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Politicising the rebel governance paradigm. Critical appraisal and expansion of a research agenda 将反叛者的治理模式政治化。研究议程的批判性评估和扩展
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-13 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2144000
H. Pfeifer, Regine Schwab
Abstract The introduction to the special issue starts from the observation that the political nature of rebel governance is so far understudied. Moving beyond the functionalism and instrumentalism inherent in parts of the literature, we propose a politicisation of the rebel governance paradigm through a spatial and temporal widening of analytical approaches. To address the methodological localism of existing research, rebel governance should be studied across actors and scales, as well as through their interlinkages. Taking time seriously, it also has to be investigated as a sequential phenomenon, at different conflict stages and with regard to its legacies in post-conflict settings.
特刊的导言从观察到叛军治理的政治性质迄今尚未得到充分研究开始。超越部分文献中固有的功能主义和工具主义,我们建议通过空间和时间上的分析方法扩大反叛治理范式的政治化。为了解决现有研究方法上的地方主义,应该跨行为者和尺度以及通过它们的相互联系来研究反叛治理。在认真对待时间的同时,还必须把它作为一个连续的现象,在不同的冲突阶段以及在冲突后环境中的遗留问题进行调查。
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引用次数: 11
Urban counterinsurgency: the Union Defence Force and the suppression of the 1922 Rand Revolt 城市反叛乱:联邦国防军与1922年兰德起义的镇压
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2139130
Evert Kleynhans, Anri Delport
ABSTRACT In early 1922, in the wake of a global depression followed by rapidly deteriorating labour and economic conditions, several thousand white mine workers on the Witwatersrand in the Union of South Africa went on strike. These miners armed and organised themselves into commandos and took to the streets. During the opening phases of the unrest, these paramilitary units clashed with the South African Police. By the beginning of March, the strikes transformed into a violent insurrection with railway workers also joining its ranks after negotiations between the mine workers, mine owners, and the government failed and new militant leadership assumed command. As chaos and disorder engulfed large tracts of the Johannesburg goldfields and levels of violence assumed new proportions, the state’s legitimacy increasingly came under threat. In response, martial law was declared, and elements of the Union Defence Force were deployed to quell the so-called 1922 Rand Revolt. Historically unaccustomed to urban warfare and without an appropriate doctrine, the defence force became involved in several high-intensity urban counterinsurgency operations against the strike commandos. Drawing from a variety of archival material, this article investigates the combat operations undertaken by the UDF to suppress the 1922 Rand Revolt.
摘要1922年初,随着全球经济大萧条,劳动力和经济状况迅速恶化,南非联邦威特沃特斯兰德的数千名白人矿工举行了罢工。这些矿工武装起来,组织成突击队,走上街头。在动乱开始阶段,这些准军事部队与南非警察发生冲突。到3月初,罢工演变成了一场暴力暴动,在矿工、矿主和政府之间的谈判失败,新的激进领导层接管指挥权后,铁路工人也加入了罢工行列。随着约翰内斯堡大片金矿被混乱和无序所吞噬,暴力程度达到新的水平,该州的合法性越来越受到威胁。作为回应,宣布了戒严令,并部署了联邦国防军成员来平息所谓的1922年兰德起义。历史上,由于不习惯城市战争,也没有适当的理论,国防军参与了几次针对打击突击队的高强度城市反叛乱行动。本文从各种档案材料中,调查了UDF为镇压1922年兰德起义而采取的作战行动。
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引用次数: 0
Sikh insurgency in pre-British India: origin, context and legacies 前英属印度的锡克教叛乱:起源、背景和遗产
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2136922
K. Roy
ABSTRACT Sikh dominance in the Indian military started under the British in the late nineteenth century. The Sikh insurgency which rocked Punjab in the 1980s remains independent India’s most serious internal rebellion. In fact, the warrior ethos and military martyrdom in the Sikh community could be traced back to the precolonial era. This essay traces the history of the evolution of Khalsa’s military culture. I argue that the Sikhs were already a ‘martial race’ like the Marathas, Rajputs and the Gurkhas before the British imperial conquest. By making a case study of Sikh insurgency against the Mughal Empire, this essay shows that insurgency serves as a major educational and military mobilising tool in the creation of martial cultures/races.
锡克教徒在印度军队中的主导地位始于19世纪末英国统治时期。20世纪80年代震撼旁遮普的锡克教叛乱仍然是独立后印度最严重的内部叛乱。事实上,锡克教社区的战士精神和军事殉难可以追溯到前殖民时代。本文追溯了卡尔萨族军事文化的演变历史。我认为锡克教徒在英国帝国征服之前已经是一个“军事种族”,就像马拉地人、拉杰普特人和廓尔喀人一样。通过对锡克教徒反抗莫卧儿帝国的叛乱进行案例研究,本文表明叛乱在创造军事文化/种族方面是一种主要的教育和军事动员工具。
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引用次数: 0
A Historical Overview of Boer Guerrilla and British Counterinsurgency Operations During the Anglo-Boer War, 1899-1902 1899-1902年英布尔战争期间布尔游击队与英国平叛行动的历史考察
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2138258
A. Wessels
ABSTRACT The year 1901 saw an upsurge in Boer guerrilla and concomitant British counterinsurgency operations during the Anglo-Boer (South African) War of 1899 to 1902 – especially in the wake of the failed Middelburg peace negotiations. One hundred and twenty years later, it is appropriate that these events should be revisited. The purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the Boer guerrilla and British counterinsurgency operations, including events in the Cape Colony, where the conflict had grave implications for the local white, brown and black inhabitants, who were caught up between the British and Boer forces, and where in certain areas of the war zone, a civil war was fought. The reactions and views of Lord Kitchener, the British Commander-in-Chief, receive particular attention, as he tried to bring the war to a close as soon as possible, and in the process laying waste to large areas of the war zone, thanks to the scorched-earth policy implemented by the British Army in South Africa.
1901年见证了1899年至1902年盎格鲁-布尔(南非)战争期间布尔人游击队和随之而来的英国反叛乱行动的高涨,尤其是在米德尔堡和平谈判失败之后。120年后的今天,回顾这些事件是恰当的。本文的目的是概述布尔游击队和英国的反叛乱行动,包括在开普殖民地发生的事件。在那里,冲突对当地的白人、棕色人种和黑人居民产生了严重影响,他们被卷入英国和布尔部队之间,在战区的某些地区,发生了内战。英国总司令基奇纳勋爵的反应和观点受到特别关注,因为他试图尽快结束战争,并在此过程中,由于英国军队在南非实施的焦土政策,使战区的大片地区成为废墟。
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引用次数: 0
Heart-minds and harquebuses: the Bozhou rebellion in China (1587-1600) 心与枪:中国亳州叛乱(1587-1600)
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-16 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2127296
B. Noordam
ABSTRACT Many of the non-Chinese minorities inhabiting the south-western regions of the Ming empire (1368-1644) rebelled during the course of the dynasty’s existence, including the Miao, who at the end of the sixteenth century launched an uprising under the leadership of Yang Yinglong (1551-1600). The uprising and the resulting insurgency were eventually suppressed under the leadership of two civil officials, Guo Zizhang (1543-1618) and Li Hualong (1554-1611). During the early dynasty forceful suppression by the military together with the generous offering of amnesties and rewards to induce peaceful surrender had constituted the strategy for dealing with minority insurgencies. In contrast, civil officials, like Neo-Confucian thinker Wang Yangming (1472-1529), conceptualized mixed policies emphasizing moral exhortations and social engineering, in combination with military force using advanced technologies, as integrated solutions to the problem in the course of the sixteenth century. This paper will look at the extent to which these mixed policies were advocated and applied, and their relative measures of success.
居住在明朝(1368-1644)西南地区的许多非中国少数民族在明朝存在的过程中反叛,包括苗族,他们在16世纪末在杨应龙(1551-1600)的领导下发动了起义。起义和由此产生的叛乱最终在两位文官郭自章(1543-1618)和李化龙(1554-1611)的领导下被镇压。在王朝早期,军队的强力镇压加上慷慨的大赦和奖励,以诱导和平投降,构成了处理少数民族叛乱的策略。相比之下,文官,如新儒家思想家王阳明(1472-1529),将强调道德劝诫和社会工程的混合政策概念化,并结合使用先进技术的军事力量,作为16世纪问题的综合解决方案。本文将研究这些混合政策被提倡和应用的程度,以及它们成功的相对衡量标准。
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引用次数: 0
Security in the Lake Chad Basin and Sahel region after Idris Déby 在乍得湖盆地和萨赫勒地区安全伊德里斯·达姆比之后
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2131285
C. R. Okoli, B. Nwosu, Francis N. Okpaleke, Ezenwa E. Olumba
ABSTRACT Idris Déby’s counterinsurgency in the Lake Chad Basin (LCB) and the Sahel crafted imaginaries of Déby as a bulwark against terrorism in the region. Existing scholarship argues that Deby's death has accentuated insecurity in the region. The study adopts critical analysis and is anchored in the theory of security regionalism; it argues that the politics of Déby as a regional strongman constricted democratic spaces, invited violent opposition, and sustained rebellion in parts of the region. Although Déby provided occasional pushback when the terrorists inflicted harm on Chadian interests, he would not have won the war against terror unilaterally without regional cooperation.
伊德里斯•达伊姆比在乍得湖盆地(LCB)和萨赫勒地区的平叛行动将达伊姆姆比想象成该地区对抗恐怖主义的堡垒。现有学者认为,代比之死加剧了该地区的不安全。本研究采用批判性分析,并以安全区域主义理论为基础;它认为,作为一个地区强人,dassaby的政治限制了民主空间,招致了暴力反对,并在该地区的部分地区持续叛乱。虽然当恐怖分子对乍得的利益造成损害时,他偶尔会予以反击,但如果没有地区合作,他不可能单方面赢得反恐战争的胜利。
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引用次数: 1
The 1914 South African industrial strike: the first internal deployment of the Union Defence Force 1914年的南非工业罢工:联邦国防军的第一次内部部署
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-08 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2119695
René Geyer
ABSTRACT The first internal deployment of the Union Defence Force (UDF) since its inception in 1912 was to suppress a violent labour strike in January 1914. Because the inexperienced UDF was still assimilating various British and Boer military traditions, the Permanent Force was not yet sufficiently organised to quell the strike on its own. Therefore, the commandos of the Citizen Force Reserve were deployed. The traditional commando system of the former Boer republics and the Transvaal Colony was thus briefly revived to subdue the strike, in the unstable and complex South African socio-economic environment of 1914. This operation marked the end of the Boer commando system in its established format. It formed part of a vanishing military culture and was destined to be replaced by the modernising military systems of the early twentieth century. The deployment of burghers during the strike sets the background against which the article investigates both the customary and changing nature of military service for the long-established commandos. This article explores the conditions, abilities, and experiences of the ‘burghers’ on commando that participated in the crushing of the strike from a social-military history perspective.
自1912年成立以来,联邦国防军(UDF)的第一次内部部署是为了镇压1914年1月的暴力劳工罢工。由于经验不足的UDF仍然在吸收各种英国和布尔的军事传统,永久部队还没有足够的组织来平息自己的罢工。因此,部署了公民部队预备队的突击队。因此,在1914年不稳定和复杂的南非社会经济环境中,前布尔共和国和德兰士瓦殖民地的传统突击队制度得以短暂恢复,以镇压罢工。这次行动标志着布尔突击队制度在其既定形式的终结。它是一种正在消失的军事文化的一部分,注定要被20世纪初现代化的军事系统所取代。在罢工期间,市民的部署为本文调查长期建立的突击队的军事服务的习惯和变化的性质奠定了背景。本文从社会军事史的角度探讨了参与镇压罢工的“市民”突击队员的条件、能力和经验。
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引用次数: 0
US intervention in Afghanistan and the failure of governance 美国对阿富汗的干预与治理的失败
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2120299
Phil J. S. Williams
ABSTRACT Several factors militated against successful counterinsurgency in Afghanistan, but the real failure was a failure of governance. The US and its allies created a central government which proved extremely powerful at resource extraction while dismally weak at service provision, Development aid, the opium economy and the lack of political accountability created new forms of highly pernicious corruption, akin to those in many African states. The result was that legitimacy of the Afghan government was eroded, thereby setting the scene for a Taliban victory. The article concludes with three lessons from Afghanistan for the future.
有几个因素阻碍了阿富汗反叛乱的成功,但真正的失败是治理的失败。美国及其盟友建立了一个中央政府,事实证明,该政府在资源开采方面极为强大,而在服务提供、发展援助、鸦片经济和缺乏政治问责制方面却极为薄弱,这造成了新形式的恶性腐败,类似于许多非洲国家的腐败。结果是,阿富汗政府的合法性受到侵蚀,从而为塔利班的胜利埋下了伏笔。文章最后总结了阿富汗对未来的三个教训。
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引用次数: 1
Contextualising the Taliban redux (2021): is the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan a Pyrrhic Victory for Pakistan? 2021年:塔利班接管阿富汗对巴基斯坦来说是得不偿失的胜利吗?
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2118417
Zahid Ullah
ABSTRACT After the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, a Pakistan spy chief told journalists in Kabul: ‘don’t worry, everything will be okay’ in Afghanistan. What is interesting to note in this assertion is that Pakistan had consistently been accused of playing a ‘double game’ in the war on terror since 2001. This paper examines the return of the Taliban and Pakistan’s role in their victory in August-2021. In particular, it addresses the following questions: Why are Pakistan-Afghanistan relations so fraught? What is the pattern of Pakistan’s influence over the Afghan Taliban? How different is the post- 2021 Taliban regime from its Taliban predecessors (1996–2001)? What might the long-term implications of the Taliban victory be for Pakistan? This paper employs the security-cum-rentier state framework to explain Pakistan’s double game in the war on terror. Moreover, this paper aims to situate and contextualize the situation in Afghanistan (2001–2021) in the ongoing geopolitical rivalry, i.e. Quad/ Indo-Pacific Strategy (West) versus the Belt and Road Initiative (China). Methodologically, this study is based on secondary sources and some primary sources (official documents).
塔利班接管阿富汗后,一名巴基斯坦间谍首领在喀布尔告诉记者:“别担心,阿富汗的一切都会好起来的。”值得注意的是,自2001年以来,巴基斯坦一直被指责在反恐战争中玩“双重游戏”。本文探讨了塔利班在2021年8月的胜利中回归和巴基斯坦的作用。特别是,它解决了以下问题:为什么巴基斯坦和阿富汗的关系如此令人担忧?巴基斯坦对阿富汗塔利班的影响模式是什么?2021年后的塔利班政权与之前的塔利班政权(1996-2001)有何不同?塔利班的胜利对巴基斯坦的长期影响是什么?本文运用安全与食利国的框架来解释巴基斯坦在反恐战争中的双重博弈。此外,本文旨在将阿富汗(2001-2021)的局势置于正在进行的地缘政治竞争中,即四方/印太战略(西方)与“一带一路”倡议(中国)。在方法上,本研究基于二手资料和一些第一手资料(官方文件)。
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引用次数: 1
Enemy within the gates: militarism, sabotage, subversion and counter-subversion in South Africa, 1939-1945 门内敌人:1939-1945年南非的军国主义、蓄意破坏、颠覆和反颠覆
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2128279
F. Monama
ABSTRACT In September 1939, when the Union of South Africa entered what became the Second World War, the country was confronted with wide-spread political dissent and anti-war resistance which threatened internal security and stability. Incidents of violence, sabotage, riots, bomb explosions, cutting of tele-communication lines and constant militarism designed to thwart the country’s war effort were reported. These incidents were perpetuated by the disaffected radical Afrikaner nationalists who opposed the Union’s war policy, particularly the militant Ossewabrandwag (OB) led by Dr Johannes Frederik Janse (Hans) van Rensburg, in collaboration with Nazi espionage agents. The government of General Jan Christiaan Smuts implemented multi-faceted security arrangements, which included passing the War Measures Act, unleashing the security services and adopting the internment policy to subdue the militants and preserve internal security. This article examines the development of anti-war resistance and militarism in the Union and reflects on the counter-subversive efforts by the Smuts government to preserve internal security during the Second World War. Ultimately, given the magnitude of the anti-war destabilisation campaign, this analysis illustrates how and why the Smuts government survived a two-front war and managed to sustain the war effort.
摘要1939年9月,当南非联盟进入第二次世界大战时,该国面临着广泛的政治异见和反战抵抗,这威胁到了国内安全与稳定。据报道,发生了暴力、破坏、暴乱、炸弹爆炸、切断电信线路和持续的军国主义事件,目的是挫败该国的战争努力。这些事件是由心怀不满的激进南非白人民族主义者造成的,他们反对联盟的战争政策,特别是由Johannes Frederik Janse(Hans)van Rensburg博士领导的激进的Ossewabrandwag(OB)与纳粹间谍合作。Jan Christiaan Smuts将军的政府实施了多方面的安全安排,其中包括通过《战争措施法》、释放安全部门以及采取拘留政策,以制服武装分子并维护内部安全。本文考察了联邦反战抵抗和军国主义的发展,并反思了第二次世界大战期间斯穆特政府为维护国内安全所做的反颠覆努力。最终,考虑到反战破坏稳定运动的规模,这一分析说明了斯穆特政府是如何以及为什么在两线战争中幸存下来,并设法维持战争努力的。
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引用次数: 0
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Small Wars and Insurgencies
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