Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2276103
Lilla Schumicky-Logan, Andre Alves Dos Reis
ABSTRACTFor the past two decades, international development agencies have supported establishing and developing Local Peace Committees (LPCs) in conflict-affected countries. These committees typically have two objectives. First, to serve as a local conflict resolution and decision-making mechanism in conflict arbitration at the community level. Second, to empower groups traditionally excluded from decision-making, such as minorities, marginalised youth, housewives, and female religious leaders. Although these two goals might facilitate preventing and countering violent and hateful extremism (PVHE), such a purpose was different from the specific objectives of the Local Peace Committees. Based on more than 30 interviews with members of Peace Committees, UN, local and international NGOs and secondary data, including data gathered through independent evaluations of programmes supported by the organisations the authors work for, the first section of this analysis evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of LPCs in Nigeria, Somalia and Mali, and their role in PVHE. In the second section of this article, the authors assess trends and make recommendations on ways to strengthen LPCs to increase their ability to contribute to PVHE over the long term.KEYWORDS: PVElocalisationlocal peace committeesrehabilitation and reintegrationrehabilitationreintegration Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. van Tongeren, ‘Potential Cornerstone of Infrastructures for Peace?’; Leonardsson and Rudd, ‘The “Local Turn” in Peacebuilding’.2. Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’; van Tongeren, ‘Potential Cornerstone of Infrastructures for Peace?’.3. ‘Why Is Community Engagement Important?’4. Nganje, ‘Local Peace Committees and Grassroots Peacebuilding’; Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’.5. Kumar, ‘Building National “Infrastructures for Peace”’; Alihodžić, ‘Electoral Violence Early Warning’.6. Sonrexa et al., ‘Perspectives on Violent Extremism from Development-Humanitarian NGO Staff’; Barton, Vergani, and Wahid, Countering Violent and Hateful Extremism in Indonesia.7. Rights for Peace, ‘Discrimination and Hate Speech Fuel Violence in Sudan’; Bishop et al., ‘Exploring Alternative Approaches to Hate Crimes’.8. Paffenholz, ‘Unpacking the Local Turn in Peacebuilding’; Paffenholz9. Ibid.10. Hameiri, ‘A Reality Check for the Critique of the Liberal Peace’.11. Hughes, Öjendal, and Schierenbeck, ‘The Struggle versus the Song’.12. Mac Ginty, ‘Hybrid Peace’.13. Richmond, ‘A Post-Liberal Peace’; Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’; Richmond and Mac Ginty, ‘Where Now for the Critique of the Liberal Peace?’.14. Van Leeuwen et al., ‘The “Local Turn” and Notions of Conflict and Peacebuilding’.15. Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’; Orjuela, ‘Countering Buddhist Radicalisation’; Lundqvist and Öjendal, ‘Atomised and Subordinated?’; Suu
摘要在过去20年里，国际发展机构支持在受冲突影响的国家建立和发展地方和平委员会(LPCs)。这些委员会通常有两个目标。第一，在社区层面的冲突仲裁中，发挥地方冲突解决和决策机制的作用。第二，赋予传统上被排除在决策之外的群体权力，如少数民族、边缘化青年、家庭主妇和女性宗教领袖。虽然这两个目标可能有助于预防和打击暴力和仇恨极端主义，但这一目的不同于地方和平委员会的具体目标。基于对和平委员会、联合国、当地和国际非政府组织成员的30多次采访，以及二手数据，包括通过作者工作的组织支持的项目的独立评估收集的数据，本分析的第一部分评估了尼日利亚、索马里和马里最不发达国家的优势和劣势，以及它们在PVHE中的作用。在本文的第二部分中，作者评估了趋势，并就如何加强lpc以提高其长期为PVHE做出贡献的能力提出了建议。关键词:pvelocalisation地方和平委员会康复与重返社会披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。van Tongeren，“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Leonardsson和Rudd，“和平建设中的“地方转向””2。奥登达尔:《在地方层面构建和平的架构》;van Tongeren，“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”“为什么社区参与很重要?”Nganje，“地方和平委员会与基层和平建设”;Odendaal，“在地方层面构建和平的架构”。库马尔，《建设国家“和平基础设施”》;5 . Alihodžić，“选举暴力预警”。Sonrexa等人，“发展-人道主义非政府组织工作人员对暴力极端主义的看法”;巴顿，韦尔加尼，瓦希德，《打击印度尼西亚的暴力和仇恨极端主义》，7。和平权利组织，“歧视和仇恨言论助长苏丹暴力”;Bishop et al.，“探索仇恨犯罪的替代方法”。帕芬霍尔兹，《和平建设中的地方转向》;Paffenholz9。Ibid.10。Hameiri， <对自由主义和平批判的现实检验>，第11页。Hughes， Öjendal，和Schierenbeck， '斗争与歌曲' .12。Mac Ginty，《混合和平》(Hybrid Peace)。里士满，《后自由主义的和平》;Mac Ginty和Richmond，《和平大厦的地方转折》;里士满和麦金蒂，《对自由主义和平的批判现在在哪里?》Van Leeuwen et al.，“地方转向”和冲突与和平建设的概念”，第15页。奥登达尔:《在地方层面构建和平的架构》;Orjuela，“反对佛教激进化”;Lundqvist和Öjendal，原子化和从属化?苏蒙和沙玛:“像发面团的酵母?”van Tongeren，“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Nganje，“非洲地方和平委员会和基层和平建设”;van Tongeren，“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”奥登达尔:《在地方层面构建和平的架构》;邦德和姆库图，“和平的“拼凑”;Elfversson，《地方调停的政治条件》;Akande, Kaye和Rukuni，“非洲社区建设和平的功效”;在尼日利亚的暴力冲突中，地方和平进程取得进展。van Tongeren，“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Odendaal，“在地方层面建立和平的架构”，18。奥登达尔和奥利维尔，<地方和平委员会>，第19页。Odendaal，“在地方层面构建和平的架构”，第20期。van Tongeren，“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Odendaal，“在地方层面构建和平的架构”，21。van Tongeren，“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Lundqvist和Öjendal，“原子化和从属化?”22。Odendaal，“在地方层面构建和平的架构”，第23期。Odendaal;Nganje，“非洲地方和平委员会和基层和平建设”;van Tongeren，“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”利奥纳德松和拉德，《建设和平中的“地方转向”》，第24页。Van Leeuwen et al.，“地方转向”和冲突与和平建设的概念”，第25页。Ibid.26。Ibid.27。Benesh et al.，《危险演讲实用指南》，第28页。博尔顿，《冲突解决干预的教训》，第29页。《非洲地方和平委员会与基层和平建设》，第30页。Chivasa，“对锡克地区建设和平建设的思考”，第31期。Odendaal，《在地方层面构建和平的架构》32。美国国际开发署，“对暴力极端主义和叛乱的发展反应”。Khalil和Zeuthen，“打击暴力极端主义和减少风险”，第34页。
{"title":"Sensible localisation – local peace committees’ role in preventing violent and hateful extremism","authors":"Lilla Schumicky-Logan, Andre Alves Dos Reis","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2276103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2276103","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTFor the past two decades, international development agencies have supported establishing and developing Local Peace Committees (LPCs) in conflict-affected countries. These committees typically have two objectives. First, to serve as a local conflict resolution and decision-making mechanism in conflict arbitration at the community level. Second, to empower groups traditionally excluded from decision-making, such as minorities, marginalised youth, housewives, and female religious leaders. Although these two goals might facilitate preventing and countering violent and hateful extremism (PVHE), such a purpose was different from the specific objectives of the Local Peace Committees. Based on more than 30 interviews with members of Peace Committees, UN, local and international NGOs and secondary data, including data gathered through independent evaluations of programmes supported by the organisations the authors work for, the first section of this analysis evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of LPCs in Nigeria, Somalia and Mali, and their role in PVHE. In the second section of this article, the authors assess trends and make recommendations on ways to strengthen LPCs to increase their ability to contribute to PVHE over the long term.KEYWORDS: PVElocalisationlocal peace committeesrehabilitation and reintegrationrehabilitationreintegration Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. van Tongeren, ‘Potential Cornerstone of Infrastructures for Peace?’; Leonardsson and Rudd, ‘The “Local Turn” in Peacebuilding’.2. Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’; van Tongeren, ‘Potential Cornerstone of Infrastructures for Peace?’.3. ‘Why Is Community Engagement Important?’4. Nganje, ‘Local Peace Committees and Grassroots Peacebuilding’; Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’.5. Kumar, ‘Building National “Infrastructures for Peace”’; Alihodžić, ‘Electoral Violence Early Warning’.6. Sonrexa et al., ‘Perspectives on Violent Extremism from Development-Humanitarian NGO Staff’; Barton, Vergani, and Wahid, Countering Violent and Hateful Extremism in Indonesia.7. Rights for Peace, ‘Discrimination and Hate Speech Fuel Violence in Sudan’; Bishop et al., ‘Exploring Alternative Approaches to Hate Crimes’.8. Paffenholz, ‘Unpacking the Local Turn in Peacebuilding’; Paffenholz9. Ibid.10. Hameiri, ‘A Reality Check for the Critique of the Liberal Peace’.11. Hughes, Öjendal, and Schierenbeck, ‘The Struggle versus the Song’.12. Mac Ginty, ‘Hybrid Peace’.13. Richmond, ‘A Post-Liberal Peace’; Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’; Richmond and Mac Ginty, ‘Where Now for the Critique of the Liberal Peace?’.14. Van Leeuwen et al., ‘The “Local Turn” and Notions of Conflict and Peacebuilding’.15. Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’; Orjuela, ‘Countering Buddhist Radicalisation’; Lundqvist and Öjendal, ‘Atomised and Subordinated?’; Suu","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"2013 18","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135813983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2270434
Nicole Nguyen
ABSTRACTIn 2009, a USAID-commissioned report examined the social, economic, and personal contexts that have incited political violence, such as military intervention, economic deprivation, the denial of civil rights, and repeated foreign interference. Although the report acknowledges how these formative contexts give rise to violence, the psychologising language of extremism has led to USAID’s development of antiterrorism approaches aimed at interrupting the psychological, cultural, and theological pathologies perceived to be located within individual actors, rather than the material conditions that incite armed resistance. This article explores how the concept of terrorist radicalisation has informed antiterrorism programming undertaken by the development sector and has exacerbated, not mitigated, the root causes of political violence in Somalia and the Somali diaspora. Given these outcomes, I offer concluding thoughts on how we might recentre the material conditions in which violence circulates to consider alternative approaches to violence prevention efforts in the development sector.KEYWORDS: Political violencesecuritydevelopmentUSAID and violent extremismSomalia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Denoeux and Carter, Drivers of Violent Extremism, 51.2. Ibid., 15, 16.3. Ibid., 16, n. 24.4. Ibid., 2.5. Silber and Bhatt, Radicalization in the West, 5.6. FBI, The Radicalization Process, 5.7. Denoeux and Carter, 15.8. Department of State & USAID, ‘Joint Strategy on Countering Violent Extremism’, 10.9. U.S. Embassy Mauritania, ‘New $7 Million Investment to Combat Violent Extremism’.10. See, for example, Mesok, ‘Counterinsurgency’, 721.11. McCauley and Moskalenko, ‘Understanding Political Radicalization’, 205.12. FBI, The Radicalization Process, 5.13. Ibid., 7.14. Ibid., 8.15. Ibid.16. Ibid.17. Ibid., 10.18. Ibid., 3.19. Silber and Bhatt, Radicalization in the West, 7.20. Ibid., 33.21. National Counterterrorism Center, Countering Violent Extremism, 19–22.22. Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority et al., ‘Communities Acting to Refer and Engage’, 24.23. Silver et al., ‘A Study of the Pre-Attack Behaviours’, 16.24. Department of Homeland Security, ‘Public Awareness Bulletin’, 3.25. Borum, ‘Radicalization into Violent Extremism I’, 8.26. USAID, ‘East Africa, Kenya, and Somalia’, 3.27. See, for example, Kundnani, Countering Violent Extremism; Koushik, ‘Countering Violent Extremism’.28. Weine, ‘Building Community Resilience’, 81–89.29. Horgan, ‘Psychological Approaches to the Study of Terrorism’, 8.30. Ibid., 210, 220.31. Simi and Windisch, ‘Why Radicalization Fails’.32. Weine, ‘Building Community Resilience’, 85, 85–6.33. See, for example, Cherney et al., ‘The Push and Pull of Radicalization’.34. United States Agency for International Development, Development Response to Violent Extremism, 4–5.35. Stevan Weine et al., ‘Addressing Violent Extremism’, 7.36. Commission for Countering Extremism,
{"title":"Mitigating or exacerbating the root causes of violence?: critically analysing the role of USAID in terrorism prevention","authors":"Nicole Nguyen","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2270434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2270434","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn 2009, a USAID-commissioned report examined the social, economic, and personal contexts that have incited political violence, such as military intervention, economic deprivation, the denial of civil rights, and repeated foreign interference. Although the report acknowledges how these formative contexts give rise to violence, the psychologising language of extremism has led to USAID’s development of antiterrorism approaches aimed at interrupting the psychological, cultural, and theological pathologies perceived to be located within individual actors, rather than the material conditions that incite armed resistance. This article explores how the concept of terrorist radicalisation has informed antiterrorism programming undertaken by the development sector and has exacerbated, not mitigated, the root causes of political violence in Somalia and the Somali diaspora. Given these outcomes, I offer concluding thoughts on how we might recentre the material conditions in which violence circulates to consider alternative approaches to violence prevention efforts in the development sector.KEYWORDS: Political violencesecuritydevelopmentUSAID and violent extremismSomalia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Denoeux and Carter, Drivers of Violent Extremism, 51.2. Ibid., 15, 16.3. Ibid., 16, n. 24.4. Ibid., 2.5. Silber and Bhatt, Radicalization in the West, 5.6. FBI, The Radicalization Process, 5.7. Denoeux and Carter, 15.8. Department of State & USAID, ‘Joint Strategy on Countering Violent Extremism’, 10.9. U.S. Embassy Mauritania, ‘New $7 Million Investment to Combat Violent Extremism’.10. See, for example, Mesok, ‘Counterinsurgency’, 721.11. McCauley and Moskalenko, ‘Understanding Political Radicalization’, 205.12. FBI, The Radicalization Process, 5.13. Ibid., 7.14. Ibid., 8.15. Ibid.16. Ibid.17. Ibid., 10.18. Ibid., 3.19. Silber and Bhatt, Radicalization in the West, 7.20. Ibid., 33.21. National Counterterrorism Center, Countering Violent Extremism, 19–22.22. Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority et al., ‘Communities Acting to Refer and Engage’, 24.23. Silver et al., ‘A Study of the Pre-Attack Behaviours’, 16.24. Department of Homeland Security, ‘Public Awareness Bulletin’, 3.25. Borum, ‘Radicalization into Violent Extremism I’, 8.26. USAID, ‘East Africa, Kenya, and Somalia’, 3.27. See, for example, Kundnani, Countering Violent Extremism; Koushik, ‘Countering Violent Extremism’.28. Weine, ‘Building Community Resilience’, 81–89.29. Horgan, ‘Psychological Approaches to the Study of Terrorism’, 8.30. Ibid., 210, 220.31. Simi and Windisch, ‘Why Radicalization Fails’.32. Weine, ‘Building Community Resilience’, 85, 85–6.33. See, for example, Cherney et al., ‘The Push and Pull of Radicalization’.34. United States Agency for International Development, Development Response to Violent Extremism, 4–5.35. Stevan Weine et al., ‘Addressing Violent Extremism’, 7.36. Commission for Countering Extremism,","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135617169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2216151
Lydia Letsch
ABSTRACTIn light of the growing threat of violent and hateful extremism in North Africa, the international donor community has recently shifted its focus of attention towards civil society organisations (CSOs) as an important ally in contemporary P/CVE efforts. This has resulted in a growing number of local and international NGOs implementing P/CVE-related projects in Tunisia and Morocco. However, the lack of comprehensive empirical research on local CSOs engagement in P/CVE-efforts complicates the assessment of scope and impact of these initiatives. Little attention has been devoted to the perspective of front-line workers and the ways global P/CVE-policies are being reproduced and challenged on the ground. This paper aims to contribute to a broader understanding of challenges employees of local and international NGOs face in implementing P/CVE in non-Western contexts. Drawing on peacebuilding and development literature, it focuses on the experiences and practices of these actors and their interplay with the international donor community. 30 in-depth narrative interviews with local practitioners and international experts root this paper in rich empirical data that was analysed using Grounded Theory methodology.KEYWORDS: Violent extremismP/CVEcivil societyMoroccoTunisia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. see e.g. special issue of Third World Quarterly 2015; Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’.2. Mac Ginty, ‘Where is the local?’; Jabri, ‘Peacebuilding, the Local and the International’.3. Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’; Donais, ‘Peacebuilding and Local Ownership’.4. Paris, ‘Saving Liberal Peacebuilding’.5. Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’, 764.6. Nadarajah and Rampton, ‘The Limits of Hybridity and the Crisis of Liberal Peace’, 53.7. Banks et al., ‘NGOs, States, and Donors Revisited’, 709.8. Verkorken and van Leeuwen, ‘Civil Society in Peacebuilding’.9. Van Leeuwen, ‘Partners in Peace’.10. Kontinen and Millstein ‘Rethinking Civil Society in Development’, 73; MacGinty ‘The limits of technocracy and local encounters’, 2.11. Allison and Taylor, ‘ASEAN’s “people-oriented” aspirations’, 33.12. Sheperd, ‘Constructing Civil Society’, 904.13. Krause, ‘Transnational Civil Society Activism and International Security Politics’, 28.14. Meagher, ‘The Strength of Weak States?’15. Edwards, ‘Civil Society’.16. Kopecky and Mudde, ‘Uncivil Society?’17. Verkorken and van Leeuwen, ‘Civil Society in Peacebuilding’.18. Ibid., 164.19. Holmer, ‘Countering violent extremism’, 6.20. See e.g. Goodhand and Lewer, ‘Sri Lanka’; Aall, ‘What do NGOs Bring to Peacemaking?’; Ejdus et al., ‘Reclaiming the local in EU peacebuilding’.21. Ejdus et al., ‘Reclaiming the local in EU peacebuilding’; Kappler and Richmond, ‘Peacebuilding and Culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina’; Mac Ginty, ‘International Peacebuilding and Local Resistance’.22. Kappler and Richmon
鉴于北非日益增长的暴力和仇恨极端主义威胁，国际捐助界最近将注意力转移到民间社会组织(cso)身上，将其作为当代和平与人道主义努力的重要盟友。这导致越来越多的当地和国际非政府组织在突尼斯和摩洛哥执行与性别平等/性别平等相关的项目。然而，缺乏对地方公民社会组织参与P/ cve工作的全面实证研究，使得对这些倡议的范围和影响的评估变得复杂。很少有人关注一线工人的观点，以及全球P/ cve政策在当地被复制和挑战的方式。本文旨在帮助更广泛地理解本地和国际非政府组织员工在非西方环境中实施P/CVE所面临的挑战。它借鉴建设和平与发展方面的文献，重点关注这些行动者的经验和做法及其与国际捐助界的相互作用。对当地从业人员和国际专家进行了30次深入的叙述性访谈，并使用扎根理论方法分析了丰富的经验数据。关键词:暴力极端主义/公民社会摩洛哥突尼斯披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。参见2015年第三世界季刊特刊;Mac Ginty和Richmond，《和平大厦的地方转折》。Mac Ginty，“本地的在哪里?”贾布里，“建设和平，地方和国际”。Mac Ginty和Richmond，《和平大厦的地方转折》;3 . Donais，《建设和平与地方所有权》。巴黎，《拯救自由主义和平建设》。麦克·金蒂和里奇蒙，《和平大厦的地方转折》，764.6。Nadarajah和Rampton，“混合的极限和自由和平的危机”，53.7。Banks等人，《重新审视非政府组织、国家和捐助者》，709.8。9. Verkorken and van Leeuwen，《建设和平中的公民社会》。范·莱文，《和平伙伴》。Kontinen and Millstein:《重新思考发展中的公民社会》，73;麦金蒂，《技术官僚的限制和地方遭遇》，第2.11页。Allison和Taylor，“东盟的‘以人为本’愿望”，33.12。谢泼德，《构建公民社会》，904.13。克劳斯，《跨国公民社会行动主义与国际安全政治》，2014年第28期。米格尔，《弱国的力量?》15。爱德华兹，<公民社会>，第16页。Kopecky and Mudde， <非公民社会? > 17。Verkorken and van Leeuwen，《建设和平中的公民社会》，第18期。如上,164.19。霍尔默，《打击暴力极端主义》，6.20。参见Goodhand and Lewer， ' Sri Lanka ';“非政府组织为缔造和平带来了什么?”Ejdus等人，“在欧盟和平建设中恢复当地”，21。Ejdus等人，“在欧盟和平建设中回收地方”;卡普勒和里士满:《波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的建设和平与文化》;麦克·金蒂，《国际建设和平与地方抵抗》，22页。卡普勒和里士满，“波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的建设和平与文化”，268-270.23。Autesserre，《刚果的麻烦》;Autesserre Peaceland”;Pouligny，《从下面看和平行动》;达·科斯塔和约翰·卡尔斯鲁德，《扭曲规则》，第24页。Jarstad和Belloni，“引入混合和平治理”，第1.25页。Van Brabant，《如何建设和平?》;Hughes等人，“斗争与歌曲”;Mac Ginty，“本地的在哪里?”Verkorken and van Leeuwen，《建设和平中的公民社会》，第26期。欧盟委员会，《操作指南》，第27页。28.联合国，“联合国系统在执行《联合国全球反恐战略》方面的活动”。如上,6.29。欧安组织，“民间社会在预防和打击导致恐怖主义的暴力极端主义和激进化中的作用”，25-26.30。联合国，“联合国系统在执行《联合国全球反恐战略》方面的活动”;Osce 2018: 25).31。Christensen，“民间行动者在去激进化和脱离接触倡议中的作用”，第32页。Ibid.33。戴维斯，《安全、极端主义和教育》;斯蒂芬斯，《防止暴力极端主义》;Mesok，“肯尼亚的反叛乱、社区参与以及预防和打击暴力极端主义议程”，第34页。Heath-Kelly，《反恐与反事实》，第35页。布朗，《性别、宗教、极端主义》;Mesok，“肯尼亚的反叛乱、社区参与以及预防和打击暴力极端主义议程”，第36页。Kienscherf，“生产”负责任的“自我治理”，174.37。Mesok，“肯尼亚的反叛乱、社区参与以及预防和打击暴力极端主义议程”，730.38。Van der Weert and Eijkmann， <激进化和暴力极端主义检测中的主观性>，第39页。佩德尔等人，“激进的孤独行动者恐怖分子的影响和脆弱性:英国从业者的观点”，第9.40页。如上,9.41。 Van der Weert and Eijkmann， <激进化和暴力极端主义检测中的主观性>，第42页。佩德尔等人，“激进的孤独行动者恐怖分子的影响和脆弱性:英国从业者的观点”，43。马特森，"夹在紧急和可理解之间"，13.44页。如上,15.45。Talentino，“对建设和平的看法”，153.46。突尼斯世俗公民社会组织是否展示了民主学习的过程?797.47“。Al-Anani， <后阿拉伯之春的伊斯兰政党>，第48页。b<s:1> rkner和Scott，“空间想象和选择性可见性”，9.49。Yousfir， <突尼斯的公民社会>第50页。Mihr，“与非国家和安全行为者的半结构化访谈”，66-68.51。Watanabe和Merz， <突尼斯的圣战问题和如何处理>，138-139.52。苏凡集团2015年，《外国战士》，第53页。Masbah，“摩洛哥外国战士”;Masbah，“北非的跨国安全挑战”;IRI，“了解突尼斯暴力极端主义的当地驱动因素”，54页。El-Said，《去激进化伊斯兰主义者》，55。《一项新倡议》，全国范围内的<s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -Wainscott， <将伊斯兰教官僚化>，第57页。Gartenstein-Ross and Moreng， < Sousse大屠杀后的突尼斯圣战主义>，58。达尔马索，<在摩洛哥的民主海啸中冲浪>，第59页。福捷，<突尼斯有争议的政治>，第60页。马丁，《突尼斯公民社会》;亚库尔蒂，<摩洛哥不断变化的景观>，第61页。布雷特等人，“从丹麦和其他国家在发展背景下打击暴力极端主义(CVE)的努力中吸取的教训报告”，第20.62页。2018年5月13日，卡塞林，对民间社会活动家、妇女组织伊曼内的采访。与民间社会活动家比拉尔的非正式谈话，突尼斯，2018年5月10日;与民间社会活动家、妇女组织伊曼内的访谈，卡塞林，2018年5月13日。访谈Omar，发展顾问和公民社会活动
{"title":"Preventing/countering violent and hateful extremism in Morocco and Tunisia – understanding the role of civil society and international assistance","authors":"Lydia Letsch","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2216151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2216151","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn light of the growing threat of violent and hateful extremism in North Africa, the international donor community has recently shifted its focus of attention towards civil society organisations (CSOs) as an important ally in contemporary P/CVE efforts. This has resulted in a growing number of local and international NGOs implementing P/CVE-related projects in Tunisia and Morocco. However, the lack of comprehensive empirical research on local CSOs engagement in P/CVE-efforts complicates the assessment of scope and impact of these initiatives. Little attention has been devoted to the perspective of front-line workers and the ways global P/CVE-policies are being reproduced and challenged on the ground. This paper aims to contribute to a broader understanding of challenges employees of local and international NGOs face in implementing P/CVE in non-Western contexts. Drawing on peacebuilding and development literature, it focuses on the experiences and practices of these actors and their interplay with the international donor community. 30 in-depth narrative interviews with local practitioners and international experts root this paper in rich empirical data that was analysed using Grounded Theory methodology.KEYWORDS: Violent extremismP/CVEcivil societyMoroccoTunisia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. see e.g. special issue of Third World Quarterly 2015; Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’.2. Mac Ginty, ‘Where is the local?’; Jabri, ‘Peacebuilding, the Local and the International’.3. Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’; Donais, ‘Peacebuilding and Local Ownership’.4. Paris, ‘Saving Liberal Peacebuilding’.5. Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’, 764.6. Nadarajah and Rampton, ‘The Limits of Hybridity and the Crisis of Liberal Peace’, 53.7. Banks et al., ‘NGOs, States, and Donors Revisited’, 709.8. Verkorken and van Leeuwen, ‘Civil Society in Peacebuilding’.9. Van Leeuwen, ‘Partners in Peace’.10. Kontinen and Millstein ‘Rethinking Civil Society in Development’, 73; MacGinty ‘The limits of technocracy and local encounters’, 2.11. Allison and Taylor, ‘ASEAN’s “people-oriented” aspirations’, 33.12. Sheperd, ‘Constructing Civil Society’, 904.13. Krause, ‘Transnational Civil Society Activism and International Security Politics’, 28.14. Meagher, ‘The Strength of Weak States?’15. Edwards, ‘Civil Society’.16. Kopecky and Mudde, ‘Uncivil Society?’17. Verkorken and van Leeuwen, ‘Civil Society in Peacebuilding’.18. Ibid., 164.19. Holmer, ‘Countering violent extremism’, 6.20. See e.g. Goodhand and Lewer, ‘Sri Lanka’; Aall, ‘What do NGOs Bring to Peacemaking?’; Ejdus et al., ‘Reclaiming the local in EU peacebuilding’.21. Ejdus et al., ‘Reclaiming the local in EU peacebuilding’; Kappler and Richmond, ‘Peacebuilding and Culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina’; Mac Ginty, ‘International Peacebuilding and Local Resistance’.22. Kappler and Richmon","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135642761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2211019
Imogen Richards
ABSTRACTWhile patterns of non-state political violence in the Global South have for two decades been associated with the chronic and acute impacts of ecological-environmental stress, violent and hateful extremist actors in Northern states are less often recognised for exploiting political responses to climate change. This article argues that relationships of reciprocity and interdependence between disparate violent actors in the Global North and South pertain in part to their geographical divides, reflected in developmental histories and contemporary responses to climate change. To develop this argument, the article first extends a multidisciplinary literature review of critical perspectives on intergovernmental responses to the ‘environment-security-development’ nexus. Through a case study analysis, it then emphasises the structural, economic and environmental challenges associated with non-government organisational programming for violence prevention, accounting for ecological-environmental risks. It lastly presents an empirical research base on contemporary trends in political violence within Global North and South contexts pertaining to violent actors’ reception of histories of development and the natural environment.KEYWORDS: Environment-security-development nexuspolitical violencenon-government organisationclimate change Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2021’.2. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2022’.3. Migration Data Portal, Environmental Migration.4. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2021’.5. Richards, ‘“Sustainable Development”’.6. Hickel et al., ‘National Responsibility for Ecological Breakdown’.7. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’.8. Warner and Boas, ‘Securitization of Climate Change’.9. Greater Manchester Preventing Hateful Extremism and Promoting Social Cohesion Commission, A Shared Future, 22.10. Mehta et al., ‘The New Politics and Geographies of Scarcity’.11. McDonald, ‘Discourses of Climate Security’.12. Murphy, ‘Dignity, Human Security and Global Governance’.13. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’.14. McDonald, ‘Discourses of Climate Security’; McDonald, ‘Climate Change and Security’.15. McDonald, ‘Climate Change and Security’.16. Mehta et al., ‘The New Politics and Geographies of Scarcity’.17. Thomas and Warner, ‘Weaponizing Vulnerability to Climate Change’.18. Szenes, ‘Weaponizing the Climate Crisis’.19. Richards, Neoliberalism and Neo-jihadism.20. Linke and Reuther, ‘Weather, Wheat, and War’.21. Asaka, ‘Climate Change-terrorism Nexus?’.22. IPI, ‘Rosand: UN Role in Preventing Violent Extremism’.23. Linke and Reuther, ‘Weather, Wheat and War’.24. Richards, Neoliberalism and Neo-jihadism.25. Detraz and Bestill, ‘Climate Change and Environmental Security’.26. Whyte, ‘The Crimes of Neo-liberal Rule in Occupied Iraq’.27. Weis and White, ‘A Marxist Perspective’.28. Hickel et al., ‘National Responsibility for Ecological Breakdown’.29. Ibid.30. Ibid.31. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’; see Van Baar, ‘Contained Mob
麦克唐纳，《气候变化与安全》，48.75页。McDonnell et al.，“可持续发展的悖论”，76。巴奈特，《全球环境变化》。作者简介:simogen Richards是迪肯大学犯罪学讲师。她的文章涉及反恐的政治经济学和应对社会危机的安全表现。她的第一本书《新自由主义和新圣战主义》于2020年由曼彻斯特大学出版社出版。她最近的两本书都是与劳特利奇合著的，包括2022年出版的《媒体中的犯罪学家》和将于2023年出版的《全球变暖与澳大利亚极右翼》。
{"title":"Capturing the environment, security, and development nexus: intergovernmental and NGO programming during the climate crisis","authors":"Imogen Richards","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2211019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2211019","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTWhile patterns of non-state political violence in the Global South have for two decades been associated with the chronic and acute impacts of ecological-environmental stress, violent and hateful extremist actors in Northern states are less often recognised for exploiting political responses to climate change. This article argues that relationships of reciprocity and interdependence between disparate violent actors in the Global North and South pertain in part to their geographical divides, reflected in developmental histories and contemporary responses to climate change. To develop this argument, the article first extends a multidisciplinary literature review of critical perspectives on intergovernmental responses to the ‘environment-security-development’ nexus. Through a case study analysis, it then emphasises the structural, economic and environmental challenges associated with non-government organisational programming for violence prevention, accounting for ecological-environmental risks. It lastly presents an empirical research base on contemporary trends in political violence within Global North and South contexts pertaining to violent actors’ reception of histories of development and the natural environment.KEYWORDS: Environment-security-development nexuspolitical violencenon-government organisationclimate change Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2021’.2. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2022’.3. Migration Data Portal, Environmental Migration.4. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2021’.5. Richards, ‘“Sustainable Development”’.6. Hickel et al., ‘National Responsibility for Ecological Breakdown’.7. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’.8. Warner and Boas, ‘Securitization of Climate Change’.9. Greater Manchester Preventing Hateful Extremism and Promoting Social Cohesion Commission, A Shared Future, 22.10. Mehta et al., ‘The New Politics and Geographies of Scarcity’.11. McDonald, ‘Discourses of Climate Security’.12. Murphy, ‘Dignity, Human Security and Global Governance’.13. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’.14. McDonald, ‘Discourses of Climate Security’; McDonald, ‘Climate Change and Security’.15. McDonald, ‘Climate Change and Security’.16. Mehta et al., ‘The New Politics and Geographies of Scarcity’.17. Thomas and Warner, ‘Weaponizing Vulnerability to Climate Change’.18. Szenes, ‘Weaponizing the Climate Crisis’.19. Richards, Neoliberalism and Neo-jihadism.20. Linke and Reuther, ‘Weather, Wheat, and War’.21. Asaka, ‘Climate Change-terrorism Nexus?’.22. IPI, ‘Rosand: UN Role in Preventing Violent Extremism’.23. Linke and Reuther, ‘Weather, Wheat and War’.24. Richards, Neoliberalism and Neo-jihadism.25. Detraz and Bestill, ‘Climate Change and Environmental Security’.26. Whyte, ‘The Crimes of Neo-liberal Rule in Occupied Iraq’.27. Weis and White, ‘A Marxist Perspective’.28. Hickel et al., ‘National Responsibility for Ecological Breakdown’.29. Ibid.30. Ibid.31. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’; see Van Baar, ‘Contained Mob","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135478380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2226092
T. M. Ebiede, A. Langer
ABSTRACT This article analyzes the post-amnesty politics in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region. We argue that ex-militant leaders have risen to become influential political and economic actors since the implementation of the Post Amnesty Programme (PAP) for armed groups in the Niger Delta. Our argument suggests that the rise of ex-militant leaders as ‘new big men’ in the Niger Delta is a direct – yet unintended – outcome of the design and implementation of the PAP. We explain how ex-militant leaders were co-opted economically through the award of lucrative security contracts. Our findings show that ex-militants gained more power in their communities as they were given control over the access to the PAP programme. Ex-militant leaders subsequently used their positions of economic influence and power to become and remain influential political actors as well, thereby fundamentally changing politics at the community as well as state-level in the Niger Delta Region. This article also seeks to build on theories of neopatrimonialism, especially how patronage politics manifest in the context of peacebuilding in societies emerging from armed conflicts.
{"title":"The political lives of ex-militant leaders in Nigeria’s Niger Delta","authors":"T. M. Ebiede, A. Langer","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2226092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2226092","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyzes the post-amnesty politics in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region. We argue that ex-militant leaders have risen to become influential political and economic actors since the implementation of the Post Amnesty Programme (PAP) for armed groups in the Niger Delta. Our argument suggests that the rise of ex-militant leaders as ‘new big men’ in the Niger Delta is a direct – yet unintended – outcome of the design and implementation of the PAP. We explain how ex-militant leaders were co-opted economically through the award of lucrative security contracts. Our findings show that ex-militants gained more power in their communities as they were given control over the access to the PAP programme. Ex-militant leaders subsequently used their positions of economic influence and power to become and remain influential political actors as well, thereby fundamentally changing politics at the community as well as state-level in the Niger Delta Region. This article also seeks to build on theories of neopatrimonialism, especially how patronage politics manifest in the context of peacebuilding in societies emerging from armed conflicts.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"30 1","pages":"219 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89433732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2231872
Minji Yoo
ABSTRACT This study aimed to discover the sphere of the everyday state by identifying images and practices related to people’s community life in Timor-Leste. This study argues that previous research on the state, including Southeast Asian states, has been built on the power-oriented Weberian notion. Instead of focusing on the centralisation of power at the national level, this study proposes to discover the sphere of the everyday state by emphasising people’s daily experiences, particularly through an analysis of welfare, which is the moral dimension of the state. Based on Timor-Leste’s life in sucos, this study shows the everyday stateness of unveiling the relationship between state images and practices in village life. This study argues that narratives on rewards for ordeals during the Indonesian occupation and elites’ vision for prosperity illustrate what people expect from the state and images of the state at the everyday level. Furthermore, this study emphasises the activities of various public agencies to meet these expectations and indicates the significant role of village councils in managing the level of expectations.
{"title":"Unpacking the hidden state via everyday stateness in Timor-Leste","authors":"Minji Yoo","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2231872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2231872","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study aimed to discover the sphere of the everyday state by identifying images and practices related to people’s community life in Timor-Leste. This study argues that previous research on the state, including Southeast Asian states, has been built on the power-oriented Weberian notion. Instead of focusing on the centralisation of power at the national level, this study proposes to discover the sphere of the everyday state by emphasising people’s daily experiences, particularly through an analysis of welfare, which is the moral dimension of the state. Based on Timor-Leste’s life in sucos, this study shows the everyday stateness of unveiling the relationship between state images and practices in village life. This study argues that narratives on rewards for ordeals during the Indonesian occupation and elites’ vision for prosperity illustrate what people expect from the state and images of the state at the everyday level. Furthermore, this study emphasises the activities of various public agencies to meet these expectations and indicates the significant role of village councils in managing the level of expectations.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"34 1","pages":"267 - 287"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82288109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2256251
Robert McCabe
Despite evidence of the interconnections between the environment, security, and development in a maritime context, and the acute impact this relationship has on the human security of coastal populations, they remain siloed policy areas and underrepresented in the academic literature. This article zooms in on the western Indian Ocean as an example of a region where environmental dynamics intersect with other stressors, such as poverty, disenfranchisement, and a limited maritime security capability, to drive and prolong criminal disorder and violence. After providing some regional context, I explore how climate change, marine environmental degradation, and resource exploitation are linked to occurrences of maritime insecurity by drawing on fisheries crime and piracy. Next, I critically analyse how regional states have built capacity to improve resilience against environmental factors that contribute to increasing maritime insecurity. I conceptualise this under three headings: environmental governance, enforcement and monitoring, and building resilience. This analysis reveals that despite increasing governance arrangements and a shift in the rhetoric towards regionalism, significant gaps remain in terms of physical, technical and human capacity.
{"title":"Environmental drivers of maritime insecurity: governance, enforcement and resilience in the western Indian Ocean","authors":"Robert McCabe","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2256251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2256251","url":null,"abstract":"Despite evidence of the interconnections between the environment, security, and development in a maritime context, and the acute impact this relationship has on the human security of coastal populations, they remain siloed policy areas and underrepresented in the academic literature. This article zooms in on the western Indian Ocean as an example of a region where environmental dynamics intersect with other stressors, such as poverty, disenfranchisement, and a limited maritime security capability, to drive and prolong criminal disorder and violence. After providing some regional context, I explore how climate change, marine environmental degradation, and resource exploitation are linked to occurrences of maritime insecurity by drawing on fisheries crime and piracy. Next, I critically analyse how regional states have built capacity to improve resilience against environmental factors that contribute to increasing maritime insecurity. I conceptualise this under three headings: environmental governance, enforcement and monitoring, and building resilience. This analysis reveals that despite increasing governance arrangements and a shift in the rhetoric towards regionalism, significant gaps remain in terms of physical, technical and human capacity.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"114 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135011232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2216154
Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Charlotte Bascaule
ABSTRACT Brazil led the military contingent of MINUSTAH during the 13 years of the mission and was also the largest contributor with troops for this mission. This paper argues that what has been described as the ‘Brazilian way’ of civil-military relations in that peacekeeping mission is illustrative of the Brazilian association between notions of security and development at home. The mandate for MINUSTAH is actually representative of Brazilian efforts to promote new paradigms in UN peacekeeping operations going beyond short missions in order to address the roots of the target country’s issues and ensure long-term progress. Nevertheless, if such discourse does hold merit in terms of the deeper approach to peacekeeping it encourages, this approach involves military actors beyond the security realm, into development activities, as visible during MINUSTAH. This paper describes the implications of uncoordinated military-led humanitarian initiatives and demonstrates that this security-development nexus, as it exists currently in Brazil and in the way it is exported by Brazil into peacekeeping operations like MINUSTAH, jeopardises the country’s capacity to build sustainable civilian institutions and mechanisms for longer-term recovery and development.
{"title":"Brazil in MINUSTAH: exporting a domestic understanding of civil-military relations to a UN peace operation","authors":"Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Charlotte Bascaule","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2216154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2216154","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Brazil led the military contingent of MINUSTAH during the 13 years of the mission and was also the largest contributor with troops for this mission. This paper argues that what has been described as the ‘Brazilian way’ of civil-military relations in that peacekeeping mission is illustrative of the Brazilian association between notions of security and development at home. The mandate for MINUSTAH is actually representative of Brazilian efforts to promote new paradigms in UN peacekeeping operations going beyond short missions in order to address the roots of the target country’s issues and ensure long-term progress. Nevertheless, if such discourse does hold merit in terms of the deeper approach to peacekeeping it encourages, this approach involves military actors beyond the security realm, into development activities, as visible during MINUSTAH. This paper describes the implications of uncoordinated military-led humanitarian initiatives and demonstrates that this security-development nexus, as it exists currently in Brazil and in the way it is exported by Brazil into peacekeeping operations like MINUSTAH, jeopardises the country’s capacity to build sustainable civilian institutions and mechanisms for longer-term recovery and development.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"77 1","pages":"153 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76317373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2201807
Felipe Estre
ABSTRACT The military and diplomacy would be two sides of a coin, two means of following the national interest. Regarding the security-development nexus, that should not be different: soldiers and diplomats are subordinate to the governments to which they respond. This article aims to compare how the nexus is articulated by Brazilian diplomacy and armed forces in official speeches and documents. The main hypotheses are that (1) a great deal of congruence is to be expected, and (2) different audiences would require Foreign and Defence Ministries to shape the security-development nexus differently. To investigate these hypotheses, the article relies on combined content and discourse analysis. The results indicate that the security-development nexus is differently articulated by diplomacy and the military, depending on their audiences and objectives.
{"title":"Two sides of a coin? The security-development nexus in Brazilian diplomacy and military","authors":"Felipe Estre","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2201807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2201807","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The military and diplomacy would be two sides of a coin, two means of following the national interest. Regarding the security-development nexus, that should not be different: soldiers and diplomats are subordinate to the governments to which they respond. This article aims to compare how the nexus is articulated by Brazilian diplomacy and armed forces in official speeches and documents. The main hypotheses are that (1) a great deal of congruence is to be expected, and (2) different audiences would require Foreign and Defence Ministries to shape the security-development nexus differently. To investigate these hypotheses, the article relies on combined content and discourse analysis. The results indicate that the security-development nexus is differently articulated by diplomacy and the military, depending on their audiences and objectives.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"24 1","pages":"199 - 218"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74322768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2203094
Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Raphael C. Lima
ABSTRACT Since the end of the Cold War, the topic of military role expansion has become commonplace in the literature. Military deployments in humanitarian crises, disaster relief, border patrol, policing, counterterrorism, stability operations, and state-building played a key role in new doctrine and organisational changes. Yet, this global trend towards role expansion met a very distinct context in Brazil. Despite transitioning from an authoritarian military rule, reducing military prerogatives in government, and rethinking military roles in society, this trend reinforced an embedded idea that the armed forces have a central and all-encompassing role in the state’s political, economic, and social development. This worldview derives from a Brazilian historical process of merging security and development that rose far before the discussions on the security-development nexus in the literature by the late 2000s. That said, the aim of this article is to discuss how historical political and military practices built a security-development nexus avant la lettre, in which the military played a key role. We intend to demonstrate how Brazil placed the military as a key development actor and how this process, over time, led to consequences for civil-military relations, public policies, and democracy
{"title":"Shaping the security-development nexus in Brazil: the military as a modernising and nation-building actor?","authors":"Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Raphael C. Lima","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2203094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2203094","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the end of the Cold War, the topic of military role expansion has become commonplace in the literature. Military deployments in humanitarian crises, disaster relief, border patrol, policing, counterterrorism, stability operations, and state-building played a key role in new doctrine and organisational changes. Yet, this global trend towards role expansion met a very distinct context in Brazil. Despite transitioning from an authoritarian military rule, reducing military prerogatives in government, and rethinking military roles in society, this trend reinforced an embedded idea that the armed forces have a central and all-encompassing role in the state’s political, economic, and social development. This worldview derives from a Brazilian historical process of merging security and development that rose far before the discussions on the security-development nexus in the literature by the late 2000s. That said, the aim of this article is to discuss how historical political and military practices built a security-development nexus avant la lettre, in which the military played a key role. We intend to demonstrate how Brazil placed the military as a key development actor and how this process, over time, led to consequences for civil-military relations, public policies, and democracy","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"2 1","pages":"105 - 133"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85906425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：