Pub Date : 2011-06-01DOI: 10.1080/1369801X.2011.573231
S. Hakim
Abstract In this essay I look at three biographic documentaries of some Maghrebi women, mostly rai singers. By this choice of material, I mean to relate the theoretic and the ‘actual’ by way of addressing one of the difficulties nomadology as a theory has been facing. I argue that far from the homogeneous outcome that nomadology theorizes for those who are subjected to the aggression of the war machine, the outcome of the nomad–sedate encounter can produce many diverse results which are rarely considered by nomadology, a system that hardly perceives the ‘other’, or any category outside itself. It can never achieve the singularity it opts for, partly because of its own internal contradictory need to create and dismantle an outside, partly because it is blind to the possibility of the other's self-specification.
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Pub Date : 2010-10-20DOI: 10.1080/1369801X.2010.516093
K. Dale
In recent years there has been an academic focus on the exhibition of the French comptoirs (trading posts) in India at the Expositions coloniales (Colonial Exhibitions) of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by scholars such as Catherine Servan-Schreiber (2002). This essay builds upon such works, and uses the French colonial exhibition of 1900 as an exemplar of the exhibitions between 1870 and 1931 to consider how France's loss of India in 1763 acted as a preface to the period of colonial expansion that followed the Franco-Prussian War. Furthermore, it demonstrates how the failure of the ancien régime colonial venture in India was apparent in the representations of both the French trading posts in India – namely, Pondichéry, Chandernagor, Karikal, Yanaon and Mahé – and French Indochina alike, and explores how the creation of this colony was significantly displayed by the exhibition as a direct compensation for what Claude Farrère dubbed in 1935 ‘l'Inde perdue’ [lost India]. Finally, through the analysis of the mythologized accounts of the French colonial venture on the subcontinent, this essay highlights how this lost and essentially imaginary empire was used as a metaphorical battleground to conduct comparisons with the colonies of France's ‘frère ennemi’ [a brother who is also an enemy], the British.
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Pub Date : 2010-07-01DOI: 10.1080/1369801X.2010.489699
P. Morey
Since 9/11 there has been a proliferation of TV dramas on both sides of the Atlantic featuring Muslim characters in situations involving terrorist activities. In most instances, those Muslims from whom the threat is deemed to emanate are rhetorically placed at a distance from the nation. This essay argues that these dramas construct what we would call an ethnonormalized implied viewing subject: that is, one who is imagined either as part of, or sympathetic to, a white western consensus often organized around notions of family and patriarchy seen as under attack from the irrational nihilism of Islamist terrorism. In Fox's popular US thriller series 24, this consensus is valorized through the actions of the hero, Jack Bauer, whose instrumental violence is seen to underwrite and allow for the liberal rhetoric of his black president, David Palmer. Bauer is the bulwark standing against the dangerous infiltrations of those hostile to the workings of liberal democracy, foremost among whom are Muslims. By contrast, as an African-American, Palmer's role is to act as a father to an unruly national family and to embody a racial rapprochement through which the modern enemy, the Arab, can be more clearly identified, in the process eliding a much longer history of black and Arab anticolonial collaboration.
{"title":"TERRORVISION","authors":"P. Morey","doi":"10.1080/1369801X.2010.489699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1369801X.2010.489699","url":null,"abstract":"Since 9/11 there has been a proliferation of TV dramas on both sides of the Atlantic featuring Muslim characters in situations involving terrorist activities. In most instances, those Muslims from whom the threat is deemed to emanate are rhetorically placed at a distance from the nation. This essay argues that these dramas construct what we would call an ethnonormalized implied viewing subject: that is, one who is imagined either as part of, or sympathetic to, a white western consensus often organized around notions of family and patriarchy seen as under attack from the irrational nihilism of Islamist terrorism. In Fox's popular US thriller series 24, this consensus is valorized through the actions of the hero, Jack Bauer, whose instrumental violence is seen to underwrite and allow for the liberal rhetoric of his black president, David Palmer. Bauer is the bulwark standing against the dangerous infiltrations of those hostile to the workings of liberal democracy, foremost among whom are Muslims. By contrast, as an African-American, Palmer's role is to act as a father to an unruly national family and to embody a racial rapprochement through which the modern enemy, the Arab, can be more clearly identified, in the process eliding a much longer history of black and Arab anticolonial collaboration.","PeriodicalId":46172,"journal":{"name":"Interventions-International Journal of Postcolonial Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2010-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1369801X.2010.489699","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59766153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-11-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010903255569
Rebecca L. Stein
This essay considers the political import of the hike or walk (ha-tiyul; plural, tiyulim) among Jewish settlers in Palestine during the first decades of the twentieth century. Situating this travelling practice within the broader Zionist discourse of which it was a part, I will suggest that the tiyulim conducted by Jewish settlers were important technologies of settler nation-making which helped to rewrite Arab Palestine as a Jewish geography. Drawing on postcolonial arguments about imperial travel, this essay presents both a condensed history of such travelling practices and a close reading of some of the travelogues they spawned. I focus on two divergent itineraries: (a) accounts of travel within the borders of the Land of Israel (Eretz Yisrael) replete with classic colonial tropes of conquest, the empty landscape, and Palestinian-Arab culture qua ethnographic object; and (b) accounts of Jewish travel to neighbouring Arab countries (Syria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon) from which colonial tropes are frequently absent. I suggest that these postcolonial readings of Zionist travel and travelogues advance the scholarship on Zionist coloniality by suggesting the role of everyday culture within the settler-national project.
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Pub Date : 2007-07-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010701409178
Neloufer de Mel
This paper looks at the linkages between the Asian tsunami which devastated Sri Lanka in December 2004 and the nation's ongoing armed conflict, from the perspective of women's experiences of these critical events. Public discourses, while politicizing the natural disaster represented by the tsunami, have tended to naturalize the armed conflict and the even larger toll on life of the ethnic struggle. A sustained process of militarization in Sri Lanka has taken place, ensuring the widespread presence of militarism institutionally and ideologically. This has shaped nationalisms, local economies, patriarchies, as well as new forms of agency, and the paper discusses the different ways in which women have been drawn into the country's militarization. In the early 1990s, women's activism, research and the demand for the implementation of international conventions such as CEDAW initially found a unifying focus in broad issues such as violence against women and development. The presence of the war fundamentally affected the way in which both violence and problems of development came to be understood. One of the consequences of the extensive work done with women most affected by the conflict in the war zones was that levels of feminist consciousness seem to be much higher in these areas than elsewhere. The paper concludes by contrasting the unprepared and hasty nature of much of the gargantuan aid intervention that poured into Sri Lanka after the tsunami to the deeper experience among many women's rights groups on issues of violence, displacement, loss of life and livelihood.
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Pub Date : 2007-03-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010601174229
Christi Ann Merrill
This essay looks closely at the rhetorical tools of the postcolonial trade by examining humourous passages from Amitav Ghosh's In an Antique Land – a work which itself combines scholarship and literary non-fiction – in order to ask how we might read writing that plays with the fixed, static binaries of postcolonial relation we so regularly critique. I apply recent insights in cultural translation regarding the politics of figurative location to offer a more complex understanding of the ways we might read geographical relation in ironic first-person accounts. I consider Neelam Srivastava's suggestion that we read Ghosh's book as ‘a more complex literary genre’ against Gauri Viswanathan's charge that the writing is ‘politically ineffectual’. I argue that the debate reveals something more fundamental about our own interests and strategies in engaging with issues of postcoloniality, and thus should be part of a broader enquiry into the ideological – as rhetorical – positionings of essayists and other cultural critics.
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Pub Date : 2007-03-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010601174203
T. Vijay Kumar
Born in Calcutta in 1956, Amitav Ghosh studied in Delhi, Oxford and Alexandria, and did fieldwork in Egypt and Cambodia. He worked for a newspaper in New Delhi, and currently lives in New York where he teaches at Columbia University. He has published five novels so far: The Circle of Reason (1986), The Shadow Lines (1988), The Calcutta Chromosome (1996), The Glass Palace (2000) and The Hungry Tide (2004). The Sahitya Akademi Award 1989 (for The Shadow Lines), the Arthur C. Clarke Award 1997 (for The Calcutta Chromosome), the Grand Prize for Fiction at the Frankfurt International eBook Awards in 2001 (for The Glass Palace) and the Hutch Crossword Book Award 2004 (for The Hungry Tide) are among the prominent prizes he has won. In 2001, he withdrew his novel The Glass Palace from consideration for the Commonwealth Writers’ Prize, questioning both the relevance of ‘commonwealth literature’ as a category and the policy of excluding non-English language writing from the purview of the Prize. (Read his letter to the Commonwealth Foundation and the Foundation's response at )
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Pub Date : 2006-11-01DOI: 10.1080/13698010600955958
Fabrizio De Donno
This essay explores the ways in which the idea of an Italian ‘Aryan-Mediterranean’ race informed the notion of citizenship in the fascist imperial racial laws of the 1930s. The first part of the paper deals with the debate of Italian orientalists and anthropologists on the notions of Aryanism and Mediterraneanism and their link to the idea of Romanità (Romanness). I then examine how this racialism became part of the Italian colonial discourse and had an impact on the legal discourse concerning interracial relations and citizenship in colonial Eritrea from the 1900s. The paper particularly focuses on how the ‘Aryan’ and the ‘Mediterranean’ ideas of race were used conveniently both in contrast to and in conjunction with each other in the context of fascist biopolitics and the racial laws of the empire. I argue that these ideas of race addressed not only issues of cultural and national degeneration and regeneration, but also those of political inclusion and exclusion, which had a profound bearing on Italy's relations with Germany, Britain, and Europe on the one hand, and with Africa, the Mediterranean, and India on the other.
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Pub Date : 2006-08-17DOI: 10.1080/13698010500515241
Jan Selby
Within post-colonial debates, Edward Said has tended to be viewed by critics and admirers alike through a predominantly postmodern lens: as an (albeit inconsistent) Foucauldian genealogist of the relations between western truths and oriental subjugation, and as an opponent of cultural homogeneity and advocate of hybridity and exile. This paper argues, by contrast, that Said was above all a critical modernist committed to truth and justice; that despite his opposition to pure identities he was not anti-nationalist; and that he was remarkably consistent, both philosophically and politically, across a lengthy period of at least twenty-five years. In his desire to ‘speak truth to power’ and in his ethical universalism, Said had much deeper affinities, the paper argues, with Noam Chomsky than with Michel Foucault. It was this critical modernism, I argue, that underlay Said's belief that nationalist movements could be of progressive and liberatory potential, and that also underlay his critiques of mainstream propaganda on the question of Palestine, as well as his ambivalent positions on the utility of the two-state solution.
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