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Corporate and business domination of food banks and food diversion schemes in Canada 加拿大食品银行和食品转移计划的公司和商业支配
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-05 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221092649
Anahita Azadian, Mary Catherine Masciangelo, Zsofia Mendly-Zambo, Alan Taman, D. Raphael
Critics have identified the corporate and business sector as contributing to household food insecurity through its endorsement of low wages, anti-union activities and lobbying for retrenchment of the Canadian welfare state. It is therefore troubling that this same corporate and business sector has come to dominate positions on the boards of directors of civil society organizations with missions to reduce household food insecurity. Fisher uses the term ‘Big Hunger’ to describe how this ‘hunger-industrial complex’ of food banks, food diversion schemes and corporations and companies are accruing benefits to themselves yet do little to reduce household food insecurity. We consider such processes as illustrating two key political economy concepts: (1) Marx’s concepts of base and superstructure and (2) Gramsci’s cultural hegemony. We carry out a critical case study of the relevance of these concepts to the Canadian household food insecurity scene by examining how the corporate and business sector now dominates the boards of directors of four major civil society organizations concerned with reducing household food insecurity. We find evidence of these civil society organizations exhibiting agenda distortion, reciprocity and loss of integrity, all reflecting their becoming part of the superstructure of capitalist society whose ruling elites come to dominate the ideas and values of society. Issues of wages, unionization and collective agreement bargaining, taxes and taxation, income inequality and retrenchment of the welfare state – all important contributors to household food insecurity and key concerns of the corporate and business community – are for the most part absent from these civil society organizations’ reports, documents and statements. We specify the implications these developments have for addressing household food insecurity and the inequitable distribution of other social determinants of health.
批评人士指出,企业和商业部门支持低工资、反工会活动,并游说削减加拿大的福利国家,从而加剧了家庭食品不安全。因此,令人不安的是,同样是这些企业和商业部门在以减少家庭粮食不安全为使命的民间社会组织的董事会中占据了主导地位。费雪用“大饥饿”这个词来描述这种由食品银行、食品转移计划、企业和公司组成的“饥饿-工业综合体”是如何为自己积累利益,却在减少家庭粮食不安全方面做得很少。我们认为这些过程说明了两个关键的政治经济学概念:(1)马克思的基础和上层建筑概念;(2)葛兰西的文化霸权。我们对这些概念与加拿大家庭粮食不安全状况的相关性进行了一个重要的案例研究,研究了企业和商业部门现在如何主导四个主要民间社会组织的董事会,这些组织与减少家庭粮食不安全有关。我们发现这些民间社会组织表现出议程扭曲、互惠和诚信缺失的证据,所有这些都反映了它们成为资本主义社会上层建筑的一部分,资本主义社会的统治精英开始主宰社会的思想和价值观。工资、工会化和集体协议谈判、税收和税收、收入不平等和福利国家的缩减等问题——所有这些都是造成家庭粮食不安全的重要因素,也是企业和商界的主要关切——在这些民间社会组织的报告、文件和声明中大都没有提及。我们具体说明了这些发展对解决家庭粮食不安全和其他健康社会决定因素分配不公平问题的影响。
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引用次数: 3
The US rate of profit 1964–2017 and the turnover of fixed and circulating capital 1964-2017年美国利润率与固定资本和流动资本周转率
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221084110
William Jefferies
This article addresses how Marxist economists have estimated the quantity of fixed and circulating capital advanced in the denominator of the rate of profit calculation. Generally, Marxist economists have used neoclassical fixed capital estimates of opportunity cost, as applied most notably, in the US system of national accounts. These Hulten and Wyckoff measures aggregate the lifetime revenues (both costs and profits) of fixed assets and so grossly over estimate the value of the fixed capital stock. This article applies the Internal Revenue Service Depreciable Assets less Depreciation for a more accurate estimate of the actual quantity of fixed capital advanced. Furthermore, it criticises the absence of a convincing measure of the rate of turnover of Marx’s circuit of capital accumulation M . . . C . . . P . . . C’ . . . M’ in most rate of profit estimates. Developing the work of Bertrand and Fauqueur, this article demonstrates that the cash conversion cycle or net operating cycle mirrors Marx’s circuit. This article applies the cash conversion cycle to Internal Revenue Service Total Corporations data 1964–2017 to estimate the rate of turnover. The article addresses the distinction between unproductive and productive output and develops an estimation of those respective quantities based on Internal Revenue Service data. It combines these elements together to estimate the US rate of profit from 1964 to 2017. It finds that the US rate of profit rose strongly, albeit with dramatic fluctuations, after 2001.
本文论述了马克思主义经济学家如何在利润率计算的分母中估计预付的固定资本和流动资本的数量。一般来说,马克思主义经济学家使用新古典主义固定资本对机会成本的估计,在美国国民账户体系中应用得最为明显。Hulten和Wyckoff的这些测量方法汇总了固定资产的终身收入(成本和利润),因此严重高估了固定资本存量的价值。本文采用国税局可折旧资产减去折旧法,以便更准确地估计预提固定资本的实际数量。此外,它还批评了缺乏一个令人信服的衡量马克思资本积累循环周转率的方法。C .……P…………在大多数利润率估计中。本文在发展贝特朗和福克尔的工作的基础上,论证了现金转换周期或净经营周期反映了马克思的循环。本文将现金转换周期应用于1964-2017年美国国税局总公司数据来估计周转率。本文讨论了非生产性产出和生产性产出之间的区别,并根据美国国税局(Internal Revenue Service)的数据对它们各自的数量进行了估计。它将这些因素结合在一起,估算了1964年至2017年美国的利润率。报告发现,2001年之后,美国的利润率出现了强劲增长,尽管其间波动剧烈。
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引用次数: 2
On the hoard of money and expanded reproduction 货币的囤积和再生产的扩大
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-12 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221084114
C. Saratchand
The paper incorporates the hoard of money in a simple three-department scheme of expanded reproduction. The sui-generis features of the hoard of money are briefly set out. The paper then demonstrates that due to the existence of the hoard of money, it is possible for there to be generalised over-production of all non-money commodities. The paper concludes with some suggestions for further work in this research direction. JEL classifications: B14, B24, B51, E11.
这篇论文将货币储备纳入一个简单的扩大再生产的三部门方案中。简要地阐述了货币储备的一般特征。然后,本文证明,由于货币储备的存在,所有非货币商品的普遍生产过剩都是可能的。最后,对该研究方向的进一步工作提出了建议。JEL分类:B14, B24, B51, E11。
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引用次数: 0
Caesarism, passive revolution, and the state: Insights from Rafael Correa’s government in Ecuador (2007–2017) 凯撒主义、被动革命与国家:来自厄瓜多尔拉斐尔·科雷亚政府的见解(2007-2017)
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-11 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221084112
J. E. Forero
Over the last decade, the concept of passive revolution has been central in the Neo-Gramscian academic production. However, the role of the state in this type of political junctures has not received enough attention, neither in relation to the embedded class struggles nor on the impact these have had in the processes of ‘conservation-innovation’ that, according to Gramsci, are featured in passive revolutions. This article aims to contribute to such literature gap by bringing forth theoretical insights from Nicos Poulantzas and Kees Van der Pijl regarding ‘state autonomy’ and using them for the analysis of a recent political process, which several scholars label as a passive revolution: Rafael Correa’s government in Ecuador (2007–2017). The article suggests that the latter should be understood as a case of Caesarism, and more specifically, a political intervention of Ecuador’s cadres, aimed to break a ‘catastrophic equilibrium’ in the confrontation between the country’s power block and its contending anti-neoliberal coalition.
在过去的十年中,被动革命的概念一直是新葛兰西学派学术研究的核心。然而,在这种类型的政治关头,国家的作用没有得到足够的重视,无论是与根深蒂固的阶级斗争有关,还是与这些斗争在葛兰西所认为的被动革命的“保护-创新”过程中所产生的影响有关。本文旨在通过提出Nicos Poulantzas和Kees Van der Pijl关于“国家自治”的理论见解,并将其用于分析最近的政治进程(几位学者将其称为被动革命:厄瓜多尔拉斐尔·科雷亚政府(2007-2017)),从而弥补这一文献差距。文章认为,后者应被理解为凯撒主义的案例,更具体地说,是厄瓜多尔干部的政治干预,旨在打破该国权力集团与其相互竞争的反新自由主义联盟之间对抗的“灾难性平衡”。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Underground Asia: Global Revolutionaries and the Assault on Empire 书评:《地下亚洲:全球革命者和对帝国的攻击》
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221078662g
K. Gray
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Debt System: A History of Sovereign Debts and Their Repudiation 书评:《债务体系:主权债务及其抵赖史》
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221078662a
Ali Rıza Güngen
does not do this, as he treats the pedagogical forms of learning and stupidity in a more dialectical fashion. He reminds his readers that ‘[i]t would be a mistake to valorize stupidity and annihilate learning. Instead, both are necessary educational processes. It is only after one learns to read, for example, that they can study a text’ (p. 100). Today’s working class may first need to go through a phase of learning before deploying the pedagogical logic of stupidity as the class struggle becomes more acute, which it necessarily will. In fact, the current ‘resignation’ that dominates the working class might allow for a rapid development of ‘stupid’ revolutionary struggle. Once the mass labour movement begins again, we can start afresh – workers will not be so influenced by bourgeois ideology and thus not so legible to the capitalist class.
他没有这样做,因为他以一种更辩证的方式对待学习和愚蠢的教学形式。他提醒他的读者:“推崇愚蠢而抹杀学识是错误的。”相反,两者都是必要的教育过程。例如,只有在一个人学会阅读之后,他们才能学习一篇文章。随着阶级斗争变得更加尖锐,今天的工人阶级可能首先需要经历一个学习阶段,然后才能部署愚蠢的教学逻辑,这是必然的。事实上,目前主导工人阶级的“辞职”可能会导致“愚蠢的”革命斗争迅速发展。一旦工人群众运动重新开始,我们就可以重新开始,工人就不会那么受资产阶级思想的影响,因此就不会那么容易被资产阶级所理解。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Karl Polanyi’s Political and Economic Thought: A Critical Guide 书评:卡尔·波兰尼的政治经济思想:批判指南
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221078662b
Víctor Isidro Luna
Toussaint’s accessibly written book can be read as a forceful call to search for ways to make repudiations work to the benefit of people. Current loan markets work insidiously, making it more challenging to identify illegal debts and separate them from others. One can consider the example of debts accumulated through public–private partnerships across various geographies. While some of the piled-up burdens might arise from reasonably priced infrastructural investment, in some countries, a considerable part of conditional liabilities, which find their way into the public debt gradually, come from projects that enrich the contractors and local intermediaries. It is evident that given the lack of comprehensive reforms in the international financial system and persistent relations of dependency, suspending payments through debt audits and disowning illegal debts can only provide temporary relief. In this context, unless a part of a compelling transformation targeting various exploitation forms, even the successful debt repudiations are short-lived victories. Nevertheless, each case serves as a steppingstone to illuminate the inequities permeating international loans and the global economy. The main creditors within loan contracts and the sovereign debt structure have changed several times throughout the history of modern capitalism. As it is apparent in the trajectories of sovereign debt crises of previous centuries, by extending loans with extremely high-interest rates and cutting hefty commissions, creditors were directly responsible for undermining the financial independence of debtors. In recent decades, nation-states from the global South are borrowing from the international financial markets at low-interest rates, and fine prints of debt contracts are constantly updated to minimize debtor states’ room for maneuver. Still, the increased number and variety of creditors might be converted into an advantage for a country repudiating odious debts. Toussaint’s book serves as a fundamental resource for those who want to have a comprehensive grasp of the history of sovereign debt repudiations and explore alternatives to remove the noose of debt around the neck of the global South.
杜桑这本通俗易懂的书可以被解读为一种强有力的呼吁,呼吁人们寻找方法,使否定对人们有益。目前的贷款市场运作不透明,这使得识别非法债务并将其与其他债务区分开来变得更加困难。我们可以考虑通过公私伙伴关系在不同地区积累的债务的例子。虽然一些堆积起来的负担可能来自价格合理的基础设施投资,但在一些国家,有条件债务(逐渐变成公共债务)的相当一部分来自那些让承包商和当地中介机构发大财的项目。显然,鉴于国际金融制度缺乏全面改革和长期存在的依赖关系,通过债务审计暂停付款和否认非法债务只能提供暂时的救济。在这种情况下,除非是针对各种剥削形式的强制性改革的一部分,否则即使是成功的债务拒绝也是短暂的胜利。然而,每一个案例都是揭示国际贷款和全球经济中普遍存在的不公平现象的垫脚石。在现代资本主义历史上,贷款合同中的主要债权人和主权债务结构发生了多次变化。从过去几个世纪主权债务危机的轨迹可以明显看出,通过以极高的利率发放贷款并削减巨额佣金,债权人对破坏债务人的财务独立性负有直接责任。近几十年来,来自全球南方的民族国家正在以低利率从国际金融市场借款,债务合同的细则也在不断更新,以尽量减少债务国的回旋余地。尽管如此,债权人的数量和种类的增加可能会转化为拒绝偿还不良债务的国家的优势。对于那些想要全面掌握主权债务拒斥的历史,并探索解除全球南方国家脖子上的债务枷锁的替代方案的人来说,杜桑的书是一本基本的资源。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Economic History of Colonialism 书评:殖民主义的经济史
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221078662d
J. Hübner
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Dangerous Class: The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat 书评:《危险阶级:流氓无产阶级的概念》
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221078662f
Hugo Goeury
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Creating the Intellectual: Chinese Communism and the Rise of a Classification 书评:《创造知识分子:中国共产主义与一个分类的兴起》
IF 1.7 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/03098168221078662c
Amir Khan
democracy in more humane values. The most important point of this chapter is that premise market capitalism and democracy is false. Chapter 10 broadens the Polanyian definitions of fictitious commodities. The author of this chapter proposes that, today, knowledge in some sense is available to many people, but it is valued at market prices due to an ‘institutionally regulated valuation’ (p. 192) Possible missing points of the book are the following: (1) the Polanyian concept of institution, and the differences and similarities of this concept versus other heterodox scholars; (2) the Polanyian approach to underdeveloped countries and perhaps the different effects of unregulated markets on developed countries vis-à-vis Third World countries. (A chapter on this subject would be appealing to people from Third World countries, since competitive markets negatively affect society, but some countries have much more power than others, and these powerful countries can establish different developmental policies to be favored in markets); and (3) a more concrete example of the Polanyian double movement today. In some chapters of the book, the double movement explanation is too abstract. What kind of social movement fits the Polanyian approach? The book was written before the pandemic, but other problems in the world endanger society, such as pollution, unregulated migration, and the alienation of people. For all these problems, no clear evidence indicates whether progressive movements are reacting to the benefit of the whole population or if the society has the force to do that. Luckily, the book offers a comprehensive treatment of Polanyian ideas for undergraduates, graduates, and researchers. It also offers important points for discussion, such as democracy, classes, and markets, and most importantly for me, the book sheds light on the environment, in which the possible agent of social change is operating.
更人性化的价值观中的民主。本章最重要的一点是,市场资本主义和民主的前提是错误的。第十章扩大了波兰学派对虚拟商品的定义。本章的作者提出,今天,知识在某种意义上对许多人都是可用的,但由于“制度规范的估值”(第192页),它是以市场价格来估价的。本书可能遗漏的要点如下:(1)波兰的制度概念,以及这一概念与其他非正统学者的异同;(2)波兰对不发达国家的做法,以及不受管制的市场对发达国家与-à-vis第三世界国家的不同影响。(关于这个问题的一章将吸引来自第三世界国家的人,因为竞争市场对社会产生负面影响,但有些国家比其他国家拥有更多的权力,这些强大的国家可以建立不同的发展政策,在市场中受到青睐);(3)今天波兰双重运动的一个更具体的例子。在书中的某些章节中,双乐章的解释过于抽象。什么样的社会运动适合波兰的方式?这本书是在大流行之前写的,但世界上还有其他问题危及社会,比如污染、不受管制的移民和人与人之间的疏远。对于所有这些问题,没有明确的证据表明进步运动是否对全体人民的利益作出反应,或者社会是否有力量这样做。幸运的是,这本书为本科生,毕业生和研究人员提供了波兰思想的全面治疗。它还提供了重要的讨论点,如民主、阶级和市场,对我来说最重要的是,这本书揭示了环境,其中可能的社会变革代理人正在运作。
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引用次数: 0
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Capital and Class
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