南!孟加拉新浪潮电影中的民间风格与团结
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209434
John Hutnyk
ABSTRACT The Bengali new wave cinema of the 1960s and 1970s addressed historically important world events through an aesthetic inspired by Marxism and long-standing anti-colonial traditions dating to the middle nineteenth century. At the same time, an aesthetic derived from folk and artistic traditions was embraced as a cultural style in the middle twentieth century by local Marxist progressive theatre and writers’ associations. In 1968, the Bengali film director Ritwik Ghatak published a short speculation for the Bengal Youth Festival explaining the scenario for “A Film I want to make about Vietnam.” The film was not made, but the imagined detail is very much in the style of the Bengali new wave. Also important—and made, so we can see it—is Satyajit Ray’s short film “on” Vietnam, Two: A Film Fable (1964). The two films express, in different ways, the enthusiasm among Bengali intellectuals for Vietnam at the time when revolutionary youth solidarity with the anti-imperialist struggle was strong. What were Ghatak and Ray thinking with these films “on” Vietnam? Can they tell us anything of the times, the engaged role of film, the director as intellectual agitator, the politics of solidarity from afar? By evaluating the reception of historically focussed film from the perspective of the Bengali New Wave, I show how that cinema’s fascination with Vietnam evokes both much older folk traditions, yet now leads to a more worrying contemporary coda with the adaptation in 2019 of the old slogan by the Hindutva right to include Jai Ram.
摘要:20世纪60年代和70年代的孟加拉新浪潮电影通过受马克思主义和19世纪中期长期反殖民传统启发的美学,讲述了具有历史意义的世界大事。与此同时,源自民间和艺术传统的美学在20世纪中期被当地马克思主义进步戏剧和作家协会视为一种文化风格。1968年,孟加拉电影导演里特维克·加塔克发表了一篇关于孟加拉青年节的简短推测,解释了《我想拍一部关于越南的电影》的场景。这部电影没有拍摄,但想象中的细节非常符合孟加拉新浪潮的风格。同样重要的是,萨蒂亚吉特·雷的短片《越南,第二:电影寓言》(1964年)。这两部电影以不同的方式表达了孟加拉知识分子对越南的热情,当时革命青年强烈支持反帝斗争。加塔克和雷对这些“关于”越南的电影有什么想法?他们能告诉我们什么时代的东西吗?电影的敬业角色,导演作为知识分子的煽动者,远方的团结政治?通过从孟加拉新浪潮的角度评估以历史为中心的电影的受欢迎程度,我展示了这家电影对越南的迷恋是如何唤起古老的民间传统的,但现在却导致了一个更令人担忧的当代结尾,2019年印度电视台改编了旧口号,将Jai Ram包括在内。
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引用次数: 0
Spectacle of democracy: the quasi-executive functions of television news in India 民主奇观:印度电视新闻的准执行职能
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209438
A. Roy
ABSTRACT This article calls for enhancing the horizon of Political Communication Studies, drawing attention to certain relation between the media, the state and the public in a globalised world. Focusing on private mainstream news television in post-liberalisation India, it tries to show how Media, in its singularised popular sense of sensationalising news, generating live-stream of public opinion, conducting parallel investigation of crimes, judging the sub judice and posing as sovereign by perennially endorsing the logic of self-regulation, tries to appropriate the functions, image and rhetoric of the state institutions (the executive, the judiciary and the legislature). The article primarily explores the quasi-executive functions to understand the role of a seemingly autonomous public in Indian democracy. The increasing tussle that we are witnessing between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary, the article argues, is to a large extent due to Media’s claim to represent the public more effectively than any state institution, pushing “pillars of democracy” to fight with each other for their share of credit in serving the public.
本文呼吁提高政治传播学的视野,关注全球化世界中媒体、国家和公众之间的某种关系。它聚焦于自由化后印度的私人主流新闻电视,试图展示媒体如何以其耸人听闻的新闻、产生舆论直播、对犯罪进行平行调查、评判下级法院和通过长期支持自我监管的逻辑来冒充君主的独特流行感,国家机构(行政、司法和立法机构)的形象和言论。本文主要探讨了准行政职能,以理解看似自治的公众在印度民主中的作用。文章认为,我们所看到的行政、立法和司法之间日益激烈的斗争,在很大程度上是由于媒体声称比任何国家机构都更有效地代表公众,推动“民主支柱”在为公众服务的过程中相互斗争,争取他们的信用份额。
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引用次数: 0
Internet as an ideology: nationalistic discourses, and multiple subject positions of Chinese internet workers 作为意识形态的互联网:中国互联网工作者的民族主义话语与多元主体立场
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209423
Yuqi Na, N. Pun
ABSTRACT Ideology works. This article examines how the Internet as a capital actor has become a nationalist ideology in China. Disclosing how nationalism serves to facilitate the expansion of China-based Internet platforms in the age of informational capitalism, we directly confront the Chinese Internet as an ideology apparatus that works to fulfill a dual logic of capital and territorial power. This article contributes to the study of three types of Chinese Internet workers: programmers, white-collar employees (excluding programmers), and assembly-line workers, and focuses on how nationalist discourses are created, which enthrall but at the same time are questioned by different workers who help fabricate nationalism as well as challenge it. We conceptualize topos of threat and referential strategy of collectivization as cultural and media tactics, driven by the nationalistic sentiments that form part of the “common sense” of Chinese users. We further analyze the multiple subject positions of Chinese Internet workers into hegemonic position, negotiated position, and oppositional position to discover the complexity of labor subjectivity which may create discrepancy or sometimes even challenge the Chinese Internet as an ideology. This study sheds light on how subject positions could disrupt a homogenous process of merging nationalism with populist sentiments, a conservative ideology that is prevalent in today’s China.
意识形态起作用。本文考察了互联网作为资本行动者如何在中国成为一种民族主义意识形态。揭示民族主义如何在信息资本主义时代促进中国互联网平台的扩张,我们直接面对中国互联网作为一种意识形态机器,致力于实现资本和领土权力的双重逻辑。本文致力于研究三种类型的中国互联网工作者:程序员、白领员工(不包括程序员)和流水线工人,并关注民族主义话语是如何被创造出来的,这些话语吸引了不同的工人,但同时也受到了不同的工人的质疑,这些工人帮助制造民族主义,也挑战民族主义。我们将威胁话题和集体化的参考策略概念化为文化和媒体策略,由构成中国用户“常识”一部分的民族主义情绪驱动。我们进一步将中国互联网工作者的多重主体地位分析为霸权地位、协商地位和对立地位,以发现劳动主体性的复杂性,这种复杂性可能产生差异,有时甚至挑战中国互联网作为一种意识形态。这项研究揭示了主体立场如何破坏民族主义与民粹主义情绪融合的同质过程,民粹主义是当今中国盛行的一种保守意识形态。
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引用次数: 1
Empowered, thy name is woman: lite feminism and Hindi SVOD platforms in India 赋权,你的名字是女人:印度的生活女权主义和印度语SVOD平台
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209437
Runa Chakraborty Paunksnis
ABSTRACT This essay problematises representations of Indian women on the SVOD (Subscription Video on Demand) platforms. The oft-invoked image of Indian woman as the repository of traditional values and feminine virtues has undergone a phenomenal transformation in recent years owing to several factors such as economic liberalisation, globalisation and technological revolution. Female characters in most of the SVOD contents are often depicted as independent, agentic and empowered. Nevertheless, the nature of empowerment that these contents uphold is highly controversial from a feminist standpoint. Employing critique of postfeminism as an analytical tool, this paper argues that the representation of Indian women on SVOD platforms as empowered subjects is an outcome of a negotiation between postfeminism, patriarchy and neoliberal culture of consumption.
本文提出了印度女性在SVOD(订阅视频点播)平台上的表现问题。近年来,由于经济自由化、全球化和技术革命等因素,印度女性作为传统价值观和女性美德的储藏库的形象发生了惊人的变化。在大多数SVOD内容中,女性角色往往被描绘成独立、自主和强大的角色。然而,从女权主义的角度来看,这些内容所坚持的赋权本质是非常有争议的。本文以对后女权主义的批判为分析工具,认为印度女性在SVOD平台上作为赋权主体的表现是后女权主义、父权制和新自由主义消费文化之间谈判的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Postcolonial aging, amah, and diaspora in A Simple Life 《简单的生活》中的后殖民老龄化、阿玛和散居
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209427
Jessica Ka Yee Chan
ABSTRACT Based on the life story of the Hong Kong film producer, Roger Lee, A Simple Life/Taojie (Ann Hui [2011] 2012) is a semi-fictional biographical film about the life of Taojie, an amah (Cantonese migrant domestic servant) who served three generations of Lee's family for more than sixty years. The intervention of this essay is two-fold. First, this essay situates A Simple Life in the burgeoning but understudied journalistic and documentary discourse on aging as a postcolonial condition in Hong Kong since the 2010s. An intertextuality between the film and its adjacent media productions, such as journalistic reportage and TV documentaries, reveals the social anxiety about the lack of holistic and accessible elderly care in Hong Kong's medical and social welfare system and the profit-driven nursing home industry. Second, this essay argues that A Simple Life responds to the postcolonial anxiety of old age by articulating an intergenerational kinship through Roger Lee and Taojjie, a diasporic Asian icon of amah that is localized, nationalized, internationalized under the framework of CEPA (Hong Kong and Mainland Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement). Multiple imaginaries of home, family, and community—Roger Lee's home, a local nursing home, Roger Lee's transnational family, and a new Hong Kong–Mainland cinematic community—co-exist in this film as interconnected and interdependent sites of care, demonstrating how a postcolonial, national, and transnational sense of home and belonging are simultaneously articulated under the framework of CEPA.
摘要:根据香港电影制片人李的生平,安慧〔2011〕2012年的《简单的生活/陶洁》是一部半虚构的传记电影,讲述了陶洁的生活,她是一位为李家三代人服务了60多年的阿妈。这篇文章的介入是双重的。首先,本文将《简单的生活》置于2010年代以来香港新兴但研究不足的新闻和纪录片话语中,将老龄化作为后殖民条件。这部电影与新闻报道和电视纪录片等邻近媒体作品之间的互文性揭示了社会对香港医疗和社会福利体系以及利润驱动的养老院行业缺乏全面和方便的养老护理的焦虑。其次,本文认为,《简单的生活》回应了后殖民时代的老年焦虑,通过李和在《香港与内地更紧密经济伙伴关系安排》框架下本地化、国有化和国际化的散居亚洲amah偶像陶杰表达了代际亲缘关系。家、家庭和社区的多重想象——李的家、一家当地养老院、李的跨国家庭和一个新的香港——大陆电影社区——在这部电影中作为相互关联和相互依赖的护理场所共存,展示了后殖民、国家、,在CEPA框架下,跨国归属感和归属感同时得到表达。
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引用次数: 0
Tracing the rise of video halls and transient media forms in Bengal: an archaeology of the non-archived 追踪孟加拉视频大厅和临时媒体形式的兴起:非存档的考古学
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209436
Dattatreya Ghosh
ABSTRACT The lack of archival materials and objects appears as a primary challenge in conducting research on the history of media and communications in India, specifically while writing a comprehensive historical account of Bengali cinema. This paper will try to look at video halls and video tapes as the transient media spaces and objects. In the case of West Bengal, video tapes and video halls are an important part of media history about which little has been written or researched. This paper will try to look into the process of writing media history of scarcely archived media forms following the method of media archaeology and question how the method becomes important in cases of absence of archival materials. This paper will also try to enquire how media ethnography unfolds a different narrative of media history which is otherwise absent in the material archives or institutional records. Using the theoretical framework of the study of archives, this paper tries to explore new archives which present a different history of intermedia transactions in the history of Bengali cinema.
摘要缺乏档案材料和实物似乎是研究印度媒体和传播史的主要挑战,尤其是在撰写孟加拉电影的全面历史记录时。本文试图将录像厅和录像带视为过渡的媒体空间和对象。就西孟加拉邦而言,录像带和录像厅是媒体历史的重要组成部分,对此几乎没有任何文字或研究。本文将尝试用媒体考古学的方法来研究几乎没有档案的媒体形式的媒体史书写过程,并质疑在缺乏档案材料的情况下,这种方法是如何变得重要的。本文还将试图探讨媒体民族志如何展现一种不同的媒体历史叙事,而这种叙事在材料档案或机构记录中是缺失的。本文试图利用档案研究的理论框架,探索在孟加拉电影史上呈现不同媒介交易历史的新档案。
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引用次数: 0
Vietnam’s poverty reduction policies for ethnic minorities: the Raglai in Bac Ai, Ninh Thuan, Vietnam 越南对少数民族的扶贫政策:越南宁顺北爱的拉格莱
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209428
H. Le, Khai Thuan Tran, L. Bui
ABSTRACT Research conducted among the Raglai ethnic minority in the mountains of the South of Vietnam suggests that development projects supported by both government and international agencies that aim to benefit women are actually an impediment to sustainable poverty reduction because they do not take into account the ways matriarchal practices actively demotivate male members of the community. The consequence is that these policies aimed at reducing poverty are unequal, unstable, and ineffective. Such policies need to be reviewed to focus on encouraging men’s involvement in the family economy. They must be suitable to the cultural context and customs of the matriarchy in order to develop the Raglai ethnic community. To address this policy shortfall, it is necessary to gain a better understanding of the culture of the Raglai people in practice.
摘要在越南南部山区的拉莱少数民族中进行的研究表明,政府和国际机构支持的旨在造福妇女的发展项目实际上是可持续减贫的障碍,因为它们没有考虑到母系习俗积极削弱社区男性成员的积极性。其结果是,这些旨在减少贫困的政策是不平等、不稳定和无效的。需要对这些政策进行审查,重点鼓励男性参与家庭经济。它们必须适合母系制的文化背景和习俗,才能发展拉格莱民族社区。为了解决这一政策缺口,有必要在实践中更好地了解拉格莱人的文化。
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引用次数: 0
Cultural diplomacy, artistic network, and the politics of decolonization between Taiwan and the Philippines in the Cold War era 冷战时期台湾与菲律宾的文化外交、艺术网络与非殖民化政治
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209429
Huiyan Tang
ABSTRACT During the Cold War, cultural engagements frequently occurred between Taiwan and the Philippines due to their military and geopolitical alliance in East Asia. This essay explores this cultural linkage at both the diplomatic and individual levels by examining the politics and aesthetics of the art exhibitions both countries participated in as well as the intellectual encounters among individual artists. The First Southeast Asia Art Conference and Competition, a postwar art event held in the Philippines, demonstrated Taiwan’s cultural diplomacy in the Free World; it also highlighted the different figurations of colonial modernities and the emerging national identities developed in East and Southeast Asia in the postcolonial era. While the cultural linkage between Taiwan and the Philippines was a product of the geo-military strategy in the Cold War era, the translocal friendships and the artistic networks were actively maintained by the individual artists in the late Cold War years, after the Taiwan–Philippines diplomatic relation ended. This intra-regional network created an alternative trajectory of knowledge circulation that allowed Philippine leftist nationalist writings to be published in Taiwan in the latter’s martial law era. Furthermore, it provides a comparative perspective on the political discourses and artistic practices of decolonial initiatives in Taiwan and the Philippines.
摘要冷战期间,由于台湾与菲律宾在东亚地区的军事和地缘政治同盟关系,双方频繁发生文化交往。本文通过考察两国参加的艺术展览的政治和美学,以及艺术家个人之间的知识交流,从外交和个人层面探讨了这种文化联系。战后在菲律宾举办的第一届东南亚艺术大会暨大赛,展示了台湾在自由世界的文化外交;它还强调了后殖民时代东亚和东南亚殖民现代化的不同形象和新兴的民族身份。虽然台湾和菲律宾之间的文化联系是冷战时期地缘军事战略的产物,但在台湾-菲律宾外交关系结束后的冷战后期,艺术家个人积极维护跨地区友谊和艺术网络。这一区域内网络创造了一条知识传播的替代轨道,使菲律宾左翼民族主义著作在台湾戒严时代得以在台湾出版。此外,它还对台湾和菲律宾非殖民化倡议的政治话语和艺术实践提供了一个比较视角。
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引用次数: 0
Bengali bhadralok and the Bengali press: a study of the early nineteenth century 孟加拉巴德拉洛克与孟加拉报刊:十九世纪早期的研究
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2023.2209433
Shaswati Das
ABSTRACT Bengal occupies a special position in the history of Indian journalism as the journey of the first English newspaper and, after that, the first vernacular newspaper, started from here. The country had the tradition of writing newsletters, but newspapers were a European import. Unlike other means of communication, newspapers were free from direct government control and they flourished mostly as private endeavours. This apparent independence was often undermined by the indirect influence exerted by the state which was run by a mercantile company in the first half of the nineteenth century. The present paper probes to seek the reasons behind the late arrival of newspapers in Bengal/India, then their negotiations with the state power and finally their reincarnation in the hands of the socio-religious reformers of the Bengali bhadralok section. The Bengali press burgeoned under the patronage of this group, which can be closely linked with the bhadralok’s intent of appropriating and communicating knowledge. To fulfil this aim, they also established different Sabhas or associations and brought out newspapers as the mouthpiece of those organisations. These Sabhas and the newspapers associated with them worked together in establishing the locations of knowledge production and its dissemination; thus, influencing public debates in the first half of the nineteenth century.
孟加拉在印度新闻史上占有特殊的地位,因为第一份英文报纸和之后的第一份本地报纸都是从这里开始的。这个国家有写时事通讯的传统,但报纸是欧洲舶来品。与其他通讯手段不同,报纸不受政府的直接控制,它们主要是作为私人企业而蓬勃发展的。这种表面上的独立性常常被19世纪上半叶由一家商业公司管理的国家施加的间接影响所破坏。本文探讨了报纸在孟加拉/印度姗姗来迟的原因,然后是它们与国家政权的谈判,最后是它们在孟加拉巴德拉洛克(bhadralok)部分的社会宗教改革者手中的轮回。孟加拉媒体在这个团体的赞助下迅速发展,这与巴德拉洛克占有和传播知识的意图密切相关。为了实现这一目标,他们还建立了不同的协会,并出版报纸作为这些组织的喉舌。这些Sabhas和与之相关的报纸共同努力建立知识生产和传播的地点;因此,影响了19世纪上半叶的公共辩论。
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引用次数: 0
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Inter-Asia Cultural Studies
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