Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.1177/03098168221139287
R. Das
Lenin said, ‘We do not regard Marx’s theory as something completed and inviolable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has only laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life’. Marx himself believed in the principle of ‘ruthless criticism’ of everything existing. Critiquing and revising certain ideas to strengthen an approach to society is a constructive act. But the legitimate act of revision becomes revision-ism, when the fundamental tenets of Marxism are revised in order to attack – negate – its very explanatory or scientific foundation and to justify political reformism. Indeed, since Lenin’s time, scientific socialism has been under attack from not only the ruling class and its ideologues, but also those who associate themselves with Marxism itself, including in academia. The latter are revisionist Marxists. For them, Marxism has some usefulness. But they deny the superiority of Marxism as a way of critically and scientifically interpreting the world and transforming that world in the interest of the exploited and oppressed masses in a revolutionary socialist manner. This denial of Marxism’s superiority takes the form of the denial of Marxism’s central concepts: class and capitalism. The article discusses, and critiques, various forms of revisionist Marxism (e.g. Analytical Marxism, Polanyian Marxism, Post-Modernist Marxism, and Geographical Marxism). Revisionism does respond to some recent developments in the world (e.g. the defeat of class-based movements; the complexity of class structure), but it seeks to explain these not on the basis of Marxist foundations but on the basis of scientifically inadequate ideas and in a manner that is politically reformist.
{"title":"Marxism and revisionism in the world today","authors":"R. Das","doi":"10.1177/03098168221139287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221139287","url":null,"abstract":"Lenin said, ‘We do not regard Marx’s theory as something completed and inviolable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has only laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life’. Marx himself believed in the principle of ‘ruthless criticism’ of everything existing. Critiquing and revising certain ideas to strengthen an approach to society is a constructive act. But the legitimate act of revision becomes revision-ism, when the fundamental tenets of Marxism are revised in order to attack – negate – its very explanatory or scientific foundation and to justify political reformism. Indeed, since Lenin’s time, scientific socialism has been under attack from not only the ruling class and its ideologues, but also those who associate themselves with Marxism itself, including in academia. The latter are revisionist Marxists. For them, Marxism has some usefulness. But they deny the superiority of Marxism as a way of critically and scientifically interpreting the world and transforming that world in the interest of the exploited and oppressed masses in a revolutionary socialist manner. This denial of Marxism’s superiority takes the form of the denial of Marxism’s central concepts: class and capitalism. The article discusses, and critiques, various forms of revisionist Marxism (e.g. Analytical Marxism, Polanyian Marxism, Post-Modernist Marxism, and Geographical Marxism). Revisionism does respond to some recent developments in the world (e.g. the defeat of class-based movements; the complexity of class structure), but it seeks to explain these not on the basis of Marxist foundations but on the basis of scientifically inadequate ideas and in a manner that is politically reformist.","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79072307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.1177/03098168221137188
E. Nulman, A. Cole
Contemporary social movements and organizations have increasingly embraced the notion of ‘leaderfulness’. This development has the possibility of affecting the current struggles these movements face as well as the activist landscapes of the future. Due to its distinct contribution to developing an analysis of leadership, this article seeks to position Gramsci’s intellectual work at the heart of understanding the ways in which these contemporary movement organizations are using organizational structures to address social objectives and the implications this has on the movement. Specifically, this article examines the Black Lives Matter Global Network, which openly advocates for leaderfulness, through documentary content analysis and 22 interviews of activists across 18 local chapters. We find that the structures for promoting leaderfulness which Gramsci had advocated for were lacking and, we argue, this was the reason why the development of leaderfulness was limited. This article helps to shed light on the difficulties of social movement momentum and proposes a solution drawn from Gramsci’s work.
{"title":"Leaderfulness from a Gramscian perspective: Building organic intellectuals within Black lives matter","authors":"E. Nulman, A. Cole","doi":"10.1177/03098168221137188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221137188","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary social movements and organizations have increasingly embraced the notion of ‘leaderfulness’. This development has the possibility of affecting the current struggles these movements face as well as the activist landscapes of the future. Due to its distinct contribution to developing an analysis of leadership, this article seeks to position Gramsci’s intellectual work at the heart of understanding the ways in which these contemporary movement organizations are using organizational structures to address social objectives and the implications this has on the movement. Specifically, this article examines the Black Lives Matter Global Network, which openly advocates for leaderfulness, through documentary content analysis and 22 interviews of activists across 18 local chapters. We find that the structures for promoting leaderfulness which Gramsci had advocated for were lacking and, we argue, this was the reason why the development of leaderfulness was limited. This article helps to shed light on the difficulties of social movement momentum and proposes a solution drawn from Gramsci’s work.","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88820105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-19DOI: 10.1177/03098168221137207
P. Gerbaudo
Many recent protest movements, from the 2011 square occupation movements to the Gilets Jaunes display typical populist features, starting from an appeal to the people vs the elites. Drawing on my work on social movements in the 2010s in this article, I discuss the different components and implications of this ‘populist turn’ and its differences vis-à-vis other forms of populism, and in particular right-wing populism. I claim that social movements’ populism involves the adoption of a ‘popular identity’ as a unifying notion as a means to compensate for identity fragmentation; an identification with social majorities evident in Occupy Wall Street’s famous ‘we are the 99%’ slogan, which departs from the minoritarian identification of previous movements; and an appeal to common sense and the nation vis-à-vis the militant antagonism and cosmopolitanism prevalent in many previous social movement waves. This cultural transformation within social movements is, on the one hand, an indication of changing political opportunities and the unlocking of new areas of support for protest movements and, on the other hand, the product of social movements’ self-reflection and the attempt to escape the self-ghettoising tendencies of previous protest waves. However, this populist turn has also raised concerns among some activists, especially concerning the association of the ‘popular’ with the ‘national’ and a perception that popular identity involves undermining internal diversity and pluralism.
{"title":"From Occupy Wall Street to the Gilets Jaunes: On the populist turn in the protest movements of the 2010s","authors":"P. Gerbaudo","doi":"10.1177/03098168221137207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221137207","url":null,"abstract":"Many recent protest movements, from the 2011 square occupation movements to the Gilets Jaunes display typical populist features, starting from an appeal to the people vs the elites. Drawing on my work on social movements in the 2010s in this article, I discuss the different components and implications of this ‘populist turn’ and its differences vis-à-vis other forms of populism, and in particular right-wing populism. I claim that social movements’ populism involves the adoption of a ‘popular identity’ as a unifying notion as a means to compensate for identity fragmentation; an identification with social majorities evident in Occupy Wall Street’s famous ‘we are the 99%’ slogan, which departs from the minoritarian identification of previous movements; and an appeal to common sense and the nation vis-à-vis the militant antagonism and cosmopolitanism prevalent in many previous social movement waves. This cultural transformation within social movements is, on the one hand, an indication of changing political opportunities and the unlocking of new areas of support for protest movements and, on the other hand, the product of social movements’ self-reflection and the attempt to escape the self-ghettoising tendencies of previous protest waves. However, this populist turn has also raised concerns among some activists, especially concerning the association of the ‘popular’ with the ‘national’ and a perception that popular identity involves undermining internal diversity and pluralism.","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87421337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-19DOI: 10.1177/03098168221137000
Donatella della Porta
Developing in a period of perceived decline of the labor movement, social movement studies have for a long time paid only limited attention to struggles against social inequalities and, more generally, the structural conditions for the development of some fundamental conflicts. Only recently, addressing social struggles for global justice and against austerity, they have started to return to the social bases of protest. In this article, I point at the particular relevance in this historical moment of revisiting the contribution of Italian sociologist Alessandro Pizzorno to the understanding of class conflicts in turbulent times. While class analysis has been more and more focused on social stratification, reflecting on waves of intense contention is therefore important in order to single out how organizational resources and identification processes can indeed develop in action, from the mobilization itself, rather than being a precondition for it. While much research on social stratification seems to have forgotten the complexity of class conceptualization, looking mainly at statistical aggregates, the work of Alessandro Pizzorno helps refocusing attention on the ways in which class solidarity emerges during workers’ struggles. In this sense, it talks to recent reflections on a return not only of labor action but also of classes as driver of history.
{"title":"Back to the 1960s? Alessandro Pizzorno’s contribution to understanding the labor movement revival then and now","authors":"Donatella della Porta","doi":"10.1177/03098168221137000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221137000","url":null,"abstract":"Developing in a period of perceived decline of the labor movement, social movement studies have for a long time paid only limited attention to struggles against social inequalities and, more generally, the structural conditions for the development of some fundamental conflicts. Only recently, addressing social struggles for global justice and against austerity, they have started to return to the social bases of protest. In this article, I point at the particular relevance in this historical moment of revisiting the contribution of Italian sociologist Alessandro Pizzorno to the understanding of class conflicts in turbulent times. While class analysis has been more and more focused on social stratification, reflecting on waves of intense contention is therefore important in order to single out how organizational resources and identification processes can indeed develop in action, from the mobilization itself, rather than being a precondition for it. While much research on social stratification seems to have forgotten the complexity of class conceptualization, looking mainly at statistical aggregates, the work of Alessandro Pizzorno helps refocusing attention on the ways in which class solidarity emerges during workers’ struggles. In this sense, it talks to recent reflections on a return not only of labor action but also of classes as driver of history.","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90430202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-19DOI: 10.1177/03098168221137172
J. Jasper, A. Zhelnina
Just as scholars used culture to ‘fill in’ our understanding of what was happening inside structural processes, so emotions can fill in many cultural concepts deployed in theories of social movement recruitment, decision-making, and impacts. Looking at the controversy around Moscow’s Renovation, a giant urban renewal project launched in 2017, we describe how both sides tried to recruit and persuade others. We analyze two examples of carriers of cultural meaning that are often described in idealistic, cognitive fashion, to reveal the emotions that give them their power to move people. Moral batteries are pairs of emotions, one positive and the other negative, which draw people toward one pole as they repel them from the other. In particular, we discuss binaries based on time, before-and-after contrasts, which have not previously been adequately recognized. In addition to moral batteries, we look at public characters, especially villains who get blamed and minions who are ridiculed; these are often contrasted with good characters such as victims or heroes. Characters can be applied to public figures such as politicians or take the form of group stereotypes. Like moral batteries, characters fuse cognitive elements, such as words and images, with the emotions that are supposed to accompany them. Energized by the recent inclusion of emotions, cultural theory still has something new to offer to explanations of social movements.
{"title":"Stirring culture: Moral batteries and public characters in the battle over Moscow’s renovation","authors":"J. Jasper, A. Zhelnina","doi":"10.1177/03098168221137172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221137172","url":null,"abstract":"Just as scholars used culture to ‘fill in’ our understanding of what was happening inside structural processes, so emotions can fill in many cultural concepts deployed in theories of social movement recruitment, decision-making, and impacts. Looking at the controversy around Moscow’s Renovation, a giant urban renewal project launched in 2017, we describe how both sides tried to recruit and persuade others. We analyze two examples of carriers of cultural meaning that are often described in idealistic, cognitive fashion, to reveal the emotions that give them their power to move people. Moral batteries are pairs of emotions, one positive and the other negative, which draw people toward one pole as they repel them from the other. In particular, we discuss binaries based on time, before-and-after contrasts, which have not previously been adequately recognized. In addition to moral batteries, we look at public characters, especially villains who get blamed and minions who are ridiculed; these are often contrasted with good characters such as victims or heroes. Characters can be applied to public figures such as politicians or take the form of group stereotypes. Like moral batteries, characters fuse cognitive elements, such as words and images, with the emotions that are supposed to accompany them. Energized by the recent inclusion of emotions, cultural theory still has something new to offer to explanations of social movements.","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76509304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-17DOI: 10.1177/03098168221136999
J. Roberts, J. Ibrahim
Open Marxists argue that capitalist society is mediated through forms of alienated and dispossessed labour from the means of production. For Open Marxists, then, labour is fluid in its constitution because it is constantly struggling to various degrees in and against its alienated and dispossessed capitalist form. Static sociological concepts of social class therefore cannot fully grasp this fluid and antagonistic relationship between labour and capital. In this paper, we agree that the starting point for an analysis of class under capitalism is the dispossession of labour from its means of production. But we further argue that even at this relatively high level of theoretical analysis, it is still possible to isolate a more complex account of social class than many Open Marxists would accept. We then employ this alternative class perspective to highlight some weaknesses in respective Open Marxist accounts of class and social and political movements. Following these critical observations, and with the theoretical assistance of Gramscian analysis, we demonstrate how Open Marxism can develop a more robust account of the class nature of contemporary social and political movements.
{"title":"Open Marxism, social class, and social and political movements","authors":"J. Roberts, J. Ibrahim","doi":"10.1177/03098168221136999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221136999","url":null,"abstract":"Open Marxists argue that capitalist society is mediated through forms of alienated and dispossessed labour from the means of production. For Open Marxists, then, labour is fluid in its constitution because it is constantly struggling to various degrees in and against its alienated and dispossessed capitalist form. Static sociological concepts of social class therefore cannot fully grasp this fluid and antagonistic relationship between labour and capital. In this paper, we agree that the starting point for an analysis of class under capitalism is the dispossession of labour from its means of production. But we further argue that even at this relatively high level of theoretical analysis, it is still possible to isolate a more complex account of social class than many Open Marxists would accept. We then employ this alternative class perspective to highlight some weaknesses in respective Open Marxist accounts of class and social and political movements. Following these critical observations, and with the theoretical assistance of Gramscian analysis, we demonstrate how Open Marxism can develop a more robust account of the class nature of contemporary social and political movements.","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86594537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-15DOI: 10.1177/03098168221136990
J. Ibrahim, P. Millward, J. Roberts, K. Spracklen
Since its establishment in 1977, Capital and Class has provided a critical space for scholars and activists to explore existing and new forms of socio-political struggles and movements in and against capital. A range of theoretical perspectives have also been employed by Capital and Class authors to make sense of these movements, which, among others, include Open Marxism, social movement theory, critical urban approaches, Gramscian, autonomist and post-structural perspectives. This special issue builds on, develops and extends this rich tradition in Capital and Class by interrogating the ways in which social theory can be used to understand and analyse 21st-century extra-parliamentary political, cultural and social movements across the world. In particular, the special issue contributes to the field of social and political movements by offering papers that ask (1) how can
{"title":"Introduction: Social theory and social movements – 21st-century innovations and contentions","authors":"J. Ibrahim, P. Millward, J. Roberts, K. Spracklen","doi":"10.1177/03098168221136990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221136990","url":null,"abstract":"Since its establishment in 1977, Capital and Class has provided a critical space for scholars and activists to explore existing and new forms of socio-political struggles and movements in and against capital. A range of theoretical perspectives have also been employed by Capital and Class authors to make sense of these movements, which, among others, include Open Marxism, social movement theory, critical urban approaches, Gramscian, autonomist and post-structural perspectives. This special issue builds on, develops and extends this rich tradition in Capital and Class by interrogating the ways in which social theory can be used to understand and analyse 21st-century extra-parliamentary political, cultural and social movements across the world. In particular, the special issue contributes to the field of social and political movements by offering papers that ask (1) how can","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89407769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-14DOI: 10.1177/03098168221137200
M. Griffiths
The article explores how the future is imagined through disability activism. It highlights how UK Disabled People’s Movement members, established and newcomers, envisage inclusive and accessible societies and what role disability activism has in realising such visions. To achieve this, conceptualisations of the future are mapped within a framework of three topias (places/worlds): utopia, retrotopia and heterotopia. These topian configurations provide a way to make sense of activist visions for progressing disabled people’s emancipation. The article argues that the UK Disabled People’s Movement currently produces two dominant conceptualisations of the future: a deterministic, radical overhaul of political and economic arrangements (utopia); and a return to ‘purer’ forms of disability activism produced by historical activists and their networks (retrotopia). Young disabled activists who do not align with such conceptualisations are denied opportunities to influence broad activist strategies and are, instead, relegated to opportunities that necessitate a youth perspective. Young disabled activist’s conceptualisations of the future can be best understood as the production of counter sites, which generate activities, politics and discourses around notions of inclusion, social justice and accessibility (heterotopia). These produce possible and preferable alternatives to the current ordering of the social world – with disability activism becoming spaces that encourage creativity of new ideas, new practices and new options against existing norms and inaccessible worlds.
{"title":"Livin’ in the future: Conceptualising the future of UK disability activism through utopian, retrotopian and heterotopian configurations","authors":"M. Griffiths","doi":"10.1177/03098168221137200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221137200","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores how the future is imagined through disability activism. It highlights how UK Disabled People’s Movement members, established and newcomers, envisage inclusive and accessible societies and what role disability activism has in realising such visions. To achieve this, conceptualisations of the future are mapped within a framework of three topias (places/worlds): utopia, retrotopia and heterotopia. These topian configurations provide a way to make sense of activist visions for progressing disabled people’s emancipation. The article argues that the UK Disabled People’s Movement currently produces two dominant conceptualisations of the future: a deterministic, radical overhaul of political and economic arrangements (utopia); and a return to ‘purer’ forms of disability activism produced by historical activists and their networks (retrotopia). Young disabled activists who do not align with such conceptualisations are denied opportunities to influence broad activist strategies and are, instead, relegated to opportunities that necessitate a youth perspective. Young disabled activist’s conceptualisations of the future can be best understood as the production of counter sites, which generate activities, politics and discourses around notions of inclusion, social justice and accessibility (heterotopia). These produce possible and preferable alternatives to the current ordering of the social world – with disability activism becoming spaces that encourage creativity of new ideas, new practices and new options against existing norms and inaccessible worlds.","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87280203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-03DOI: 10.1177/03098168221131687
Francisco Fernández Trujillo Moares, Gomer Betancor Nuez
The food delivery app business has grown in recent years, with an increasing number of customers and workers on these platforms. Food delivery apps are also an iconic example of the increasing precarity of working conditions. Delivery app workers have mobilised to demand greater stability and regulation, with one of their main demands being to switch from their current status as self-employed workers to being employees of these companies. However, in Spain, those who want to remain self-employed have also mobilised, demanding better wages and improved conditions from the platforms. In this article, we focus on the mobilisation of delivery workers in Spain, exploring the characteristics of the main actors involved and the evolution and current situation of the conflict.
{"title":"The mobilisation of food delivery gig economy workers (riders)","authors":"Francisco Fernández Trujillo Moares, Gomer Betancor Nuez","doi":"10.1177/03098168221131687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221131687","url":null,"abstract":"The food delivery app business has grown in recent years, with an increasing number of customers and workers on these platforms. Food delivery apps are also an iconic example of the increasing precarity of working conditions. Delivery app workers have mobilised to demand greater stability and regulation, with one of their main demands being to switch from their current status as self-employed workers to being employees of these companies. However, in Spain, those who want to remain self-employed have also mobilised, demanding better wages and improved conditions from the platforms. In this article, we focus on the mobilisation of delivery workers in Spain, exploring the characteristics of the main actors involved and the evolution and current situation of the conflict.","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83512042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-03DOI: 10.1177/03098168221129403d
Amir Khan
Post-Marxism falls in alignment with, and draws directly on, Foucauldian biopolitical discourse, with its opposition of forms of measurement to ‘life’. The two labour-jettisoning tendencies . . . [end up] [g]utting Marx’s concepts while often continuing to draw on the cachet of the shells[.]
{"title":"Book Review: Theory of the Gimmick: Aesthetic Judgment and Capitalist Form","authors":"Amir Khan","doi":"10.1177/03098168221129403d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03098168221129403d","url":null,"abstract":"Post-Marxism falls in alignment with, and draws directly on, Foucauldian biopolitical discourse, with its opposition of forms of measurement to ‘life’. The two labour-jettisoning tendencies . . . [end up] [g]utting Marx’s concepts while often continuing to draw on the cachet of the shells[.]","PeriodicalId":46258,"journal":{"name":"Capital and Class","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79950682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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