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Insurgency, counter-insurgency, and the military and security dimensions of South African racial segregation 叛乱、反叛乱以及南非种族隔离的军事和安全层面
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2182580
Paul B. Rich
This special issue explores a neglected dimension in the wide-ranging historiography of twentieth century South Africa: the evolution of the state and its security arm in the form of the police and the military in a context of resistance by a variety of insurgent and rebel formations at the local level. The issue covers the period from the South African War (otherwise known as the Anglo Boer War) of 1899–1902 to the advent of apartheid in 1948. South African historiography has usually approached instances of rebellion and resistance on a case-by-case basis and proved reluctant to integrate military factors into a broader perspective focused on the expansion and consolidation of state power. This neglect might appear, at first hand, to be somewhat puzzling given the centrality of military factors in the shaping of South African history: the period from 1900 to 1948, for instance, includes varying degrees of South African engagement in three cases of total war while the later political transition from white minority rule in 1994 came in the wake of a limited war fought on South Africa’s sub-imperial frontier of Angola and Namibia. The lack of historical focus on military themes clearly requires some explanation: one which can be found, it shall be argued here, in the indifference, if not hostility, of many historians over the decades to the study of South African military history. The reasons for the indifference are complex but relate in part to the way South African academic history has been shaped. The period from the early 1970s to mid-1990s was one of intense debate between rival groups of liberal and Marxist (sometimes called revisionist) historians on the forces behind racial segregation, apartheid and the genesis and evolution of South Africa’s capitalist economy. A pattern emerged from this, comparable to those in some other historical contexts, when questions concerning the impact of
本期特刊探讨了二十世纪南非广泛史学中被忽视的一个方面:在地方各级各种叛乱和反叛组织的抵抗背景下,国家及其安全部门(以警察和军队的形式)的演变。这期杂志涵盖了从1899-1902年的南非战争(也被称为盎格鲁-布尔战争)到1948年种族隔离制度出现的时期。南非的史学研究通常是在个案的基础上处理叛乱和抵抗事件,事实证明不愿意将军事因素纳入一个更广泛的视角,关注国家权力的扩张和巩固。首先,考虑到军事因素在南非历史形成过程中的中心地位,这种忽视可能显得有些令人费解:例如,从1900年到1948年,南非不同程度地参与了三次全面战争,而后来的政治过渡是在1994年白人少数统治之后,在南非的次帝国边界安哥拉和纳米比亚进行了一场有限的战争。在历史上对军事主题缺乏关注显然需要一些解释:这里认为,几十年来,许多历史学家对南非军事史的研究即使不是敌视,至少也是漠不关心,这是可以找到的解释。这种冷漠的原因很复杂,但在一定程度上与南非学术历史的形成方式有关。从20世纪70年代初到90年代中期,自由主义和马克思主义(有时被称为修正主义)历史学家的对立团体就种族隔离、种族隔离背后的力量以及南非资本主义经济的起源和演变展开了激烈的辩论。由此产生了一种模式,与其他一些历史背景下的模式相比较,当有关影响的问题
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引用次数: 0
‘Destructors’ in action, support for insurgents: case study of the Third Silesian Uprising 行动中的“破坏者”,对起义者的支持:第三次西里西亚起义的案例研究
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-14 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2175529
H. Królikowski
ABSTRACT After regaining independence in 1918, Poland faced many fundamental and strategic challenges. One of them was the issue of border crossings on the German-Polish border in Silesia. It was a region dominated by modern heavy industry, to which both the modern states laid claim. The course of the border was to be decided by a plebiscite, but the parties to the conflict resorted to violence and military means. In a complicated international situation and without the possibility of open military intervention, Poland effectively used the strategic tool of special operations – known more widely today as unconventional warfare. Thanks to their skillful application, the German military advantage was effectively eliminated and strategic goals were achieved. Poles effectively cut lines of communication, making it impossible to support pro-German organizations in Silesia, and successfully organized insurgent forces that achieved the goals important for Poland’s development policy. This paper tells the story of a special mission unit called the Destruction Group ‘Wawelberg’ and its use as a tool for implementing the state policy of unconventional warfare during the Third Silesian Uprising.
1918年恢复独立后,波兰面临着许多根本性和战略性的挑战。其中之一是在西里西亚的德国-波兰边境过境问题。这是一个由现代重工业主导的地区,两个现代国家都宣称对其拥有主权。边界的路线应由公民投票决定,但冲突各方诉诸暴力和军事手段。在复杂的国际形势下,在没有公开军事干预可能性的情况下,波兰有效地使用了特种作战这一战略工具——今天更广为人知的是非常规战争。由于它们的巧妙应用,德国的军事优势被有效地消除,战略目标得以实现。波兰人有效地切断了交通线,使西里西亚的亲德组织无法得到支持,并成功地组织起义军,实现了波兰发展政策的重要目标。本文讲述了在第三次西里西亚起义期间,一个名为“Wawelberg”破坏小组的特殊任务单位及其作为实施非常规战争国家政策的工具的故事。
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引用次数: 0
The evolution of resistance and counterinsurgency in the South African state, 1899-1948 南非国家抵抗与平叛的演变,1899-1948
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-14 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2023.2167454
Antonio Garcia, Evert Kleynhans
The idea of counterinsurgency, and for that matter irregular warfare, along with its accompanying terminology, occupies a contested space in South African history. This is the argument put forward by Deane-Peter Baker and Mark O’Neil, who posit that the people of South Africa suffered at the hands of counterinsurgent forces throughout the colonial period and well into the twentieth century. This is framed in the political context of fighting for change, where various cultural groups in South Africa successfully utilised irregular or guerrilla tactics in their protracted resistance against colonial encroachment and subjugation. Some major examples, among others, in this regard include: the Khoikhoi–Dutch Wars (1659–1677), the British operations against the Xhosa during the Cape Frontier Wars (1779–1879), the subjugation of the South African interior following the Great Trek (1836c.1876), the Anglo-Zulu War (1879), the First Anglo-Boer War (1880– 1881), the Second Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902), and the broader liberation struggle in South Africa that occurred throughout most of the twentieth century up until the advent of democracy in 1994. The negative connotations associated with counterinsurgent forces in South Africa, who found themselves on the wrong side of history, are directly associated with colonialism and their oppression and subjugation of the people. This perhaps helps to explain the evident gap in the South African historiography in research related to this contested topic. In general, interest in South African counterinsurgency directly correlates with the duration of the so-called Border War (1966–1989) in Namibia. During this period, the South African Defence Force’s (SADF) counterinsurgency operations were primarily directed against the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) and its People’s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN). The SADF also gradually became involved in several cross-border operations
反叛乱的概念,以及非正规战争的概念,以及随之而来的术语,在南非历史上占据了一个有争议的空间。这是Deane-Peter Baker和Mark O 'Neil提出的论点,他们认为南非人民在整个殖民时期和进入20世纪都饱受反叛乱部队之苦。这是在争取变革的政治背景下形成的,南非的各种文化团体在长期抵抗殖民侵占和征服时成功地利用了非正规或游击战术。这方面的一些主要例子包括:科伊科伊-荷兰战争(1659-1677),英国在开普边境战争(1779-1879)期间对科萨人的行动,在大跋涉(1836 - 1876)之后对南非内陆的征服,盎格鲁-祖鲁战争(1879),第一次盎格鲁-布尔战争(1880 - 1881),第二次盎格鲁-布尔战争(1899-1902),以及在南非发生的更广泛的解放斗争,整个20世纪的大部分时间,直到1994年民主的到来。南非反叛乱部队发现自己站在历史错误的一边,与之相关的负面含义与殖民主义及其对人民的压迫和征服直接相关。这也许有助于解释南非史学在与这个有争议的话题相关的研究中存在明显的差距。总的来说,对南非反叛乱的兴趣与纳米比亚所谓的边境战争(1966-1989)的持续时间直接相关。在此期间,南非国防军(SADF)的反叛乱行动主要针对西南非洲人民组织(SWAPO)及其纳米比亚人民解放军(PLAN)。南非国防军也逐渐参与了几次跨境行动
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引用次数: 0
Identity, networks, and learning in the study of rebel governance 叛军治理研究中的身份、网络和学习
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2158615
M. Stewart
ABSTRACT The contributors to this special issue have put forth a research agenda that centers the politics of civil war, in contrast to what the introduction presents as the dominant rationalist paradigm. This paper anchors the special issue by first synthesizing the works contained therein. In particular, the articles in this issue focus on how individual and collective identity, networks and orders, and learning or socialization from previous experiences shape behaviors during and after conflict. Next, the conclusion to this special issue aims to move forward a perspective of civil wars that takes seriously the political in civil war by building upon the works contained in this collection and presenting a number of avenues for future research. In particular, this article advocates for taking seriously how individual experiences, identities, and relationships embedded within broader social processes shape and co-constitute civil war dynamics.
摘要本期特刊的撰稿人提出了一个以内战政治为中心的研究议程,与引言所呈现的占主导地位的理性主义范式形成鲜明对比。本文首先综合了其中的作品,以此作为特刊的基础。特别是,本期文章关注的是个人和集体身份、网络和秩序,以及从以前的经历中学习或社会化如何在冲突期间和冲突后塑造行为。接下来,本期特刊的结论旨在通过在本集所载作品的基础上,提出一个重视内战中政治的内战视角,并为未来的研究提供一些途径。特别是,这篇文章主张认真对待嵌入更广泛的社会过程中的个人经历、身份和关系如何塑造和共同构成内战动态。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Fall of Afghanistan: An American Tragedy’ 《阿富汗的沦陷:美国的悲剧》
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2159738
R. Snyder
ABSTRACT The conventional view has been that Trump and Biden made the correct decision to withdraw the US from Afghanistan, but the actual departure was flawed. On the contrary, the US should not have withdrawn and the actual departure was not a failure. The withdrawal was against the US’ larger strategic interests beyond counterterrorism. If it withdrew, it should not have done so unconditionally, for both its interests (including humanitarian) and assets were substantial. The US should not have negotiated with the Taliban absent the Afghan government, thereby undermining the government’s and its security forces’ will to fight. Thus, the success of the Taliban’s revolution owed more to the Afghan government’s collapse than its revolutionary mobilization. In withdrawing from Afghanistan, the US showed that it failed to learn lessons from its withdrawal from Iraq in 2011, which led to internal political decay in Iraq, the re-emergence of terrorism, and larger strategic setbacks for Washington. More broadly, the US failed to appreciate how its withdrawal of support for regimes dependent on it often facilitates the coming to power of hostile revolutionary movements.
传统观点认为,特朗普和拜登从阿富汗撤军的决定是正确的,但实际撤军是有缺陷的。相反,美国不应该撤军,实际撤军也不是失败。此次撤军违背了美国在反恐之外的更大战略利益。如果它撤出,它不应该无条件这样做,因为它的利益(包括人道主义)和资产都是巨大的。美国不应该在没有阿富汗政府的情况下与塔利班进行谈判,从而削弱阿富汗政府及其安全部队的战斗意愿。因此,塔利班革命的成功更多地归功于阿富汗政府的垮台,而不是它的革命动员。从阿富汗撤军表明,美国未能从2011年从伊拉克撤军中吸取教训,导致伊拉克内部政治衰败,恐怖主义死灰复燃,华盛顿遭遇更大的战略挫折。更广泛地说,美国没有意识到,它撤回对依赖它的政权的支持,往往会助长敌对革命运动上台。
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引用次数: 0
The ovamboland expedition of 1917: the deposing of King Mandume 1917年的奥万博兰远征:曼杜姆国王的废黜
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2153468
A. M. Fokkens
ABSTRACT Mandume ya Ndemufayo, the last king of the Oukwanyama, resisted the subjugation of his people by colonial powers. To the Portuguese, Germans, and South Africans (and other missionaries), he was a recalcitrant, bloodthirsty, and murderous despot. But to the people of Namibia and Angola, he is a hero of the African people, with permanent remembrance at the Namibian National Heroes’ Acre, a university named after him in the City of Lubango, with street names, monuments, and memorials commemorating his acts of resistance against colonial rule. His demise at the hands of the Ovamboland Expeditionary Force on 6 February 1917 is the archetypal story of the colonial period in Africa – and elsewhere – that opposition to colonial rule was not tolerated and subdued, forcefully if necessary. European interests, along with superior firepower, facilitated the subjugation of many indigenous populations. It was no different in Ovamboland, yet in a period where kingdoms were tumbling, the Oukwanyama resisted.
乌干亚马的最后一位国王Mandumeya Ndemufayo抵抗了殖民列强对其人民的征服。对于葡萄牙人、德国人和南非人(以及其他传教士)来说,他是一个顽固不化、嗜血成性、凶残的暴君。但对纳米比亚和安哥拉人民来说,他是非洲人民的英雄,在卢班戈市以他的名字命名的纳米比亚民族英雄区大学有着永久的纪念,有街道名称、纪念碑和纪念他反抗殖民统治行为的纪念碑。1917年2月6日,他死于奥万博兰远征军之手,这是非洲和其他地方殖民时期的典型故事,即反对殖民统治的行为没有得到容忍和镇压,必要时会采取强硬手段。欧洲的利益加上强大的火力,促成了许多土著人口的征服。在奥万博兰也没有什么不同,但在一个王国崩溃的时期,Oukwanyama人进行了抵抗。
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引用次数: 2
The strategic logic of policing in British India 英属印度警务的战略逻辑
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2154435
H. Akins
ABSTRACT Within British India, the police were used to suppress challenges to colonial authority. Yet, police actions in fulfilling this role varied by region. Within the provinces, the police were a coercive force to enforce internal security, augmenting military efforts. On the frontier, the aim of the police was to integrate locals into the local security framework and weld their interests to government control, rather than the direct application of force. Relying on Indian archival records, this comparative analysis demonstrates the importance of considering this variation for a more complete understanding of the strategic logic of colonial policing.
在英属印度,警察被用来镇压对殖民当局的挑战。然而,警察在履行这一作用方面的行动因地区而异。在各省,警察是强制执行内部安全的力量,加强了军事努力。在边境,警察的目标是将当地人融入当地的安全框架,并将他们的利益与政府的控制结合起来,而不是直接使用武力。依靠印度的档案记录,这种比较分析证明了考虑这种变化对于更全面地理解殖民警察的战略逻辑的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Council in war: civilocracy, order and local organisation in daraya during the Syrian War 战争中的议会:叙利亚战争期间达拉亚的文官政治、秩序和地方组织
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2152628
Tiina Hyyppä
ABSTRACT While scholars have focused on rebel governance in Syria and elsewhere, other forms of governance have been neglected. This article explores the local council established in the rebel-held city of Daraya, Syria. It informs the fields of rebel governance and civil resistance, specifically wartime order, during civil wars and proposes that the forms and practices of local governance in Daraya exhibited a type of governance best labelled as ‘civilocracy’. In contrast to councils in other opposition-held parts of Syria, the council was established and led by civilians who welcomed rebels to work with them. Based on findings from in-depth, semi-structured interviews with former council members, the article finds that four factors were crucial for this form of governance to emerge and to endure. Key wartime events – a massacre and a siege –, earlier experiences of nonviolent activists, local ties, and the creation of a military office created a space for the maintenance of civil-led order. Daraya offers a fascinating example of how community’s norms affected how rebel governance was created and maintained. This research introduces a new concept to explain wartime order and encourages researchers to find causal explanations for the emergence of this particular governance form in other conflicts.
摘要虽然学者们一直关注叙利亚和其他地方的叛军治理,但其他形式的治理却被忽视了。本文探讨了在叙利亚反对派控制的城市达拉亚建立的地方议会。它介绍了内战期间叛军治理和民间抵抗领域,特别是战时秩序,并提出达拉亚地方治理的形式和实践表现出一种最好称为“公民统治”的治理类型。与叙利亚其他反对派控制地区的委员会不同,该委员会是由欢迎叛军与他们合作的平民建立和领导的。根据对前理事会成员的深入、半结构化采访结果,文章发现,四个因素对这种治理形式的出现和持续至关重要。关键的战争事件——大屠杀和围攻——非暴力活动家的早期经历、地方关系以及军事办公室的建立为维护公民主导的秩序创造了空间。Daraya提供了一个有趣的例子,说明社区规范如何影响叛军治理的创建和维持。这项研究引入了一个新的概念来解释战时秩序,并鼓励研究人员寻找这种特殊治理形式在其他冲突中出现的因果解释。
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引用次数: 2
Dynamics of peace or legacy of rebel governance? Patterns of cooperation between FARC-ex-combatants and conflict-affected communities in Colombia 和平的动力还是叛军统治的遗产?哥伦比亚革命武装力量前战斗人员与哥伦比亚受冲突影响社区之间的合作模式
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-20 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2117824
Solveig Richter, Laura Camila Barrios Sabogal
ABSTRACT In the academic literature, it is widely accepted that one of the most difficult steps in a peace process is the reincorporation of former combatants. Colombia is a case in point. After the peace agreement with the former rebel group FARC-EP in 2016, the reintegration process of more than 13.000 ex-combatants has been marred with difficulties, be it half-hearted implementation of the stipulations of the accord from the side of the government or the re-armament of some dissident groups. However, the dynamics of the peace process differ considerably between the national and the local level, offering a wide range of pathways from even more violent confrontation up to successful reincorporation projects. In order to explain this variety, we integrate DDR and rebel governance studies and assume that socio-political orders need to be re-configurated when rebel groups have established strong forms of rebel governance, as was the case with the FARC-EP. We argue that patterns of interaction between local conflict-affected communities and ex-combatants are the key explanatory variables for the dynamics of peace processes at local level. We differentiate between clustered and entrenched post-war orders and demonstrate our argument with two case studies based on comprehensive field research.
在学术文献中,人们普遍认为和平进程中最困难的步骤之一是使前战斗人员重新合并。哥伦比亚就是一个很好的例子。在2016年与前反叛组织哥伦比亚革命武装力量-人民军达成和平协议后,超过1.3万名前战斗人员的重返社会进程遇到了困难,无论是政府方面对协议规定的半心半意执行还是一些持不同政见的团体重新武装。然而,国家和地方一级的和平进程的动力有很大不同,提供了从更暴力的对抗到成功的重新合并项目的广泛途径。为了解释这种多样性,我们整合了DDR和叛军治理研究,并假设当叛军组织建立了强大的叛军治理形式时,社会政治秩序需要重新配置,就像FARC-EP的情况一样。我们认为,当地受冲突影响的社区和前战斗人员之间的互动模式是地方一级和平进程动态的关键解释变量。我们区分了集群式和根深蒂固的战后秩序,并通过基于全面实地研究的两个案例研究来证明我们的论点。
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引用次数: 3
Rebel governance or governance in rebel territory? Extraction and services in Ndélé, Central African republic 叛军治理还是叛军领地的治理?中非共和国恩德莱的开采和服务
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2137282
Tim Glawion, Anne-Clémence Le Noan
ABSTRACT Rebel governance assumes a symbiotic relationship between coercion and public goods provision. However, in the rebel-held town of Ndélé, Central African Republic, we find that governance happens in rebel-held territory, but rarely by rebels. Rebels allowed other actors to provide services for the people only when this did not hinder rebels extracting political clout and economic benefit from the people and their lands. We show how rebels’ extractive ambitions and governance discourses evolved during successive stages of rebellion through a diachronic comparison rooted in multimethod fieldwork from 2018 to 2022. We ask, why were rebel groups able to set up their rule, then rule for seven years, before ultimately losing power? Rebels evoked public goods at the onset of rebellion to justify the use of coercive means. After rebel rule was established, rebels outsourced public goods to international and state actors allowing for governance in rebel-held territory while focussing their own efforts on extraction. When their rule was challenged, rebels targeted governance actors and spaces in their territory in pursuit of economic gain and political dominance. Our findings call for a re-evaluation of existing rebel governance studies and the ways in which rebel groups are engaged with.
摘要反抗军治理假定强制和公共产品提供之间存在共生关系。然而,在中非共和国叛军控制的Ndélé镇,我们发现治理发生在叛军控制的领土上,但很少由叛军进行。只有在不妨碍叛军从人民及其土地上获取政治影响力和经济利益的情况下,叛军才允许其他行为者为人民提供服务。我们通过植根于2018年至2022年多方法实地调查的历时比较,展示了反叛者的榨取野心和治理话语在反叛的各个阶段是如何演变的。我们要问,为什么反叛组织能够建立自己的统治,然后统治七年,最终失去权力?叛乱者在叛乱开始时唤起公众利益,为使用胁迫手段辩护。叛军统治建立后,叛军将公共产品外包给国际和国家行为者,以便在叛军控制的领土上进行治理,同时将自己的努力集中在开采上。当他们的统治受到挑战时,反叛分子将目标对准了他们领土上的治理行为体和空间,以追求经济利益和政治主导地位。我们的调查结果要求重新评估现有的反叛治理研究以及反叛团体参与的方式。
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引用次数: 3
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