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Mapping premodern small war: The case of the Thirty Years War (1618-48) 绘制前现代小型战争的地图:三十年战争(1618-48)
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2220503
P. Wilson, Katerina Tkacova, T. Pert
ABSTRACT The example of the Thirty Years War (1618–48) demonstrates that small war was already integral to the conduct of premodern hostilities. Commanders employed these methods with a purpose and generally tried to limit the accompanying violence to preserve discipline and effectiveness, as well as their claims to be waging a just war. We explain why conventional histories have neglected the presence of small war in premodernity, and show how its importance, methods, and wider impact can be reconstructed through innovative digital mapping techniques, which have the potential to be applied to conflicts in other times and places.
摘要三十年战争(1618-48)的例子表明,小型战争已经成为前现代敌对行动不可或缺的一部分。指挥官们使用这些方法是有目的的,通常试图限制伴随而来的暴力,以保持纪律和有效性,以及他们声称要发动一场正义的战争。我们解释了为什么传统历史忽视了前现代小型战争的存在,并展示了如何通过创新的数字地图技术重建其重要性、方法和更广泛的影响,这些技术有可能应用于其他时代和地方的冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Sergei Loznitsa, ethereal documentarian: untangling the Russia-Ukraine war in the Kiev Trial, Donbass, and Maidan 谢尔盖·洛兹尼察,空灵的纪录片导演:解开基辅审判、顿巴斯和独立广场的俄乌战争
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2220501
Bianca Berman
ABSTRACT On 24 February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in a major escalation of a war that had been persisting since 2014. This article explores three of Sergei Loznitsa’s films set in Ukraine and examines the way in which their shared observational style informs the Russia-Ukraine war and may influence viewers’ perceptions of the complexities of the conflict. A close analysis reveals that the observational mode used in Maidan (2014), Donbass (2018), and The Kiev Trial (2022) has two primary effects. First, in Donbass and The Kiev Trial, the unfiltered style serves as a contrast to the often farcical and ‘staged’ content, thereby exposing the lies underpinning Soviet presence in Ukraine and the current Russian invasion. Second, in addition to exposing Russian misinformation, Loznitsa’s observational style in Maidan and Donbass facilitates identification with the Ukrainian people by visually and auditorily immersing the viewer in the world on the screen. The article concludes with a discussion of the significance of Loznitsa’s work in shaping the public’s perception of – and continued commitment to – the war in Ukraine.
摘要2022年2月24日,俄罗斯对乌克兰发动全面入侵,这是自2014年以来持续的战争的重大升级。本文探讨了谢尔盖·洛兹尼察的三部以乌克兰为背景的电影,并探讨了他们共同的观察风格如何影响俄乌战争,并可能影响观众对冲突复杂性的看法。仔细分析表明,Maidan(2014)、Donbass(2018)和the Kiev Trial(2022)中使用的观测模式有两个主要影响。首先,在《顿巴斯》和《基辅审判》中,未经过滤的风格与经常滑稽和“上演”的内容形成了对比,从而揭露了支撑苏联在乌克兰存在和当前俄罗斯入侵的谎言。其次,除了揭露俄罗斯的错误信息外,洛兹尼察在迈丹和顿巴斯的观察风格还通过视觉和听觉让观众沉浸在屏幕上的世界中,促进了与乌克兰人民的认同。文章最后讨论了洛兹尼察的工作在塑造公众对乌克兰战争的看法和持续承诺方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
A light footprint in Syria: operational art in operation inherent resolve 在叙利亚的足迹很轻:行动艺术在行动中固有的决心
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2197671
B. Arnold, John A. Nagl
ABSTRACT Special Operations Forces (SOF) played an important role in defeating the Islamic State (ISIS) physical caliphate in Syria. Acting as a force multiplier, SOF successfully mobilized, armed, supplied, and directed an indigenous guerrilla force across northern Syria against a numerically superior entrenched enemy. This effort was underpinned by a flexible operational approach that adapted operational art to the unique characteristics of unconventional warfare. This paper provides a case study on the conflict with ISIS in Syria, focusing on the first phase of the campaign from 2014 until 2016, examining the elements of operational art which had the most significant impact on the outcome of the conflict. The application of operational art throughout the campaign sought to preserve and strengthen the friendly center of gravity – the Syrian Defense Forces, or SDF – by improving access to critical capabilities, controlling tempo, recognizing culmination criteria, and properly phasing operations and resources. SOF’s practice of sustained engagement garnered influence with the SDF and provided situational awareness to key decision makers, connecting tactics to strategy, engendering mutual trust, and allowing the agility that led to battlefield success.
特种作战部队(SOF)在打击伊斯兰国(ISIS)在叙利亚的实体哈里发中发挥了重要作用。作为一个力量倍增器,SOF成功地动员、武装、供应和指挥了一支穿越叙利亚北部的本土游击队,以对抗数量上占优势的根深蒂固的敌人。这一努力的基础是灵活的作战方法,使作战艺术适应非常规战争的独特特点。本文提供了一个关于叙利亚与ISIS冲突的案例研究,重点关注2014年至2016年战役的第一阶段,研究对冲突结果影响最大的作战艺术要素。在整个战役中,作战艺术的应用旨在通过改善对关键能力的获取,控制节奏,认识到高潮标准,以及适当地分阶段行动和资源,来保护和加强友好的重心——叙利亚国防军(SDF)。SOF持续交战的实践积累了对自卫队的影响力,并为关键决策者提供了态势感知,将战术与战略联系起来,产生相互信任,并允许敏捷性导致战场成功。
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引用次数: 0
The utilization of special forces in peace missions: perspectives from South Africa 特种部队在和平特派团中的使用:南非的观点
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2195339
L. Bester
ABSTRACT The fascination with special forces could be ascribed to the prominence of their use in contemporary conflicts across the globe. There is, however, a paradox of employing such a highly lethal force in order to pursuit peace. With peacekeeping evolving parallel with the strategic environment, especially in Africa, the trend towards more robust interventions has become prevalent since the end of the Cold War. As such, the requirement for accurate and timely intelligence in peace missions has become crucial. Admittedly, special forces would not necessarily be the soldiers expected to wear blue berets and participate in peace missions. It may come as a surprise to the uninformed, though, to learn that special forces have indeed participated, and are still involved, in peace missions across the globe. Drawing from a case study where special forces have been involved in peace missions under the umbrella of the United Nations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, this article investigates the utilization of special forces and the role they could play in peace missions in Africa.
对特种部队的迷恋可以归因于它们在当代全球冲突中的突出使用。然而,为了追求和平而使用这种高度致命的武力是自相矛盾的。随着维和行动与战略环境并行发展,特别是在非洲,自冷战结束以来,采取更有力干预措施的趋势变得普遍。因此,对和平特派团提供准确及时情报的要求变得至关重要。诚然,特种部队不一定是期望戴蓝色贝雷帽参加和平任务的士兵。然而,当得知特种部队确实参与并仍在参与全球各地的和平任务时,不知情的人可能会感到惊讶。本文通过对特种部队在联合国保护下参与刚果民主共和国和平特派团的案例研究,调查了特种部队的使用情况及其在非洲和平特派团中可以发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Potemkin on the Dnieper: the Failure of Russian Airpower in the Ukraine war 第聂伯河上的波将金:俄罗斯空军在乌克兰战争中的失败
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2187201
Sean M. Wiswesser
ABSTRACT Russia’s airpower failure in the Ukraine war was due to incompetent air campaigning and execution, coupled with the success of a highly effective Ukrainian ground-based air defense. The Russian Air Forces (VKS) attempted to execute what they term a ‘Strategic Air Operation’ based on a ‘non-contact’ doctrine, articulated widely in recent years. But they could not achieve this in practice. As a result, like the famous Potemkin Village of Catherine the Great’s time, Russia’s Air Force today is only a façade of a modern twenty-first-century Air Force. Throughout the first eight months of the invasion, Russia failed to achieve air superiority, failed at suppression of enemy air defense, and failed to deny the use of airpower to its adversary. The absence of Russian airpower was prominently on display during the September 2022 counterattack in the Kharkiv area, where Ukraine took back 3,000 plus square miles of its territory and again with the counteroffensives in the south, where Ukraine retook Kherson. This paper explores both the ‘how’ of Russia’s airpower failure along with ‘why’ it could not execute its own stated doctrine.
俄罗斯在乌克兰战争中的空中力量失败是由于不称职的空中战役和执行,加上乌克兰高效的地面防空系统的成功。俄罗斯空军(VKS)试图执行他们所谓的基于“非接触”原则的“战略空中作战”,近年来被广泛阐述。但他们在实践中无法做到这一点。因此,就像叶卡捷琳娜大帝时代著名的波将金村一样,今天的俄罗斯空军只是21世纪现代空军的一个缩影。在入侵的前八个月里,俄罗斯未能取得空中优势,未能压制敌人的防空,也未能阻止对手使用空中力量。在2022年9月对哈尔科夫地区的反攻中,俄罗斯空军的缺乏得到了明显的体现,乌克兰在那里夺回了3000多平方英里的领土,在南部的反攻中,乌克兰再次夺回了赫尔松。本文探讨了俄罗斯空中力量失败的“原因”以及它无法执行自己宣称的学说的“原因”。
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引用次数: 0
Counterinsurgency in China and India: an Introduction 中国和印度的反叛乱:导论
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2174762
Peter A. Lorge
In Insurgency and Counterinsurgency: A Global History, Jeremy Black argued that insurgencies should be studied, ‘without political blinkers, national prejudices, or conceptual and historiographical confusion’. As a military historian, Professor Black emphasized that insurgency was neither a new phenomenon, nor one confined to the concerns of Western powers. He was, however, writing in response to the majority of current studies in the field that seldom concern themselves with either pre-19 century history or the non-West except from a Western perspective. Of course, military theorists have taken an ahistorical view of insurgencies from at least the 16 century, so the current state of the field has a long, and scarcely recognized, tradition. Black is also not the first scholar to lament the lack of cultural awareness in studies of insurgency and will not be the last. He, at least, has a long record of arguing for, and writing about, the rest of the world in his many military histories. Studies of insurgency in the West have naturally been connected to ‘pragmatic’ concerns of current events and tend toward 20 century studies and Western interests. An edited volume, by Beatrice Heuser and Eitan Shamir, Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies: National Styles and Strategic Cultures, has one or two chapters that look further back in history, but it is mostly about the 20 and 21 centuries, and mostly Western-centric. The Middle East and Afghanistan are longstanding interests of Western powers, as is, at least theoretically, modern China. The successful Communist Chinese insurgency, and Mao Zedong’s influential theoretical writings about insurgency, established a place for modern China in the security studies and political science fields that developed in the Cold War. Yet Mao and China have been abstracted from historical context in order to accommodate them to theoretical models that do not allow for cultural or temporal variables.
Jeremy Black在《叛乱与反叛乱:全球史》一书中认为,应该“在没有政治偏见、民族偏见或概念和历史混乱的情况下”研究叛乱。作为一名军事历史学家,布莱克教授强调,叛乱既不是一种新现象,也不局限于西方大国的担忧。然而,他写这篇文章是为了回应该领域目前的大多数研究,这些研究很少涉及19世纪前的历史或非西方,除非从西方的角度来看。当然,至少从16世纪起,军事理论家就对叛乱采取了非历史性的观点,因此该领域的现状有着悠久而鲜为人知的传统。布莱克也不是第一个在叛乱研究中哀叹缺乏文化意识的学者,也不会是最后一个。至少,在他的许多军事历史中,他有着长期为世界其他地方争论和写作的记录。对西方叛乱的研究自然与对时事的“务实”关注有关,并倾向于20世纪的研究和西方利益。Beatrice Heuser和Eitan Shamir编辑的《叛乱和反叛乱:国家风格和战略文化》一书有一两章可以追溯到历史,但它大多是关于20世纪和21世纪的,大多以西方为中心。中东和阿富汗是西方大国的长期利益,至少从理论上讲,现代中国也是如此。成功的中国共产党叛乱,以及毛泽东关于叛乱的有影响力的理论著作,为现代中国在冷战时期发展起来的安全研究和政治学领域奠定了基础。然而,毛和中国已经从历史背景中抽象出来,以便将它们纳入不考虑文化或时间变量的理论模型中。
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引用次数: 0
The logics of atrocities: a local official and the small wars in Taiping China, 1851–1864 暴行的逻辑:一位地方官员与太平天国的小规模战争,1851-1864
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2190217
Weiting Guo
ABSTRACT Using an autobiography written by a Qing local official, Duan Guangqing (段光清, 1798–1878), this article explores the personal experiences of local officials who developed ways of coping with atrocities, trauma, and various local affairs during the Taiping War (1851–1864). Contrary to studies that focus on large-scale combat operations in Taiping China, this essay adopts a decentered approach to explore the small-scale wars in which local officials and various actors strategized their actions and manipulated their relationships. This article argues that the strategies and actions of local figures during small-scale conflicts provide a vivid and decentered picture of Taiping China.
摘要:用一位清代地方官员段光庆的自传(段光清, 1798–1878),本文探讨了太平战争(1851–1864)期间地方官员的个人经历,他们制定了应对暴行、创伤和各种地方事务的方法。与关注太平天国大规模作战行动的研究相反,本文采用了一种分散的方法来探索地方官员和各种行动者制定行动策略和操纵关系的小规模战争。本文认为,地方人物在小规模冲突中的策略和行动为太平天国的中国提供了一幅生动而体面的画面。
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引用次数: 0
‘Shaping hearts and minds: claret operations in Borneo, 1965–1966’ “塑造心灵:1965年至1966年婆罗洲红葡萄酒业务”
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2179809
Christopher Tuck
ABSTRACT For Western militaries, the choice between enemy-centric and population-centric approaches to unconventional warfare is really no choice at all. Contemporary counterinsurgency doctrines are clear on the decisive importance of hearts and minds in delivering success: in these conflicts, the population is the prize. As this article identifies, however, context may limit in important ways the relevance of many hearts and minds activities. Despite the scale of Commonwealth military success against Indonesia during Operation Claret in 1965–66, and despite the declared importance of hearts and mind activities in support of this success, the specific context that existed during the campaign limited the extent to which hearts and minds could exert a decisive impact. In particular, the limited nature of Commonwealth objectives, which did not seek to change the political ownership of the border area, meant that the local population could not, in the long term, be protected from the consequences of choosing to side with Commonwealth forces. Therefore, despite often being well disposed to Commonwealth troops, rational concerns for their own well-being limited the willingness of border villagers to provide overt help.
摘要对于西方军队来说,在以敌人为中心和以人口为中心的非常规战争方法之间做出选择实在是别无选择。当代的反叛乱学说清楚地表明了心灵在取得成功方面的决定性重要性:在这些冲突中,人民是奖品。然而,正如本文所指出的,上下文可能在重要方面限制了许多心灵活动的相关性。尽管在1965-66年的克莱特行动中,英联邦在对抗印度尼西亚的军事行动中取得了巨大成功,尽管人们宣称心灵活动对支持这一成功至关重要,但战役期间存在的特定背景限制了心灵发挥决定性影响的程度。特别是,英联邦目标的有限性并不寻求改变边境地区的政治所有权,这意味着从长远来看,无法保护当地居民免受选择站在英联邦部队一边的后果。因此,尽管通常对英联邦军队很友善,但出于对自身福祉的合理担忧,限制了边境村民提供公开帮助的意愿。
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引用次数: 0
Friend and Foe: Russia–Turkey relations before and after the war in Ukraine 朋友与敌人:乌克兰战争前后俄罗斯与土耳其的关系
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2185443
Vicken Cheterian
ABSTRACT The interaction between Russia and Turkey since 2015 suggests a new quality in foreign affairs combining tactical alliance and strategic competition. The Russian invasion of Ukraine did not change this. By studying the cases of Syria, Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh, we observe not only elements of geopolitical competition and cooperation but also that the combination of the two contradictory approaches in foreign affairs created new opportunities beneficial to the two sides. Russian-Turkish interactions are a unique case study in international relations and are conditioned by their geopolitical competition with the west, a fact that the war in Ukraine did not alter.
自2015年以来,俄罗斯和土耳其之间的互动表明,在外交事务中,战术联盟和战略竞争相结合的新质量。俄罗斯入侵乌克兰并没有改变这一点。通过研究叙利亚、利比亚和纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫的案例,我们不仅观察到地缘政治竞争与合作的因素,而且还观察到两种相互矛盾的外交方式的结合为双方创造了新的有利机会。俄土互动是国际关系中一个独特的研究案例,受到两国与西方地缘政治竞争的制约,乌克兰战争并未改变这一事实。
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引用次数: 3
Correction 校正
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2020.1813937
A. Varsori
The Abstract should be as follows: In recent years, scholars and practitioners alike have acknowledged the threat posed by Military-Trained Gang Members (MTGMs). These individuals have the training, know-how, and expertise necessary to significantly increase the effectiveness and lethality of the armed group they belong to. Even though this threat is present in several criminal insurgencies, usage of the MTGM concept is limited to studies regarding the United States. This paper broadens this scope by assessing the presence and characters of the MTGM phenomenon in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Through a review of media output on the topic, spanning over more than 21 years, the paper exposes the roots and extent of this trend, as well as the roles played by MTGMs.
摘要应如下:近年来,学者和从业人员都认识到军训帮派成员构成的威胁。这些人拥有必要的培训、专业知识和专业知识,可以显著提高他们所属武装组织的有效性和杀伤力。尽管这种威胁存在于几起犯罪叛乱中,但MTGM概念的使用仅限于对美国的研究。本文通过评估巴西里约热内卢市MTGM现象的存在和特征,拓宽了这一范围。通过对21多年来媒体对这一主题的报道进行回顾,本文揭示了这一趋势的根源和程度,以及MTGM所扮演的角色。
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引用次数: 0
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