Pub Date : 2006-08-12DOI: 10.1080/13698019900510821
Nima Naghibi
This article will attempt to effect an intervention in the general thinking about the veil as an unequivocal symbol of either female oppression or of female emancipation. Since it is axiomatic to my argument that the veil cannot be discussed as signifying only one state of being, I will address uses of veiling, of unveiling, and of alternative ways of wearing the hejab around two historical moments in twentieth-century Iran. In 1936, the ruling monarch Reza Shah Pahlavi legislated the Unveiling Act which prohibited women from appearing veiled in public. In 1983, revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini implemented the Veiling Act prohibiting women from appearing unveiled in public. By working around these two historical moments, I will show how the implications of these two pieces of legislation, which claimed to initiate revolutionary nationalist positions by two very different leaders, had remarkably similar effects on the body of the Iranian woman. In both instances, legal discourse proffered t...
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Pub Date : 2006-07-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010600781024
Jason Howard Mezey
Salman Rushdie's Midnight's Children represents an attempt to provide a therapeutic understanding of history and its traumas in a manner that places individualized psychoanalytic constructions in juxtaposition to those of larger collectives. Following Rushdie's lead, I recuperate the problematic Freudian concepts of paranoia, narcissism and fetishism and offer them as models for the functioning of state power. I postulate interdependent senses of nation and state that incorporate both desire and narrative, and thus allow for the application of psychoanalytic terms: the nation is the way in which the state desires to be known, and the state is the way in which the nation desires not to be known. A psychoanalysis of the state thus reads on the institutional level for the same dynamics of repression, projection and displacement that Freud applied to the individual psyche. In Midnight's Children, Saleem Sinai represents a fictionalized engagement with Indian history that mirrors the narcissism, fetishism and paranoia of the state; his eventual destruction as Rushdie's final closural manoeuvre suggests the elimination, albeit temporary, of the impediments to a therapeutic relationship with Indian history. Through this reading of Rushdie's novel, I explore the intersections of historical, literary and psychological narratives that operate to provide readers with more tools for working through the traumas of colonialism and postcoloniality as they overwhelm individuals, communities and nations alike – especially in light of current trends towards the diminishment of the role of the nation in an era of globalization. In doing so, I explore how the individual postcolonial subject is constituted in relation to history, but also how the corporate, interpellating subject of the postcolonial nation-state constitutes itself in relation to that same history.
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Pub Date : 2006-07-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010600782006
Mirana May Szeto
This essay examines an ironic situation in the use of postcolonial identity politics in contemporary Hong Kong cultural studies, in which the postcolonial cultural politics that criticizes the marginalization of Hong Kong people by Eurocentrism and Sinocentrism has also allowed newly empowered Hong Kong constituencies to use the same cultural politics as a strategy to assert dominance in ethnocentric and racist terms. Postcolonialism has so far focused on the poststructuralist critique of cultural misrepresentations while neglecting most of the structural inequalities beyond the cultural realm. What we need from postcolonialism is not just a differential identity politics useful in subverting cultural hegemonies ad infinitum. We also need an effective engagement with the quotidian effects of colonial legacies affecting people in and beyond the cultural realm. As one such attempt, this essay evaluates the critical potency of four prominent and contesting analytical frames in Hong Kong cultural studies by contextualizing their operations in a translocal context. I discuss Rey Chow's postulation of Hong Kong as the marginalized entity in between two colonizers, Britain and China. Posed against this discourse is what I call a petit-grandiose Hong Kongism, a kind of inferiority-superiority response to Hong Kong's multiple colonial experiences, both British and Chinese. The notion of Hong Kong's relation to China in terms of Hong Kong's ‘Northbound Cultural Imaginary’ is then examined. This refers to Hong Kong's mainstream cultural imaginary that posits its claim to cosmopolitanism as a justification for an implied economic and cultural expansion towards China. This cultural imaginary is justified by another Hong Kong mainstream cultural imaginary, one which sees China as a national, economic and cultural threat expanding towards Hong Kong to the south. I call this Hong Kong's imagined China ‘Southbound Cultural Imaginary’.
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Pub Date : 2006-07-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010600780992
J. Edward Mallot
While the field of memory studies continues to expand, critics question the applicability of Western trauma research in non-Western contexts. Not every Third World victim of violence, for example, may be willing or able to ‘speak’ or testify. But the Western emphasis on verbal testimony ignores other critical modes of remembering and disclosure. Shauna Singh Baldwin's What the Body Remembers, a novel about pre-Partition South Asia, suggests ways in which the human body can retain and reveal individual and collective memory. Baldwin offers scars, tattoos, blood and reincarnation as potential paths to testimony and healing; her work considers topics such as gendered memory, postmemory and the relationship between individual and collective pasts.
尽管记忆研究领域不断扩大，但批评人士质疑西方创伤研究在非西方背景下的适用性。例如，并非每一个第三世界的暴力受害者都愿意或能够“发言”或作证。但是西方对口头证词的强调忽略了其他重要的记忆和披露模式。肖娜·辛格·鲍德温(Shauna Singh Baldwin)的《身体记得什么》(What the Body remember)是一部关于南亚分裂前的小说，它提出了人体保留和揭示个人和集体记忆的方式。鲍德温认为伤疤、纹身、鲜血和转世是通往作证和治愈的潜在途径;她的作品考虑了性别记忆、后记忆以及个人和集体过去之间的关系等主题。
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Pub Date : 2006-03-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010500515290
Gurminder K. Bhambra
Edward W. Said has advocated the crossing of boundaries while at the same time abjuring the existence of those very boundaries. In practice, this has been played out in his opposition to nationalism existing alongside his support for the Palestinian people / a relationship that many have regarded as paradoxical if not contradictory. Said’s regard for nationalist movements, as having progressive and liberatory potential, stands alongside his recognition of the bleaker, more regressive, aspects of nationalism. Narratives of nationalism sit uneasily with those of emancipation which, as Said argues, are ‘narratives of integration not separation’ (1993: xxx). In the service of his commitment to truth and justice, Said recognized the delineation of boundaries and barriers as
爱德华·w·赛义德(Edward W. Said)主张跨越边界，同时又放弃这些边界的存在。在实践中，这表现在他反对民族主义，同时支持巴勒斯坦人民，许多人认为这种关系即使不是矛盾的，也是矛盾的。赛义德认为民族主义运动具有进步和解放的潜力，同时他也认识到民族主义更悲观、更倒退的一面。正如赛义德所言，民族主义的叙述与解放主义的叙述格格不入，后者是“融合而非分离的叙述”(1993:xxx)。在他对真理和正义的承诺中，赛义德认识到边界和障碍的划定是一种
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Pub Date : 2005-11-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010500268072
Anuradha Dingwaney Needham
This essay argues that Ranajit Guha's ‘The small voice of history’ and Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things are defined by, and help define, the contemporary ‘historical-political conjuncture’ that locates the motors of social, disciplinary, and epistemological transformation in the inherently or potentially resistant properties of the oppressed subaltern subject. A comparative reading of two generically different cultural artifacts – a theoretical-critical essay and a novel – that addresses both overlaps and differences between them, this essay also addresses the larger body of cultural work through which this conjuncture is also constituted, particularly work which engages with the difficulties that accrue to the task of recuperating the consciousness/voice of the oppressed and their subjugated histories.
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Pub Date : 2005-03-01DOI: 10.1080/1369801052000330379
Neelam Srivastava
This article is a companion piece to my interview with the Italian film director Gillo Pontecorvo. The essay presents his two famous anti-colonial films, The Battle of Algiers and Burn!, in the context of Pontecorvo's life and work. His anti-colonialism is related to his anti-fascism, as is evident in the film Kapò, whose protagonist is a Jewish girl struggling to survive in a Nazi concentration camp. His films were influenced by neo-realism and adopted a documentary style of film-making. I examine the strong intertextual links between The Battle of Algiers and Frantz Fanon's writings that emerged out of his involvement with the Algerian war of independence against the French colonizers. I also examine Fanon's and Pontecorvo's different approaches to violence in the context of the anti-colonial struggle.
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Pub Date : 1999-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13698019900510311
Priya C. Kumar
While the partition of the Indian subcontinent, as an event of shattering consequence, underlies the very origin of the postcolonial Indian state, historiographies of Indian nationhood are often marked by their failure to acknowledge or claim this cataclysmic history. This paper, examines three post-partition ‘testimonies’ — Amitav Ghosh's The Shadow Lines, Qurratulain Hyder's Sita Haran, and Shyam Benegal's film Mammo — that in their return to this founding trauma of subcontinental nationalism compel us to concede the past-in-presentness of partition as a history that is not done with, that refuses to be past. Though these texts are not situated during the actual turmoil of 1947, all of them hinge around the partition in ways which testify to the abiding legacies of partition in our world. While The Shadow Lines is a meditation on the borders constituted by the division of the subcontinent, Sita Haran and Mammo investigate the ramifications of partition as a traumatic history that continues to impinge up...
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Pub Date : 1999-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13698019900510561
B. Louis
This paper discusses the impact of migration and exile on the life, political theorization and activism of C. L. R. James, challenging the archetype of the postocolonial, diasporic intellectual as inherently informing anti-essentialist discourses. I use Jean-Paul Sartre's concept of ‘bad faith’ to counter this representation, drawing a set of textually based insights into James' personal and intellectual development, tracing some of his political work in England, America and the Caribbean. The first section outlines the prevalent discourses of bad faith both internal to James' consciousness, and external in the construction and maintenance of colonial society during his formative years in Trinidad that establishes him as ‘in exile at home’. The second section charts James' relocation to London in 1932, his introduction to Marxism and the resistance of a Eurocentric left to his discursive articulation of ‘race’, class and imperialism. I argue that this leftist resistance initiates a defensive mechanism aga...
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