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From solidarity to self-promotion? Neoliberalism and left politics in the age of the social media influencer 从团结到自我推销?社交媒体影响者时代的新自由主义和左翼政治
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231199907
Jonathan Dean
The aim of this article is to map the contested intersections of influencer culture and left/progressive politics within the current conjuncture. Furthermore, drawing on a combination of Gramscian and Foucaultian insights, the article considers the implications of these intersections for how we theorise the relationship between neoliberalism and left politics. In so doing, my argument is threefold. First, I suggest that social media influencers and influencer activists have turned to various forms of left politics as a means of establishing a distinctive personal brand, and heightening their social media clout. Second, I suggest that these developments have been met with something of a backlash among some left commentators, wary of the superficiality – and privileging of self-promotion over solidarity – that influencer activism entails, in keeping with a broader disaffection with what some consider to be the excessively individualistic flavour of contemporary forms of online ‘identity politics’. Third, I note that left critics of influencer activism often posit a distinction between ‘proper’ – that is, materialist, solidaristic – left politics, on one hand, and superficial, individualistic influencer activism, on the other. But, drawing on a conception of neoliberalism inspired by Foucault’s 1979 lectures, I suggest that, in a neoliberal digital capitalist context, this distinction becomes hard to sustain. This argument has two further implications. First, it becomes very difficult to extricate oneself from the imperatives of neoliberal digital culture, even if one is politically opposed to neoliberalism; and, second, the figure of the social media influencer, far from being exceptional or anomalous, is merely a more overt or extreme manifestation of logics that are already endemic in contemporary cultural and political life.
本文的目的是绘制当前形势下影响者文化和左翼/进步政治之间有争议的交叉点。此外,结合葛兰西和福柯的见解,本文考虑了这些交叉点对我们如何理论化新自由主义和左翼政治之间关系的影响。这样做,我的论点有三个方面。首先,我认为社交媒体影响者和影响者活动家已经转向各种形式的左翼政治,以此作为建立独特个人品牌和提高社交媒体影响力的手段。其次,我认为这些发展在一些左翼评论员中遭到了强烈反对,他们对影响者行动主义所带来的肤浅——以及对自我推销而不是团结的特权——持谨慎态度,这与一些人认为当代网络“身份政治”形式过于个人主义的普遍不满保持一致。第三,我注意到,对影响者行动主义的左翼批评人士经常在“适当的”(即唯物主义的、团结主义的)左翼政治和肤浅的、个人主义的影响者行动主义之间做出区分。但是,根据福柯1979年讲座启发的新自由主义概念,我认为,在新自由主义的数字资本主义背景下,这种区别变得难以维持。这一论点还有两个进一步的含义。首先,即使一个人在政治上反对新自由主义,也很难从新自由主义数字文化的要求中解脱出来;其次,社交媒体影响者的形象远非例外或异常,只是对当代文化和政治生活中已经流行的逻辑的一种更公开或极端的表现。
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引用次数: 0
Marx’s Capital and the concept of super-exploitation 马克思的《资本论》和超级剥削的概念
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231199913
Tony Burns
This article explores the theory of exploitation which Marx sets out in Capital. It argues that Marx assumes that there are five modes of extraction of surplus value. These are associated with the following principles: (1) extended duration of the working day; (2) enhanced productivity (due to the introduction of new technology); (3) efficient organization of the process of production; (4) increased intensity of labour and (5) depressed consumption of the labourer. The article argues that Marx’s theory of exploitation is not as systematic as it could have been. For this reason it is ripe for a theoretical reconstruction. The article also discusses the views of recent commentators who have developed the idea of ‘super-exploitation’, which is taken from Marx’s writings. There is a tendency in this literature to associate this notion with the principle of depressed consumption and to argue that it is especially relevant for understanding of what is happening in the societies of the Global South. Those concerned identify this as a third mode of extracting surplus value, in addition to the principle of extended duration (absolute surplus value) and enhanced productivity (relative surplus value). The article argues that this procedure overlooks certain aspects of Marx’s theory of exploitation, especially those having to do with the efficient organization or rational administration of labour within the process of production.
本文探讨了马克思在《资本论》中提出的剥削理论。本文认为,马克思假定存在五种剩余价值的榨取方式。这些措施与下列原则有关:(1)延长工作日的时间;(2)提高生产率(由于引进新技术);(3)有效地组织生产过程;(4)提高了劳动强度;(5)抑制了劳动者的消费。本文认为,马克思的剥削理论并不系统。由于这个原因,理论重构的时机已经成熟。本文还讨论了最近评论家的观点,他们发展了“超级剥削”的概念,这一观点来自马克思的著作。在这些文献中有一种倾向,将这一概念与压抑消费的原则联系起来,并认为它与理解全球南方社会正在发生的事情特别相关。有关人士认为,这是除了延长持续时间(绝对剩余价值)和提高生产率(相对剩余价值)原则之外,提取剩余价值的第三种模式。本文认为,这一过程忽略了马克思剥削理论的某些方面,特别是那些与生产过程中有效组织或合理管理劳动有关的方面。
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引用次数: 0
Judging automation: Towards a normative critical theory 判断自动化:走向规范批判理论
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231199905
Andrius Bielskis
This article discusses automation from the point of view of the intersection between Aristotle and Marx. First, it was Aristotle’s notion of automatous – self-moving tools – that gave rise to the contemporary concept of automation. Marx’s historical materialism is important as it puts the ongoing process of automation into a historical perspective. The development of self-moving machines should free us from the slavery of hard work, yet the legal and political superstructure of capitalism means that the growth of automation produces new forms of precarious wage-slavery. Alasdair MacIntyre’s Aristotelian notion of practice is discussed vis-à-vis the Marxian notion of alienated labour. Given the conceptual structure – alienated labour (which prevents us from flourishing) versus non-alienated labour (as essential for human flourishing) – the article poses the question of whether we can apply this in our attempt to assess the ongoing process of automation.
本文从亚里士多德和马克思交集的角度来讨论自动化。首先,亚里士多德的自动化概念——自动移动的工具——产生了当代的自动化概念。马克思的历史唯物主义很重要,因为它把正在进行的自动化过程置于历史的视角中。自动移动机器的发展应该使我们从艰苦劳动的奴役中解放出来,然而资本主义的法律和政治上层建筑意味着自动化的发展产生了新形式的不稳定的工资奴役。阿拉斯代尔·麦金太尔的亚里士多德的实践观与-à-vis马克思的异化劳动观进行了讨论。考虑到概念结构——异化劳动(阻碍我们繁荣)与非异化劳动(对人类繁荣至关重要)——这篇文章提出了一个问题,即我们是否可以将其应用于评估正在进行的自动化过程。
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引用次数: 0
‘Good morning Metro shoppers!’ Food insecurity, COVID-19 and the emergence of roll-call neoliberalism “早上好,地铁顾客们!”粮食不安全、2019冠状病毒病和唱名新自由主义的出现
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-23 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231199912
Michael Classens, Mary Anne Martin
From April 2020 to December 2021, the Canadian federal government earmarked $330,000,000 through the Emergency Food Security Fund to address food insecurity during the COVID-19 global pandemic. These funds were disbursed through a handful of national and regional emergency food and food justice agencies to smaller front-line organizations for the purchase of emergency food provisions and personal protective equipment, and to hire additional workers. We theorize these dynamics within the broader processes of neoliberalization and argue that the Canadian federal government was conscripting food justice and community development organizations into its efforts to address dramatically increasing rates of food insecurity across the country through charity emergency food provisioning. Within Peck and Tickell’s stylized conceptions of the destructive (roll-back) and creative (roll-out) moments of the process of neoliberalization, we frame the crisis of COVID-19 as exposing a form of recalibration (roll-call) neoliberalism. We focus on this dynamic specifically within the context of household food insecurity in Canadian communities and argue that the federal government’s funding regime during the global pandemic effectively directed food justice organizations (and by extension, the populace in general) away from a more ambitious social change agenda towards the more acceptable strategy (in neoliberal terms) of emergency food provisioning services.
2020年4月至2021年12月,加拿大联邦政府通过紧急粮食安全基金拨款3.3亿美元,用于解决2019冠状病毒病全球大流行期间的粮食不安全问题。这些资金通过少数国家和区域紧急粮食和粮食司法机构支付给较小的一线组织,用于购买紧急粮食供应和个人防护设备,并雇用更多的工人。我们在新自由主义化更广泛的过程中对这些动态进行了理论化,并认为加拿大联邦政府正在征调食品正义和社区发展组织,通过慈善紧急食品供应来解决全国范围内急剧增加的食品不安全问题。在Peck和Tickell关于新自由主义化过程中破坏性(回滚)和创造性(推出)时刻的程式化概念中,我们将COVID-19危机定义为暴露了一种形式的重新校准(点名)新自由主义。我们特别在加拿大社区家庭粮食不安全的背景下关注这一动态,并认为联邦政府在全球大流行期间的资助制度有效地引导粮食司法组织(以及一般民众)远离更雄心勃勃的社会变革议程,转向更可接受的紧急粮食供应服务战略(以新自由主义的方式)。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Squalor 书评:肮脏
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231190166a
Nathan Sands
writing and understanding that can be seen manifesting throughout Macroeconomics: An Introduction. This therefore makes the reading of this textbook a unique and intellectual journey of varied ‘being and becoming’. Also because of the above, this book comes as an exception to the mainstream understanding of macroeconomics. It is this understanding which is precisely what is needed to be called for in this 21st century too – a brushing away from mainstream economic science, to a pluralistic macro way of understanding economics. This is precisely what makes this textbook more social and not really a textbook for anybody to just study and get good marks. Such particular characteristic hence also naturally make this book worthwhile in considering for inclusion in university syllabi, without any geographical boundaries established. Hence, this perfection of antagonism well mastered is what makes this textbook a lively read, as it allows one to learn and unlearn the mythical and normative establishments that have been injected on to us from time immemorial.
写作和理解能力在宏观经济学导论中有所体现。因此,这使得阅读这本教科书成为一个独特的和不同的“存在和成为”的智力之旅。也正因为上述原因,这本书成为主流宏观经济学理解的一个例外。这种理解正是21世纪所需要的——从主流经济科学转向理解经济学的多元宏观方式。正是这一点使这本教科书更具社交性,而不是一本让任何人学习并取得好成绩的教科书。因此,这种特殊的特点也自然使这本书值得考虑纳入大学教学大纲,没有任何地理界限的建立。因此,这种对抗性的完美把握使这本教科书成为一本生动的读物,因为它允许人们学习和摒弃自古以来灌输给我们的神话和规范制度。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Hope in Hopeless Times 书评:绝望时代的希望
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231190166b
Stefano Ba
of writing this review. Renwick and Shilliam conclude Squalor by pointing to ‘the enormity of the struggle’ (155). Perhaps unexpectedly they do not call for a praxis-informed action or recommendations to reduce the inequality. Instead, they reflect on the land, resources, relationship and values relating to property (Renwick & Shilliam 2022: 155). Squalor is a foundational history of housing policy and development within the United Kingdom. Renwick and Shilliam’s writing is critically efficient and to the point for the reader. Certainly, Squalor is a thought-provoking and significantly beneficial book for any reader to enjoy. Squalor is also a must in the academic arsenal of an undergraduate or postgraduate student studying this specific phenomenon of interest.
写这篇评论。Renwick和Shilliam通过指出“斗争的艰巨性”来总结《肮脏》(155)。也许出乎意料的是,他们没有呼吁采取基于实践的行动或建议来减少这种不平等。相反,它们反映了与财产有关的土地、资源、关系和价值(Renwick & Shilliam 2022: 155)。肮脏是英国住房政策和发展的基本历史。伦威克和希利亚姆的写作非常高效,对读者来说切中要害。当然,《肮脏》是一本发人深省、对任何读者都非常有益的书。对于研究这一感兴趣的特定现象的本科生或研究生来说,肮脏也是必须的。
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引用次数: 0
A traditional intellectual for the populist right? 民粹主义右翼的传统知识分子?
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231187251
Owen Worth
While incarcerated, Gramsci spent a great deal of time discussing and categorising intellectuals in his notebooks. Most markedly was his categorisation of ‘traditional’ and ‘organic’ intellectuals, which distinguish between influencers within popular culture/ religion and the media and those in traditional roles within formal institutions (Gramsci 1971: 3–14). These serve to provide moral and intellectual leadership for emerging political ideologies and principles. The rise of right-wing populism in the last few decades has seen no end of organic intellectuals emerge to offer such leadership but a relevant lack of traditional ones. This is particularly the case in Britain, which has lacked the historical populist environment found in the artistic and intellectual traditions in France and Italy and where the new right associated with Thatcherism in the 1970s and 1980s was so embroiled in right-wing politics that there was no room for manoeuvre. Out of this, it appears Matthew Goodwin is looking to emerge from the shadows. To provide a rational voice for the conservative White working class left behinds that have been marginalised by decades of cosmopolitanism, ‘hyper’ liberalism and globalisation. In doing so, he looks to give an ‘intellectual’ overview that appeals to the populist rightwing of the Conservative Party, Reform UK and to the many prominent media commentators that fill the pages of the Daily Mail, Telegraph and The Sun and dominate the airwaves of TalkTV and GB News. His book, Values, Voice and Virtue certainly appears to do this. It has gained immediate coverage in the mainstream British press with its academic distractors being balanced out by enthusiasm it has received from right-wing columnists in the manner that was intended. To a degree the book succeeds in doing what it appears to. It does provide a polished prose written in a manner which eludes a form of respectability, adding formal titles to academics that befits a style from a bygone era which no doubt gives an impressionable learned appearance to Daily Mail and Daily Telegraph readers. The book also follows and repeats the same contradictions inherent within the ideologies of right-wing populist movements. In addition, despite its promise to provide a scholarly explanation to the divisions in British society and an alternative explanation to the post-Brexit Empire-nostalgia of Brexit or the fall-out from austerity favoured by left-leaning academia, the book does not really offer anything new. Goodwin 1187251 CNC0010.1177/03098168231187251Capital & ClassExtended Book Review book-review2023
在监禁期间,葛兰西花了大量时间在他的笔记本上讨论和分类知识分子。最显著的是他对“传统”和“有机”知识分子的分类,这区分了流行文化/宗教和媒体中的影响者和在正式机构中扮演传统角色的人(葛兰西1971:3-14)。它们为新兴的政治意识形态和原则提供道德和智力领导。在过去的几十年里,右翼民粹主义的兴起使得有机知识分子不断涌现,提供这样的领导,但传统知识分子却相对缺乏。英国的情况尤其如此,因为英国缺乏法国和意大利的艺术和知识传统所具有的历史民粹主义环境,而且在20世纪70年代和80年代,与撒切尔主义相关的新右翼与右翼政治纠缠不清,没有回旋的余地。由此看来,马修·古德温(Matthew Goodwin)似乎希望从阴影中走出来。为被几十年的世界主义、“超”自由主义和全球化边缘化的保守白人工人阶级提供理性的声音。在这样做的过程中,他希望给出一个“知识分子”的概述,以吸引保守党、英国改革党的民粹主义右翼,以及许多占据《每日邮报》、《每日电讯报》和《太阳报》的著名媒体评论员,并主导TalkTV和GB News的广播。他的书《价值观、声音和美德》显然做到了这一点。它立即获得了英国主流媒体的报道,其学术干扰被右翼专栏作家的热情所抵消,这是有意为之的。在某种程度上,这本书成功地做到了它表面上的样子。它确实以一种不受人尊敬的方式提供了一篇优美的散文,为学者们加上了符合过去时代风格的正式标题,无疑给《每日邮报》和《每日电讯报》的读者带来了一种易受影响的学术外观。这本书也遵循并重复了右翼民粹主义运动意识形态中固有的矛盾。此外,尽管该书承诺为英国社会的分裂提供学术解释,并为英国脱欧后的帝国情结——对英国脱欧的怀旧,或左倾学术界青睐的紧缩政策的影响——提供另一种解释,但它实际上并没有提供任何新东西。Goodwin 1187251 cnc0010.1177 /03098168231187251资本与阶级扩展书评书评2023
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Caste Matters 书评:种姓问题
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231182197a
Sharanya Bhattacharya
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Rethinking Development: Marxist Perspectives 书评:《重新思考发展:马克思主义观点》
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231182197i
Andrea Taborri
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Can Global Capitalism Endure? 书评:全球资本主义能持久吗?
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168231182197j
Fatih Kırşanlı
Escobar A (2015) Territorios de diferencia: la ontología política de los ‘territories’. Cuadernos de Antropología Social 35: 25–38. Sanahuja JA (2018) Crisis de globalización, crisis de hegemonía: un escenario de cambio estructural para América Latina y el Caribe. In: Serbin A (ed.) América Latina y el Caribe frente a un Nuevo Orden Mundial: Poder, globalización y respuestas regionales. Barcelona: Icaria Editorial – Ediciones CRIES, pp. 37–68.
Escobar A(2015)不同的领土:“领土”的政治本体论。社会人类学论文集35:25 - 38。Sanahuja JA(2018)全球化危机,霸权危机:拉丁美洲和加勒比地区结构变化的情景。拉丁美洲和加勒比面临新的世界秩序:权力、全球化和区域反应。巴塞罗那:伊卡里亚出版社,第37 - 68页。
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引用次数: 0
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Capital and Class
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