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The advertisement of alcohol in colonial and post colonial times in Southern Nigeria 尼日利亚南部殖民地和后殖民时期的酒精广告
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-03-02 DOI: 10.1111/JOHS.12185
U. Okonkwo
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引用次数: 1
The Transformation of the Educational Semantic within a Changing Society: A Study of the Westernization of Modern Chinese Education1 社会变迁中教育语义的嬗变——近代中国教育西方化研究
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2009-12-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2009.01368.X
Meiyao Wu
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the process of westernization of Chinese education – of the Chinese educational “system”– was marked by ongoing conflicts between traditional Chinese and modern western culture. This paper looks at the process by which, within the larger context of the “world-society,” educational thought was constituted or reconstituted (regenerated) in modern China, thus taking on a more hybrid form. My analysis is guided by a Luhmannian approach which focuses on the distinction between the educational system and its environment, and on the changing concept of “education” throughout an important period in the history of modern China. I will try to analyze the historical description of the distinction between traditional Chinese and modern Western educational ideas.
在19世纪末和20世纪初,中国教育西方化的过程——中国的教育“体系”——以中国传统文化和西方现代文化之间持续不断的冲突为标志。本文着眼于在“世界-社会”的大背景下,近代中国教育思想的建构或重构(再生)过程,从而呈现出一种更为混合的形式。我的分析是在卢曼方法的指导下进行的,该方法侧重于教育系统与其环境的区别,以及在近代中国历史上一个重要时期“教育”概念的变化。我将尝试分析中国传统教育理念与现代西方教育理念区别的历史描述。
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引用次数: 6
“Are We Afrikaners Getting too Rich?”1 Cornucopia and Change in Afrikanerdom in the 1960s “我们阿非利卡人变得太富有了吗?”《20世纪60年代南非白人世界的丰饶与变革》
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2008-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2008.00333.X
A. Grundlingh
This article attempts to correlate the unprecedented economic growth of the 1960s in South Africa with shifts in patterns of consumption, attendant lifestyle changes and forms of status identification among Afrikaners. Moreover the subse- quent divergences in Afrikaner nationalist politics and the demise of apartheid are explored in terms of the rise of the Afrikaner middle-class as one, hitherto largely unexamined, factor in the political transition in South Africa during the 1990s. ***** The 1960s are usually characterised in South African history as the time when apartheid flourished under the ever-watchful and all- knowing eyes of Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd, who for many whites was the symbol of an inspirational leader until his assassi- nation in 1966. The historical markers of this period are well known: Verwoerd led South Africa to becoming a Republic and he acted forcefully against the Pan Africanist Congress and the African National Congress by banning them following the events at Sharp- eville on 21 March 1960 when 69 black protesters died after the police shot at them. Apartheid gradually encompassed more and more facets of South African life and the National Party went from strength to strength at the polling booths. At the same time the African National Congress had to re-establish itself in exile. These events were obviously of great import and rightly attracted the attention of numerous historians. The constant emphasis on apartheid and formal Afrikaner politics has, however, led to histo- rians neglecting the simultaneous socio-economic undercurrents in Afrikaner society and assessing their wider cultural and political impact. Whites are usually viewed as the agents of a repressive society during this period but, as the historian William Beinart has remarked, they too have a complex social history. 2 For a fuller historical understanding of the South African social formation as a whole, internal and more subterranean developments in white society should be taken equally seriously as those informing the larger issues in South Africa. This article thus seeks to explore some of the dynamics that helped to shape a new Afrikaner social world during a period of unprecedented economic growth. The notion of a social world in this
本文试图将南非20世纪60年代空前的经济增长与阿非利卡人消费模式的转变、随之而来的生活方式变化和身份认同形式联系起来。此外,随后阿非利卡民族主义政治的分歧和种族隔离制度的消亡,在阿非利卡中产阶级的崛起方面进行了探讨,这是20世纪90年代南非政治转型的一个迄今为止基本上未被研究的因素。*****在南非历史上,20世纪60年代通常被认为是在总理亨德里克·维沃尔德(Hendrik Verwoerd)时刻警惕和无所不知的目光下,种族隔离制度盛行的时期。对于许多白人来说,直到1966年他被暗杀之前,他一直是一位鼓舞人心的领袖的象征。这一时期的历史标志是众所周知的:维沃尔德领导南非成为一个共和国,1960年3月21日夏普维尔事件发生后,69名黑人抗议者被警察开枪打死,他对泛非主义者大会和非洲人国民大会采取了强有力的行动,禁止了他们。种族隔离逐渐涉及南非生活的越来越多的方面,国民党在投票站的支持率越来越高。与此同时,非洲人国民大会不得不在流亡中重建自己。这些事件显然意义重大,理所当然地引起了众多历史学家的注意。然而,不断强调种族隔离和正式的阿非利卡人政治,导致历史学家忽视了阿非利卡人社会中同时存在的社会经济暗流,并评估了它们更广泛的文化和政治影响。在这一时期,白人通常被视为专制社会的代理人,但正如历史学家威廉·贝纳特(William Beinart)所说,他们也有复杂的社会历史。为了对整个南非社会形成有一个更全面的历史理解,白人社会内部和更隐蔽的发展应该和那些告知南非更大问题的发展一样被认真对待。因此,本文试图探索在一个前所未有的经济增长时期,帮助塑造一个新的阿非利卡人社会世界的一些动态。社会世界的概念在这里
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引用次数: 34
Putting Moral Standards on the Map: The Construction of Unemployment and the Housing Problem in Turn‐of‐the‐Century London1 把道德标准放在地图上:失业和住房问题的构建在世纪之交伦敦1
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2008-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2008.00334.X
M. Mansfield
This article challenges the idea that the construction of unemployment in turn-of-the-century Great Britain was an attempt simply to normalize employment relations by promoting regular work patterns. An analysis of the Booth survey in terms of the standard of life concept demonstrates the importance of the slum clearance problematic in bringing about the major rethink in policy thinking which ultimately led to the labour exchange project. The peculiar mobilisation patterns promoted by the labour exchange project reflect the difficulty or impossibility of delocalising industry or dock activity into the London suburbs.
这篇文章挑战了这样一种观点,即在世纪之交的英国,失业的构建仅仅是试图通过促进正常的工作模式来使雇佣关系正常化。根据生活标准概念对布斯调查的分析表明,贫民窟清理问题在引起政策思考的重大反思方面的重要性,最终导致了劳动力交换项目。劳动力交换项目推动的特殊动员模式反映了将工业或码头活动转移到伦敦郊区的困难或不可能。
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引用次数: 6
Explaining the Emergence Process of the Civil Rights Protest in Northern Ireland (1945–1968): Insights from a Relational Social Movement Approach1 解释北爱尔兰民权抗议的产生过程(1945-1968):来自关系社会运动方法的见解
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2008-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2008.00337.X
L. Bosi
This article explains how the contingent of complex interactions among pre-existing structural settings, institutional constraints, processes of regional and international transformative events, and uniquely combined developments within and between different contenders in the aftermath of the Second World War shaped Northern Ireland socio and political relations and thus instigated the Civil Rights Movement mobilization process. By re-introducing the time-space context into our studies of collective action, through a relational reading, my intent first is to advance our understanding of those episodes and complex patterns of interaction that give rise to social movements, and second to move beyond the static movement-centric approach explanation and away from the a-historical nature of much of the social movement literature. My historical-sociological research, into the longitudinal case study of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement mobilization, involves secondary and new empirical primary sources, such as archival analysis, qualitative examination of Northern Ireland daily newspapers during the 1960s, and the collection of 35 semi-structured interviews with key players from the Civil Rights Movement.
本文解释了第二次世界大战后,既存的结构环境、制度约束、区域和国际变革事件的进程以及不同竞争者内部和之间独特的综合发展之间复杂的相互作用如何形成了北爱尔兰的社会和政治关系,从而激发了民权运动的动员过程。通过关系阅读,将时空背景重新引入我们对集体行动的研究中,我的目的首先是促进我们对产生社会运动的那些事件和复杂的相互作用模式的理解,其次是超越以静态运动为中心的方法解释,远离许多社会运动文献的非历史性质。我的历史社会学研究,对北爱尔兰民权运动动员的纵向案例研究,涉及二手和新的经验主要来源,如档案分析,20世纪60年代北爱尔兰日报的定性检查,以及对民权运动主要参与者的35个半结构化访谈的收集。
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引用次数: 15
“A Community of Communities”– Catholic Communitarianism and Societal Crises in Ireland, 1890s–1950s1 “社区的社区”——19世纪90年代至50年代爱尔兰天主教社区主义与社会危机1
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2007.00323.X
Seán L'estrange
Abstract  This article argues that discourse on community as a socio-political problem needs to be located within historical, institutional, and socio-structural contexts if it is to be properly understood. In particular, it suggests that the role of religion in promoting forms of communitarian discourse and practice needs to be given greater attention than it has hitherto received within the social sciences. The article pursues this argument through examination of the religious discourse on community cultivated and promoted by the Catholic Church in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By providing an analysis of its role in Catholic responses to three major socio-political crises in Ireland between the 1890s and 1960s, the paper suggests that not only does socio-religious discourse on community constitute a powerful alternative to secular social-scientific discourses, but that such discourse is particularly effective in helping to constitute specific groups as communities, given favourable sociological conditions.
摘要本文认为,如果要正确理解社区作为一个社会政治问题的话语,需要将其置于历史、制度和社会结构背景中。它特别指出,宗教在促进各种形式的社区主义言论和实践方面的作用需要得到比迄今为止在社会科学领域所得到的更多的注意。本文通过对天主教会在19世纪和20世纪培养和推动的关于社区的宗教话语的考察来追求这一论点。通过分析其在19世纪90年代至60年代爱尔兰天主教对三次主要社会政治危机的反应中所起的作用,本文表明,关于社区的社会宗教话语不仅构成了世俗社会科学话语的强大替代品,而且在有利的社会学条件下,这种话语在帮助构成特定群体作为社区方面特别有效。
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引用次数: 8
Deconstructing National Myths, Reconstituting Morality: Modernity, Hegemony and the Israeli National Past1 解构民族神话,重构道德:现代性、霸权与以色列民族的过去
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2007.00322.X
Joyce Dalsheim
Since the late 1980s there has been a growing scholarly concern with speaking silences of the past and recognizing the voices and perspectives of those “others” who have been written out of hegemonic historical narratives, especially in areas of intense conflict like Israel/Palestine. This study is concerned with the ways in which hegemonic national history can be re-inscribed even as attempts are made to tell an alternative narrative. This article is based on three years of ethnographic research in an Israeli Jewish high school at the height of debates among historians about the Israeli national past. It examines the motivation to teach an alternative narrative that would recognize Palestinian perspectives and reveals the micro-processes involved that ultimately undermine such recognition.
自20世纪80年代末以来,学术界越来越关注谈论过去的沉默,并认识到那些“他者”的声音和观点,这些声音和观点已经从霸权的历史叙事中被写了出来,特别是在以色列/巴勒斯坦等激烈冲突的地区。本研究关注的是霸权国家历史可以被重新铭刻的方式,即使试图讲述另一种叙事。这篇文章是基于在一所以色列犹太高中进行的为期三年的民族志研究,当时历史学家们正就以色列民族的过去展开激烈的辩论。它审查了教授另一种承认巴勒斯坦人观点的叙述的动机,并揭示了最终破坏这种承认的微观过程。
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引用次数: 11
An “Oasis of Freedom” in a “Closed Society”: The Development of Tougaloo College as a Free Space in Mississippi's Civil Rights Movement, 1960 to 19641 “封闭社会”中的“自由绿洲”:1960 - 19641年密西西比民权运动中图加卢学院作为自由空间的发展
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2007.00321.X
Maria R. Lowe
Based on archival research and in-depth interviews, this study explores how Tougaloo College in Jackson, Mississippi developed into a pivotal movement center in Mississippi's civil rights movement and the ways in which Tougaloo's faculty and administrators as organic intellectuals helped to create, maintain, and augment such a free space and the social networks who utilized it. The school served as an interracial “safe haven” for those involved in and sympathetic to the civil rights movement who in turn, helped to cultivate networks, ideas, and strategies that contributed to the movement in meaningful ways. The school's heritage, its sources of financial support, and its relative physical isolation allowed Tougaloo College to challenge Mississippi's closed society from within.
基于档案研究和深度访谈,本研究探讨了密西西比州杰克逊的Tougaloo学院如何发展成为密西西比州民权运动的关键运动中心,以及Tougaloo学院的教师和管理人员作为有机知识分子帮助创建、维护和扩大这样一个自由空间的方式,以及利用它的社会网络。对于那些参与和同情民权运动的人来说,这所学校是一个跨种族的“避风港”,他们反过来帮助培养网络、思想和策略,以有意义的方式为民权运动做出贡献。学校的传统、财政支持的来源以及相对的地理隔离使得图加卢学院能够从内部挑战密西西比州封闭的社会。
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引用次数: 7
Rehabilitation Through Work? Disability and the Productivist Road to Participation in the East of Germany1 通过工作康复?德国东部的残疾与生产主义的参与之路
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-09-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2007.00308.X
D. Bunzel
Drawing on secondary data and interviews, this paper traces the economic and socio-cultural roots of contemporary policies to promote full participation of people with disabilities in mainstream German society. Underlying such policies and related practices has been a concept of rehabilitation through work that evolved within a context of labour shortages, Protestant work ethics, and German welfarism at the beginning of the 20th century and that has yielded rather ambiguous consequences. I argue this elective affinity among economic, cultural, and socio-political imperatives has undermined potentials for integration and self-actualization of people with disabilities. Not only was rehabilitation subordinated to a productivist logic and provoked forms of ill-paid or even forced labour; rehabilitation policies and measures have also been part of a system of social governance that effectively helped to segregate the “able” from the “unable” and that promulgated an ethos of productivism. Significantly, this essentially utilitarian ethos – which rendered health and rehabilitation into a social obligation and valued each wo/man according to his/her fitness and motivation to contribute to socio-economic development – evolved within capitalism but was equally pronounced in East Germany under state-socialist rule. Contrary to the egalitarian principles of both “socialist humanism” and “Western enlightenment”, policies and practices trans-societally focussed on the promotion of those who could – potentially at least – contribute to the regime of industrial production. As the example of East Germany demonstrates, social participation through paid work remains incomplete, at best, and provokes further segregation – even in times of severe labour shortages. The paper concludes that notwithstanding contemporary rhetoric, rehabilitation through work has remained a central pillar of contemporary welfare policies. In times of unbroken structural unemployment, the productivist paradigm and ensuing policies have become increasingly problematic – not only for the inclusion of people with disabilities. Experiences with the productivist modes of participation and with rehabilitation in East Germany suggest a post-productivist paradigm of inclusion that seeks participation beyond paid work.
借助二手数据和访谈,本文追溯了促进残疾人充分参与德国主流社会的当代政策的经济和社会文化根源。这些政策和相关实践的基础是在20世纪初劳动力短缺、新教工作伦理和德国福利主义的背景下发展起来的通过工作进行康复的概念,这产生了相当模糊的后果。我认为,这种经济、文化和社会政治需求之间的选择性亲和力破坏了残疾人融入社会和自我实现的潜力。康复不仅服从于生产主义的逻辑,而且引起各种形式的低薪甚至强迫劳动;康复政策和措施也是社会管理制度的一部分,该制度有效地帮助区分“有能力”和“没有能力”的人,并宣扬一种生产主义精神。值得注意的是,这种本质上是功利主义的精神——把健康和康复变成一种社会义务,根据每个人的健康状况和为社会经济发展作出贡献的动机来评价他/她——在资本主义内部形成,但在国家社会主义统治下的东德也同样明显。与“社会主义人道主义”和“西方启蒙”的平等主义原则相反,跨社会的政策和做法侧重于促进那些可能- -至少是潜在地- -对工业生产制度作出贡献的人。正如东德的例子所表明的那样,即使在劳动力严重短缺的时期,通过有偿工作进行的社会参与充其量也是不完整的,而且会引发进一步的隔离。本文的结论是,尽管有当代的修辞,但通过工作进行康复仍然是当代福利政策的核心支柱。在持续的结构性失业时期,生产主义模式和随之而来的政策变得越来越有问题——不仅是在包容残疾人方面。东德的生产主义参与模式和康复的经验表明,一种后生产主义的包容范式寻求超越有偿工作的参与。
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引用次数: 4
The Stars Beneath Alabama1 阿拉巴马州的星空
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2006-12-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-6443.2006.00293.X
Allen Shelton
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Historical Sociology
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