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Sensible localisation – local peace committees’ role in preventing violent and hateful extremism 合理的本地化——地方和平委员会在防止暴力和仇恨极端主义方面的作用
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2276103
Lilla Schumicky-Logan, Andre Alves Dos Reis
ABSTRACTFor the past two decades, international development agencies have supported establishing and developing Local Peace Committees (LPCs) in conflict-affected countries. These committees typically have two objectives. First, to serve as a local conflict resolution and decision-making mechanism in conflict arbitration at the community level. Second, to empower groups traditionally excluded from decision-making, such as minorities, marginalised youth, housewives, and female religious leaders. Although these two goals might facilitate preventing and countering violent and hateful extremism (PVHE), such a purpose was different from the specific objectives of the Local Peace Committees. Based on more than 30 interviews with members of Peace Committees, UN, local and international NGOs and secondary data, including data gathered through independent evaluations of programmes supported by the organisations the authors work for, the first section of this analysis evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of LPCs in Nigeria, Somalia and Mali, and their role in PVHE. In the second section of this article, the authors assess trends and make recommendations on ways to strengthen LPCs to increase their ability to contribute to PVHE over the long term.KEYWORDS: PVElocalisationlocal peace committeesrehabilitation and reintegrationrehabilitationreintegration Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. van Tongeren, ‘Potential Cornerstone of Infrastructures for Peace?’; Leonardsson and Rudd, ‘The “Local Turn” in Peacebuilding’.2. Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’; van Tongeren, ‘Potential Cornerstone of Infrastructures for Peace?’.3. ‘Why Is Community Engagement Important?’4. Nganje, ‘Local Peace Committees and Grassroots Peacebuilding’; Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’.5. Kumar, ‘Building National “Infrastructures for Peace”’; Alihodžić, ‘Electoral Violence Early Warning’.6. Sonrexa et al., ‘Perspectives on Violent Extremism from Development-Humanitarian NGO Staff’; Barton, Vergani, and Wahid, Countering Violent and Hateful Extremism in Indonesia.7. Rights for Peace, ‘Discrimination and Hate Speech Fuel Violence in Sudan’; Bishop et al., ‘Exploring Alternative Approaches to Hate Crimes’.8. Paffenholz, ‘Unpacking the Local Turn in Peacebuilding’; Paffenholz9. Ibid.10. Hameiri, ‘A Reality Check for the Critique of the Liberal Peace’.11. Hughes, Öjendal, and Schierenbeck, ‘The Struggle versus the Song’.12. Mac Ginty, ‘Hybrid Peace’.13. Richmond, ‘A Post-Liberal Peace’; Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’; Richmond and Mac Ginty, ‘Where Now for the Critique of the Liberal Peace?’.14. Van Leeuwen et al., ‘The “Local Turn” and Notions of Conflict and Peacebuilding’.15. Odendaal, ‘An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level’; Orjuela, ‘Countering Buddhist Radicalisation’; Lundqvist and Öjendal, ‘Atomised and Subordinated?’; Suu
摘要在过去20年里,国际发展机构支持在受冲突影响的国家建立和发展地方和平委员会(LPCs)。这些委员会通常有两个目标。第一,在社区层面的冲突仲裁中,发挥地方冲突解决和决策机制的作用。第二,赋予传统上被排除在决策之外的群体权力,如少数民族、边缘化青年、家庭主妇和女性宗教领袖。虽然这两个目标可能有助于预防和打击暴力和仇恨极端主义,但这一目的不同于地方和平委员会的具体目标。基于对和平委员会、联合国、当地和国际非政府组织成员的30多次采访,以及二手数据,包括通过作者工作的组织支持的项目的独立评估收集的数据,本分析的第一部分评估了尼日利亚、索马里和马里最不发达国家的优势和劣势,以及它们在PVHE中的作用。在本文的第二部分中,作者评估了趋势,并就如何加强lpc以提高其长期为PVHE做出贡献的能力提出了建议。关键词:pvelocalisation地方和平委员会康复与重返社会披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。van Tongeren,“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Leonardsson和Rudd,“和平建设中的“地方转向””2。奥登达尔:《在地方层面构建和平的架构》;van Tongeren,“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”“为什么社区参与很重要?”Nganje,“地方和平委员会与基层和平建设”;Odendaal,“在地方层面构建和平的架构”。库马尔,《建设国家“和平基础设施”》;5 . Alihodžić,“选举暴力预警”。Sonrexa等人,“发展-人道主义非政府组织工作人员对暴力极端主义的看法”;巴顿,韦尔加尼,瓦希德,《打击印度尼西亚的暴力和仇恨极端主义》,7。和平权利组织,“歧视和仇恨言论助长苏丹暴力”;Bishop et al.,“探索仇恨犯罪的替代方法”。帕芬霍尔兹,《和平建设中的地方转向》;Paffenholz9。Ibid.10。Hameiri, <对自由主义和平批判的现实检验>,第11页。Hughes, Öjendal,和Schierenbeck, '斗争与歌曲' .12。Mac Ginty,《混合和平》(Hybrid Peace)。里士满,《后自由主义的和平》;Mac Ginty和Richmond,《和平大厦的地方转折》;里士满和麦金蒂,《对自由主义和平的批判现在在哪里?》Van Leeuwen et al.,“地方转向”和冲突与和平建设的概念”,第15页。奥登达尔:《在地方层面构建和平的架构》;Orjuela,“反对佛教激进化”;Lundqvist和Öjendal,原子化和从属化?苏蒙和沙玛:“像发面团的酵母?”van Tongeren,“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Nganje,“非洲地方和平委员会和基层和平建设”;van Tongeren,“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”奥登达尔:《在地方层面构建和平的架构》;邦德和姆库图,“和平的“拼凑”;Elfversson,《地方调停的政治条件》;Akande, Kaye和Rukuni,“非洲社区建设和平的功效”;在尼日利亚的暴力冲突中,地方和平进程取得进展。van Tongeren,“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Odendaal,“在地方层面建立和平的架构”,18。奥登达尔和奥利维尔,<地方和平委员会>,第19页。Odendaal,“在地方层面构建和平的架构”,第20期。van Tongeren,“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Odendaal,“在地方层面构建和平的架构”,21。van Tongeren,“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”Lundqvist和Öjendal,“原子化和从属化?”22。Odendaal,“在地方层面构建和平的架构”,第23期。Odendaal;Nganje,“非洲地方和平委员会和基层和平建设”;van Tongeren,“和平基础设施的潜在基石?”利奥纳德松和拉德,《建设和平中的“地方转向”》,第24页。Van Leeuwen et al.,“地方转向”和冲突与和平建设的概念”,第25页。Ibid.26。Ibid.27。Benesh et al.,《危险演讲实用指南》,第28页。博尔顿,《冲突解决干预的教训》,第29页。《非洲地方和平委员会与基层和平建设》,第30页。Chivasa,“对锡克地区建设和平建设的思考”,第31期。Odendaal,《在地方层面构建和平的架构》32。美国国际开发署,“对暴力极端主义和叛乱的发展反应”。Khalil和Zeuthen,“打击暴力极端主义和减少风险”,第34页。
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引用次数: 0
Mitigating or exacerbating the root causes of violence?: critically analysing the role of USAID in terrorism prevention 减轻或加剧暴力的根源?批判性地分析美国国际开发署在预防恐怖主义方面的作用
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2270434
Nicole Nguyen
ABSTRACTIn 2009, a USAID-commissioned report examined the social, economic, and personal contexts that have incited political violence, such as military intervention, economic deprivation, the denial of civil rights, and repeated foreign interference. Although the report acknowledges how these formative contexts give rise to violence, the psychologising language of extremism has led to USAID’s development of antiterrorism approaches aimed at interrupting the psychological, cultural, and theological pathologies perceived to be located within individual actors, rather than the material conditions that incite armed resistance. This article explores how the concept of terrorist radicalisation has informed antiterrorism programming undertaken by the development sector and has exacerbated, not mitigated, the root causes of political violence in Somalia and the Somali diaspora. Given these outcomes, I offer concluding thoughts on how we might recentre the material conditions in which violence circulates to consider alternative approaches to violence prevention efforts in the development sector.KEYWORDS: Political violencesecuritydevelopmentUSAID and violent extremismSomalia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Denoeux and Carter, Drivers of Violent Extremism, 51.2. Ibid., 15, 16.3. Ibid., 16, n. 24.4. Ibid., 2.5. Silber and Bhatt, Radicalization in the West, 5.6. FBI, The Radicalization Process, 5.7. Denoeux and Carter, 15.8. Department of State & USAID, ‘Joint Strategy on Countering Violent Extremism’, 10.9. U.S. Embassy Mauritania, ‘New $7 Million Investment to Combat Violent Extremism’.10. See, for example, Mesok, ‘Counterinsurgency’, 721.11. McCauley and Moskalenko, ‘Understanding Political Radicalization’, 205.12. FBI, The Radicalization Process, 5.13. Ibid., 7.14. Ibid., 8.15. Ibid.16. Ibid.17. Ibid., 10.18. Ibid., 3.19. Silber and Bhatt, Radicalization in the West, 7.20. Ibid., 33.21. National Counterterrorism Center, Countering Violent Extremism, 19–22.22. Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority et al., ‘Communities Acting to Refer and Engage’, 24.23. Silver et al., ‘A Study of the Pre-Attack Behaviours’, 16.24. Department of Homeland Security, ‘Public Awareness Bulletin’, 3.25. Borum, ‘Radicalization into Violent Extremism I’, 8.26. USAID, ‘East Africa, Kenya, and Somalia’, 3.27. See, for example, Kundnani, Countering Violent Extremism; Koushik, ‘Countering Violent Extremism’.28. Weine, ‘Building Community Resilience’, 81–89.29. Horgan, ‘Psychological Approaches to the Study of Terrorism’, 8.30. Ibid., 210, 220.31. Simi and Windisch, ‘Why Radicalization Fails’.32. Weine, ‘Building Community Resilience’, 85, 85–6.33. See, for example, Cherney et al., ‘The Push and Pull of Radicalization’.34. United States Agency for International Development, Development Response to Violent Extremism, 4–5.35. Stevan Weine et al., ‘Addressing Violent Extremism’, 7.36. Commission for Countering Extremism,
Swedberg和Reisman,“三个打击暴力极端主义项目的中期评估”,第43卷第91页。Ibid.92。如上,44.93。《关键选择》,25.94页。如上,9.95。联合国开发计划署,《非洲的极端主义之旅》,1996。范齐尔和马赫迪,《防止暴力极端主义》,1997年12月。《安全世界》,《超越“打击暴力极端主义”的思考》,1998年。Ibid.99。《有人在听吗?》369 - 78.100。正如哈珀所引用的,“有人在听吗?”371.101“。Ibid.102。如上,363.103。经济援助能影响战时作战人员的支持吗?128.104“。如上,129.105。Ibid.106。奥尔德里奇:《走向心灵和思想的第一步?》541.107“。Ibid.108。Ibid.109。阿利亚加和奥法雷尔,《突尼斯的反恐》,22110。Ibid.111。Ibid.112。Zahzah,《战争经济》,34.113页。“Shifta”是索马里语,意为“强盗”,肯尼亚当局用它来诋毁索马里战士。Swedberg和Reisman,“打击暴力极端主义的中期评估”,第13期,115。过渡倡议办公室,“肯尼亚”;美国国际开发署,《东非、肯尼亚和索马里》。Zahzah,《战争经济》,34.117页。库雷希,“与权力斗争”;Kundnani,“极端主义”;Nguyen, Suspect Communities;《永远的嫌疑犯》。阿特里街,联合国和平行动”,13.119。如上,12.120。匈牙利,“管理暴力”;Debarre,《打击恐怖主义和暴力极端主义》;潘基文,“在大会上的讲话”;挪威难民理事会,“打击暴力极端主义”;联合国大会,“人权的影响”,121。基尔纳,《明尼阿波利斯公立学校CVE计划》122。参与式观察,2017.123。Ibid.124。Ibid.125。Ibid.126。Ibid.127。Ibid.128。2015年,迪伦·鲁夫在南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿伊曼纽尔非洲卫理公会教堂枪杀了9名黑人教堂会众。采访中,2017.130。《关键选择》,第6.131页。Correa,“对外国战斗人员的过渡司法方法”,41.132。李,《圣战主义反入门》,16.133。Horton, Nakhlawi和Mekhennet, <乌克兰战争志愿者>,134。Mesok,“反叛乱”,723.135。Correa,“对外国战斗人员的过渡司法方法”,第1.136页。如上,43.137。如上,15。作者简介nicole Nguyen是芝加哥伊利诺伊大学犯罪学、法律和司法副教授。她是《恐惧课程:美国公立学校的国土安全》(明尼苏达大学出版社,2016年)和《可疑社区:反穆斯林种族主义和国内反恐战争》(明尼苏达大学出版社,2019年)的作者。
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引用次数: 0
Preventing/countering violent and hateful extremism in Morocco and Tunisia – understanding the role of civil society and international assistance 预防/打击摩洛哥和突尼斯的暴力和仇恨极端主义——了解民间社会和国际援助的作用
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2216151
Lydia Letsch
ABSTRACTIn light of the growing threat of violent and hateful extremism in North Africa, the international donor community has recently shifted its focus of attention towards civil society organisations (CSOs) as an important ally in contemporary P/CVE efforts. This has resulted in a growing number of local and international NGOs implementing P/CVE-related projects in Tunisia and Morocco. However, the lack of comprehensive empirical research on local CSOs engagement in P/CVE-efforts complicates the assessment of scope and impact of these initiatives. Little attention has been devoted to the perspective of front-line workers and the ways global P/CVE-policies are being reproduced and challenged on the ground. This paper aims to contribute to a broader understanding of challenges employees of local and international NGOs face in implementing P/CVE in non-Western contexts. Drawing on peacebuilding and development literature, it focuses on the experiences and practices of these actors and their interplay with the international donor community. 30 in-depth narrative interviews with local practitioners and international experts root this paper in rich empirical data that was analysed using Grounded Theory methodology.KEYWORDS: Violent extremismP/CVEcivil societyMoroccoTunisia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. see e.g. special issue of Third World Quarterly 2015; Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’.2. Mac Ginty, ‘Where is the local?’; Jabri, ‘Peacebuilding, the Local and the International’.3. Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’; Donais, ‘Peacebuilding and Local Ownership’.4. Paris, ‘Saving Liberal Peacebuilding’.5. Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’, 764.6. Nadarajah and Rampton, ‘The Limits of Hybridity and the Crisis of Liberal Peace’, 53.7. Banks et al., ‘NGOs, States, and Donors Revisited’, 709.8. Verkorken and van Leeuwen, ‘Civil Society in Peacebuilding’.9. Van Leeuwen, ‘Partners in Peace’.10. Kontinen and Millstein ‘Rethinking Civil Society in Development’, 73; MacGinty ‘The limits of technocracy and local encounters’, 2.11. Allison and Taylor, ‘ASEAN’s “people-oriented” aspirations’, 33.12. Sheperd, ‘Constructing Civil Society’, 904.13. Krause, ‘Transnational Civil Society Activism and International Security Politics’, 28.14. Meagher, ‘The Strength of Weak States?’15. Edwards, ‘Civil Society’.16. Kopecky and Mudde, ‘Uncivil Society?’17. Verkorken and van Leeuwen, ‘Civil Society in Peacebuilding’.18. Ibid., 164.19. Holmer, ‘Countering violent extremism’, 6.20. See e.g. Goodhand and Lewer, ‘Sri Lanka’; Aall, ‘What do NGOs Bring to Peacemaking?’; Ejdus et al., ‘Reclaiming the local in EU peacebuilding’.21. Ejdus et al., ‘Reclaiming the local in EU peacebuilding’; Kappler and Richmond, ‘Peacebuilding and Culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina’; Mac Ginty, ‘International Peacebuilding and Local Resistance’.22. Kappler and Richmon
鉴于北非日益增长的暴力和仇恨极端主义威胁,国际捐助界最近将注意力转移到民间社会组织(cso)身上,将其作为当代和平与人道主义努力的重要盟友。这导致越来越多的当地和国际非政府组织在突尼斯和摩洛哥执行与性别平等/性别平等相关的项目。然而,缺乏对地方公民社会组织参与P/ cve工作的全面实证研究,使得对这些倡议的范围和影响的评估变得复杂。很少有人关注一线工人的观点,以及全球P/ cve政策在当地被复制和挑战的方式。本文旨在帮助更广泛地理解本地和国际非政府组织员工在非西方环境中实施P/CVE所面临的挑战。它借鉴建设和平与发展方面的文献,重点关注这些行动者的经验和做法及其与国际捐助界的相互作用。对当地从业人员和国际专家进行了30次深入的叙述性访谈,并使用扎根理论方法分析了丰富的经验数据。关键词:暴力极端主义/公民社会摩洛哥突尼斯披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。参见2015年第三世界季刊特刊;Mac Ginty和Richmond,《和平大厦的地方转折》。Mac Ginty,“本地的在哪里?”贾布里,“建设和平,地方和国际”。Mac Ginty和Richmond,《和平大厦的地方转折》;3 . Donais,《建设和平与地方所有权》。巴黎,《拯救自由主义和平建设》。麦克·金蒂和里奇蒙,《和平大厦的地方转折》,764.6。Nadarajah和Rampton,“混合的极限和自由和平的危机”,53.7。Banks等人,《重新审视非政府组织、国家和捐助者》,709.8。9. Verkorken and van Leeuwen,《建设和平中的公民社会》。范·莱文,《和平伙伴》。Kontinen and Millstein:《重新思考发展中的公民社会》,73;麦金蒂,《技术官僚的限制和地方遭遇》,第2.11页。Allison和Taylor,“东盟的‘以人为本’愿望”,33.12。谢泼德,《构建公民社会》,904.13。克劳斯,《跨国公民社会行动主义与国际安全政治》,2014年第28期。米格尔,《弱国的力量?》15。爱德华兹,<公民社会>,第16页。Kopecky and Mudde, <非公民社会? > 17。Verkorken and van Leeuwen,《建设和平中的公民社会》,第18期。如上,164.19。霍尔默,《打击暴力极端主义》,6.20。参见Goodhand and Lewer, ' Sri Lanka ';“非政府组织为缔造和平带来了什么?”Ejdus等人,“在欧盟和平建设中恢复当地”,21。Ejdus等人,“在欧盟和平建设中回收地方”;卡普勒和里士满:《波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的建设和平与文化》;麦克·金蒂,《国际建设和平与地方抵抗》,22页。卡普勒和里士满,“波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的建设和平与文化”,268-270.23。Autesserre,《刚果的麻烦》;Autesserre Peaceland”;Pouligny,《从下面看和平行动》;达·科斯塔和约翰·卡尔斯鲁德,《扭曲规则》,第24页。Jarstad和Belloni,“引入混合和平治理”,第1.25页。Van Brabant,《如何建设和平?》;Hughes等人,“斗争与歌曲”;Mac Ginty,“本地的在哪里?”Verkorken and van Leeuwen,《建设和平中的公民社会》,第26期。欧盟委员会,《操作指南》,第27页。28.联合国,“联合国系统在执行《联合国全球反恐战略》方面的活动”。如上,6.29。欧安组织,“民间社会在预防和打击导致恐怖主义的暴力极端主义和激进化中的作用”,25-26.30。联合国,“联合国系统在执行《联合国全球反恐战略》方面的活动”;Osce 2018: 25).31。Christensen,“民间行动者在去激进化和脱离接触倡议中的作用”,第32页。Ibid.33。戴维斯,《安全、极端主义和教育》;斯蒂芬斯,《防止暴力极端主义》;Mesok,“肯尼亚的反叛乱、社区参与以及预防和打击暴力极端主义议程”,第34页。Heath-Kelly,《反恐与反事实》,第35页。布朗,《性别、宗教、极端主义》;Mesok,“肯尼亚的反叛乱、社区参与以及预防和打击暴力极端主义议程”,第36页。Kienscherf,“生产”负责任的“自我治理”,174.37。Mesok,“肯尼亚的反叛乱、社区参与以及预防和打击暴力极端主义议程”,730.38。Van der Weert and Eijkmann, <激进化和暴力极端主义检测中的主观性>,第39页。佩德尔等人,“激进的孤独行动者恐怖分子的影响和脆弱性:英国从业者的观点”,第9.40页。如上,9.41。 Van der Weert and Eijkmann, <激进化和暴力极端主义检测中的主观性>,第42页。佩德尔等人,“激进的孤独行动者恐怖分子的影响和脆弱性:英国从业者的观点”,43。马特森,"夹在紧急和可理解之间",13.44页。如上,15.45。Talentino,“对建设和平的看法”,153.46。突尼斯世俗公民社会组织是否展示了民主学习的过程?797.47“。Al-Anani, <后阿拉伯之春的伊斯兰政党>,第48页。b<s:1> rkner和Scott,“空间想象和选择性可见性”,9.49。Yousfir, <突尼斯的公民社会>第50页。Mihr,“与非国家和安全行为者的半结构化访谈”,66-68.51。Watanabe和Merz, <突尼斯的圣战问题和如何处理>,138-139.52。苏凡集团2015年,《外国战士》,第53页。Masbah,“摩洛哥外国战士”;Masbah,“北非的跨国安全挑战”;IRI,“了解突尼斯暴力极端主义的当地驱动因素”,54页。El-Said,《去激进化伊斯兰主义者》,55。《一项新倡议》,全国范围内的<s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -Wainscott, <将伊斯兰教官僚化>,第57页。Gartenstein-Ross and Moreng, < Sousse大屠杀后的突尼斯圣战主义>,58。达尔马索,<在摩洛哥的民主海啸中冲浪>,第59页。福捷,<突尼斯有争议的政治>,第60页。马丁,《突尼斯公民社会》;亚库尔蒂,<摩洛哥不断变化的景观>,第61页。布雷特等人,“从丹麦和其他国家在发展背景下打击暴力极端主义(CVE)的努力中吸取的教训报告”,第20.62页。2018年5月13日,卡塞林,对民间社会活动家、妇女组织伊曼内的采访。与民间社会活动家比拉尔的非正式谈话,突尼斯,2018年5月10日;与民间社会活动家、妇女组织伊曼内的访谈,卡塞林,2018年5月13日。访谈Omar,发展顾问和公民社会活动
{"title":"Preventing/countering violent and hateful extremism in Morocco and Tunisia – understanding the role of civil society and international assistance","authors":"Lydia Letsch","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2216151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2216151","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn light of the growing threat of violent and hateful extremism in North Africa, the international donor community has recently shifted its focus of attention towards civil society organisations (CSOs) as an important ally in contemporary P/CVE efforts. This has resulted in a growing number of local and international NGOs implementing P/CVE-related projects in Tunisia and Morocco. However, the lack of comprehensive empirical research on local CSOs engagement in P/CVE-efforts complicates the assessment of scope and impact of these initiatives. Little attention has been devoted to the perspective of front-line workers and the ways global P/CVE-policies are being reproduced and challenged on the ground. This paper aims to contribute to a broader understanding of challenges employees of local and international NGOs face in implementing P/CVE in non-Western contexts. Drawing on peacebuilding and development literature, it focuses on the experiences and practices of these actors and their interplay with the international donor community. 30 in-depth narrative interviews with local practitioners and international experts root this paper in rich empirical data that was analysed using Grounded Theory methodology.KEYWORDS: Violent extremismP/CVEcivil societyMoroccoTunisia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. see e.g. special issue of Third World Quarterly 2015; Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’.2. Mac Ginty, ‘Where is the local?’; Jabri, ‘Peacebuilding, the Local and the International’.3. Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’; Donais, ‘Peacebuilding and Local Ownership’.4. Paris, ‘Saving Liberal Peacebuilding’.5. Mac Ginty and Richmond, ‘The Local Turn in Peace Building’, 764.6. Nadarajah and Rampton, ‘The Limits of Hybridity and the Crisis of Liberal Peace’, 53.7. Banks et al., ‘NGOs, States, and Donors Revisited’, 709.8. Verkorken and van Leeuwen, ‘Civil Society in Peacebuilding’.9. Van Leeuwen, ‘Partners in Peace’.10. Kontinen and Millstein ‘Rethinking Civil Society in Development’, 73; MacGinty ‘The limits of technocracy and local encounters’, 2.11. Allison and Taylor, ‘ASEAN’s “people-oriented” aspirations’, 33.12. Sheperd, ‘Constructing Civil Society’, 904.13. Krause, ‘Transnational Civil Society Activism and International Security Politics’, 28.14. Meagher, ‘The Strength of Weak States?’15. Edwards, ‘Civil Society’.16. Kopecky and Mudde, ‘Uncivil Society?’17. Verkorken and van Leeuwen, ‘Civil Society in Peacebuilding’.18. Ibid., 164.19. Holmer, ‘Countering violent extremism’, 6.20. See e.g. Goodhand and Lewer, ‘Sri Lanka’; Aall, ‘What do NGOs Bring to Peacemaking?’; Ejdus et al., ‘Reclaiming the local in EU peacebuilding’.21. Ejdus et al., ‘Reclaiming the local in EU peacebuilding’; Kappler and Richmond, ‘Peacebuilding and Culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina’; Mac Ginty, ‘International Peacebuilding and Local Resistance’.22. Kappler and Richmon","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135642761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Capturing the environment, security, and development nexus: intergovernmental and NGO programming during the climate crisis 捕捉环境、安全和发展关系:气候危机期间的政府间和非政府组织规划
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2211019
Imogen Richards
ABSTRACTWhile patterns of non-state political violence in the Global South have for two decades been associated with the chronic and acute impacts of ecological-environmental stress, violent and hateful extremist actors in Northern states are less often recognised for exploiting political responses to climate change. This article argues that relationships of reciprocity and interdependence between disparate violent actors in the Global North and South pertain in part to their geographical divides, reflected in developmental histories and contemporary responses to climate change. To develop this argument, the article first extends a multidisciplinary literature review of critical perspectives on intergovernmental responses to the ‘environment-security-development’ nexus. Through a case study analysis, it then emphasises the structural, economic and environmental challenges associated with non-government organisational programming for violence prevention, accounting for ecological-environmental risks. It lastly presents an empirical research base on contemporary trends in political violence within Global North and South contexts pertaining to violent actors’ reception of histories of development and the natural environment.KEYWORDS: Environment-security-development nexuspolitical violencenon-government organisationclimate change Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2021’.2. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2022’.3. Migration Data Portal, Environmental Migration.4. IPCC, ‘Climate Change 2021’.5. Richards, ‘“Sustainable Development”’.6. Hickel et al., ‘National Responsibility for Ecological Breakdown’.7. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’.8. Warner and Boas, ‘Securitization of Climate Change’.9. Greater Manchester Preventing Hateful Extremism and Promoting Social Cohesion Commission, A Shared Future, 22.10. Mehta et al., ‘The New Politics and Geographies of Scarcity’.11. McDonald, ‘Discourses of Climate Security’.12. Murphy, ‘Dignity, Human Security and Global Governance’.13. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’.14. McDonald, ‘Discourses of Climate Security’; McDonald, ‘Climate Change and Security’.15. McDonald, ‘Climate Change and Security’.16. Mehta et al., ‘The New Politics and Geographies of Scarcity’.17. Thomas and Warner, ‘Weaponizing Vulnerability to Climate Change’.18. Szenes, ‘Weaponizing the Climate Crisis’.19. Richards, Neoliberalism and Neo-jihadism.20. Linke and Reuther, ‘Weather, Wheat, and War’.21. Asaka, ‘Climate Change-terrorism Nexus?’.22. IPI, ‘Rosand: UN Role in Preventing Violent Extremism’.23. Linke and Reuther, ‘Weather, Wheat and War’.24. Richards, Neoliberalism and Neo-jihadism.25. Detraz and Bestill, ‘Climate Change and Environmental Security’.26. Whyte, ‘The Crimes of Neo-liberal Rule in Occupied Iraq’.27. Weis and White, ‘A Marxist Perspective’.28. Hickel et al., ‘National Responsibility for Ecological Breakdown’.29. Ibid.30. Ibid.31. Busby, ‘Taking Stock’; see Van Baar, ‘Contained Mob
麦克唐纳,《气候变化与安全》,48.75页。McDonnell et al.,“可持续发展的悖论”,76。巴奈特,《全球环境变化》。作者简介:simogen Richards是迪肯大学犯罪学讲师。她的文章涉及反恐的政治经济学和应对社会危机的安全表现。她的第一本书《新自由主义和新圣战主义》于2020年由曼彻斯特大学出版社出版。她最近的两本书都是与劳特利奇合著的,包括2022年出版的《媒体中的犯罪学家》和将于2023年出版的《全球变暖与澳大利亚极右翼》。
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引用次数: 1
The political lives of ex-militant leaders in Nigeria’s Niger Delta 尼日利亚尼日尔三角洲前武装分子领导人的政治生活
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2226092
T. M. Ebiede, A. Langer
ABSTRACT This article analyzes the post-amnesty politics in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region. We argue that ex-militant leaders have risen to become influential political and economic actors since the implementation of the Post Amnesty Programme (PAP) for armed groups in the Niger Delta. Our argument suggests that the rise of ex-militant leaders as ‘new big men’ in the Niger Delta is a direct – yet unintended – outcome of the design and implementation of the PAP. We explain how ex-militant leaders were co-opted economically through the award of lucrative security contracts. Our findings show that ex-militants gained more power in their communities as they were given control over the access to the PAP programme. Ex-militant leaders subsequently used their positions of economic influence and power to become and remain influential political actors as well, thereby fundamentally changing politics at the community as well as state-level in the Niger Delta Region. This article also seeks to build on theories of neopatrimonialism, especially how patronage politics manifest in the context of peacebuilding in societies emerging from armed conflicts.
本文分析了尼日利亚尼日尔三角洲地区大赦后的政治。我们认为,自从对尼日尔三角洲武装团体实施大赦后方案以来,前军事领导人已上升为有影响力的政治和经济行动者。我们的论点表明,在尼日尔三角洲,前军事领导人作为“新大人物”的崛起是人民行动党设计和实施的一个直接的——但并非有意的——结果。我们解释了前激进分子领导人是如何通过授予利润丰厚的安全合同在经济上被拉拢的。我们的研究结果表明,前武装分子在他们的社区中获得了更多的权力,因为他们被赋予了进入PAP计划的控制权。前武装分子领导人随后利用其经济影响力和权力地位,成为并保持有影响力的政治行动者,从而从根本上改变了尼日尔三角洲地区社区和州一级的政治。本文还试图建立在新世袭主义理论的基础上,特别是在武装冲突后社会建设和平的背景下,庇护政治是如何表现出来的。
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引用次数: 0
Unpacking the hidden state via everyday stateness in Timor-Leste 通过东帝汶的日常状态揭开隐藏的国家
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2231872
Minji Yoo
ABSTRACT This study aimed to discover the sphere of the everyday state by identifying images and practices related to people’s community life in Timor-Leste. This study argues that previous research on the state, including Southeast Asian states, has been built on the power-oriented Weberian notion. Instead of focusing on the centralisation of power at the national level, this study proposes to discover the sphere of the everyday state by emphasising people’s daily experiences, particularly through an analysis of welfare, which is the moral dimension of the state. Based on Timor-Leste’s life in sucos, this study shows the everyday stateness of unveiling the relationship between state images and practices in village life. This study argues that narratives on rewards for ordeals during the Indonesian occupation and elites’ vision for prosperity illustrate what people expect from the state and images of the state at the everyday level. Furthermore, this study emphasises the activities of various public agencies to meet these expectations and indicates the significant role of village councils in managing the level of expectations.
本研究旨在通过识别与东帝汶人民社区生活相关的图像和实践来发现日常国家的领域。本研究认为,以往对国家的研究,包括东南亚国家的研究,都是建立在以权力为导向的韦伯概念之上。本研究没有关注国家层面的权力集中,而是提出通过强调人们的日常经验,特别是通过对福利的分析来发现日常国家的领域,福利是国家的道德维度。本研究以东帝汶在苏科斯的生活为基础,展示了揭示乡村生活中国家形象与实践之间关系的日常状态。本研究认为,在印度尼西亚占领期间,对苦难的回报和精英对繁荣的愿景的叙述说明了人们对国家的期望以及国家在日常层面的形象。此外,这项研究强调了各种公共机构为满足这些期望而进行的活动,并指出村理事会在管理期望水平方面的重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental drivers of maritime insecurity: governance, enforcement and resilience in the western Indian Ocean 海洋不安全的环境驱动因素:西印度洋的治理、执法和复原力
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2256251
Robert McCabe
Despite evidence of the interconnections between the environment, security, and development in a maritime context, and the acute impact this relationship has on the human security of coastal populations, they remain siloed policy areas and underrepresented in the academic literature. This article zooms in on the western Indian Ocean as an example of a region where environmental dynamics intersect with other stressors, such as poverty, disenfranchisement, and a limited maritime security capability, to drive and prolong criminal disorder and violence. After providing some regional context, I explore how climate change, marine environmental degradation, and resource exploitation are linked to occurrences of maritime insecurity by drawing on fisheries crime and piracy. Next, I critically analyse how regional states have built capacity to improve resilience against environmental factors that contribute to increasing maritime insecurity. I conceptualise this under three headings: environmental governance, enforcement and monitoring, and building resilience. This analysis reveals that despite increasing governance arrangements and a shift in the rhetoric towards regionalism, significant gaps remain in terms of physical, technical and human capacity.
尽管有证据表明海洋环境、安全和发展之间存在相互联系,这种关系对沿海人口的人类安全产生了严重影响,但它们仍然是孤立的政策领域,在学术文献中代表性不足。本文以西印度洋为例,说明该地区的环境动态与其他压力因素(如贫困、剥夺公民权和有限的海上安全能力)交织在一起,导致并延长了犯罪混乱和暴力。在提供了一些区域背景之后,我通过渔业犯罪和海盗行为探讨了气候变化、海洋环境退化和资源开发是如何与海上不安全事件联系起来的。接下来,我批判性地分析了地区国家如何建立能力,以提高对导致海上不安全加剧的环境因素的抵御能力。我将其概括为三个标题:环境治理、执法和监测,以及建立复原力。这一分析表明,尽管管理安排越来越多,并且在言辞上转向区域主义,但在物质、技术和人力能力方面仍然存在重大差距。
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引用次数: 0
Brazil in MINUSTAH: exporting a domestic understanding of civil-military relations to a UN peace operation 巴西在联海稳定团:向联合国和平行动输出国内对军民关系的理解
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2216154
Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Charlotte Bascaule
ABSTRACT Brazil led the military contingent of MINUSTAH during the 13 years of the mission and was also the largest contributor with troops for this mission. This paper argues that what has been described as the ‘Brazilian way’ of civil-military relations in that peacekeeping mission is illustrative of the Brazilian association between notions of security and development at home. The mandate for MINUSTAH is actually representative of Brazilian efforts to promote new paradigms in UN peacekeeping operations going beyond short missions in order to address the roots of the target country’s issues and ensure long-term progress. Nevertheless, if such discourse does hold merit in terms of the deeper approach to peacekeeping it encourages, this approach involves military actors beyond the security realm, into development activities, as visible during MINUSTAH. This paper describes the implications of uncoordinated military-led humanitarian initiatives and demonstrates that this security-development nexus, as it exists currently in Brazil and in the way it is exported by Brazil into peacekeeping operations like MINUSTAH, jeopardises the country’s capacity to build sustainable civilian institutions and mechanisms for longer-term recovery and development.
巴西在联海稳定团13年的任务期间领导了军事特遣队,也是该特派团最大的部队派遣国。本文认为,在维和任务中被称为“巴西方式”的军民关系说明了巴西国内安全与发展概念之间的联系。联海稳定团的任务实际上代表了巴西努力推动联合国维持和平行动的新模式,超越短期特派团,以解决目标国家问题的根源并确保长期进展。然而,如果这种说法确实在它所鼓励的更深层次的维持和平方法方面有优点,那么这种方法涉及安全领域以外的军事行为者,涉及发展活动,正如联海稳定团期间所看到的那样。本文描述了不协调的军事主导的人道主义倡议的影响,并证明了这种安全与发展的联系,因为它目前存在于巴西,并以巴西出口到联海稳定团等维和行动的方式,危及该国建立可持续的民间机构和机制以实现长期恢复和发展的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Two sides of a coin? The security-development nexus in Brazilian diplomacy and military 硬币的两面?巴西外交和军事中的安全与发展关系
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2201807
Felipe Estre
ABSTRACT The military and diplomacy would be two sides of a coin, two means of following the national interest. Regarding the security-development nexus, that should not be different: soldiers and diplomats are subordinate to the governments to which they respond. This article aims to compare how the nexus is articulated by Brazilian diplomacy and armed forces in official speeches and documents. The main hypotheses are that (1) a great deal of congruence is to be expected, and (2) different audiences would require Foreign and Defence Ministries to shape the security-development nexus differently. To investigate these hypotheses, the article relies on combined content and discourse analysis. The results indicate that the security-development nexus is differently articulated by diplomacy and the military, depending on their audiences and objectives.
军事和外交是一枚硬币的两面,是遵循国家利益的两种方式。就安全与发展的关系而言,这应该没有什么不同:士兵和外交官从属于他们所回应的政府。本文旨在比较巴西外交和军队如何在官方演讲和文件中阐明这种联系。主要的假设是:(1)期望有大量的一致性,(2)不同的受众将要求外交部和国防部以不同的方式塑造安全与发展的关系。为了验证这些假设,本文采用了内容与话语相结合的分析方法。结果表明,外交和军事根据其受众和目标的不同,以不同的方式阐述安全-发展关系。
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引用次数: 1
Shaping the security-development nexus in Brazil: the military as a modernising and nation-building actor? 塑造巴西的安全与发展关系:军队作为现代化和国家建设的参与者?
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2203094
Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Raphael C. Lima
ABSTRACT Since the end of the Cold War, the topic of military role expansion has become commonplace in the literature. Military deployments in humanitarian crises, disaster relief, border patrol, policing, counterterrorism, stability operations, and state-building played a key role in new doctrine and organisational changes. Yet, this global trend towards role expansion met a very distinct context in Brazil. Despite transitioning from an authoritarian military rule, reducing military prerogatives in government, and rethinking military roles in society, this trend reinforced an embedded idea that the armed forces have a central and all-encompassing role in the state’s political, economic, and social development. This worldview derives from a Brazilian historical process of merging security and development that rose far before the discussions on the security-development nexus in the literature by the late 2000s. That said, the aim of this article is to discuss how historical political and military practices built a security-development nexus avant la lettre, in which the military played a key role. We intend to demonstrate how Brazil placed the military as a key development actor and how this process, over time, led to consequences for civil-military relations, public policies, and democracy
自冷战结束以来,军事角色扩张的话题在文学中屡见不鲜。在人道主义危机、救灾、边境巡逻、警务、反恐、维稳行动和国家建设方面的军事部署,在新学说和组织变革中发挥了关键作用。然而,这种作用扩大的全球趋势在巴西遇到了非常独特的背景。尽管从独裁的军事统治过渡,减少了军队在政府中的特权,并重新思考军队在社会中的作用,但这一趋势强化了一种根深蒂固的观念,即武装部队在国家的政治、经济和社会发展中发挥着核心和全面的作用。这种世界观源于巴西将安全和发展融合在一起的历史进程,这一进程远远早于2000年代后期文献中关于安全与发展关系的讨论。也就是说,本文的目的是讨论历史上的政治和军事实践是如何建立一个安全与发展的联系的,其中军队发挥了关键作用。我们打算展示巴西如何将军队作为一个关键的发展参与者,以及随着时间的推移,这一进程如何对军民关系、公共政策和民主产生影响
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引用次数: 3
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Conflict Security & Development
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