Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2034369
E. Njoku, Joshua Akintayo, Idris Mohammed
ABSTRACT In understanding conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), the notion of how sexuality and sex are naturally linked to power is gaining traction in IR discourses. There is, however, little contextual or empirical evidence that accounts for the various forms of CRSV against men, or how offenders exploit power dynamics in conflict and post-conflict settings to achieve their sexual desires. As a result, we rely on ethnographic accounts from survivors/victims, NGO workers, and security personnel on the front lines of the counter-terrorism campaign in the Lake Chad basin, particularly in North-eastern Nigeria. Long-term terrorist violence, we argue, creates material imbalances in men and boys and increases their vulnerabilities, providing platforms for individual perpetrators to exploit their vulnerable status or engage in sex-trafficking rings to satisfy their sexual urges. Therefore, this article adds conceptually and empirically to the nature and motivations of wartime sexual violence, as well as the gendered dynamics of armed conflict. It challenges the popular masculinist notion that men are immune to sex trafficking and sexual violence. The study emphasises the importance of effective IDP camp management and prosecution in preventing would-be offenders.
{"title":"Sex trafficking and sex-for-food/money: terrorism and conflict-related sexual violence against men in the Lake Chad region","authors":"E. Njoku, Joshua Akintayo, Idris Mohammed","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2034369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2034369","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In understanding conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), the notion of how sexuality and sex are naturally linked to power is gaining traction in IR discourses. There is, however, little contextual or empirical evidence that accounts for the various forms of CRSV against men, or how offenders exploit power dynamics in conflict and post-conflict settings to achieve their sexual desires. As a result, we rely on ethnographic accounts from survivors/victims, NGO workers, and security personnel on the front lines of the counter-terrorism campaign in the Lake Chad basin, particularly in North-eastern Nigeria. Long-term terrorist violence, we argue, creates material imbalances in men and boys and increases their vulnerabilities, providing platforms for individual perpetrators to exploit their vulnerable status or engage in sex-trafficking rings to satisfy their sexual urges. Therefore, this article adds conceptually and empirically to the nature and motivations of wartime sexual violence, as well as the gendered dynamics of armed conflict. It challenges the popular masculinist notion that men are immune to sex trafficking and sexual violence. The study emphasises the importance of effective IDP camp management and prosecution in preventing would-be offenders.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"21 1","pages":"79 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72527780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2034368
Reem Awad
ABSTRACT This research explores the 2018 revolution in Sudan to assess the extent to which the adoption of non-violence led to a more successful revolution and set Sudan on a path of democratic governance. It investigates the revolution’s main slogan, Silmiya, coming from the Arabic word Salam meaning ‘peace’. Thus, the nature and function of non-violence as well as what motivates people to resort to non-violence will be considered. The research acts as a point of departure from Fanon’s theory of violence arguing that violence is revolutionary and liberating. Ultimately, the research challenges normative frameworks on the necessity of violence for social movements to succeed as Fanon theorises, sheds light on the power of non-violence, and highlights the importance of re-examining characteristics historically associated with non-violence, such as passivity or weakness.
{"title":"The power of non-violence: Silmiya & the Sudanese Revolution","authors":"Reem Awad","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2034368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2034368","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This research explores the 2018 revolution in Sudan to assess the extent to which the adoption of non-violence led to a more successful revolution and set Sudan on a path of democratic governance. It investigates the revolution’s main slogan, Silmiya, coming from the Arabic word Salam meaning ‘peace’. Thus, the nature and function of non-violence as well as what motivates people to resort to non-violence will be considered. The research acts as a point of departure from Fanon’s theory of violence arguing that violence is revolutionary and liberating. Ultimately, the research challenges normative frameworks on the necessity of violence for social movements to succeed as Fanon theorises, sheds light on the power of non-violence, and highlights the importance of re-examining characteristics historically associated with non-violence, such as passivity or weakness.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"10 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77073510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2036513
Matt M. Husain
ABSTRACT This article problematises the marketisation of Islam in Bangladesh and the relationship between neo-liberal economic policies and the resurgence of a certain kind of Islamic religiosity in the country. Based on the findings of three field studies that employed a multi-method approach, the article analyses the macro-cultural impacts of development as well as highlights the embedded, nuanced, and complex set of economic and political relationships that appear to fuel social inequality and engender inequitable distribution and growth. Empirical findings identify the implementation of development policies based on client-patron relations as the main problematic precursor. The findings suggest such relations facilitate an ongoing marginalisation of minority groups, in which ‘othering’ among the equals emerge as a cemented outcome. The findings further suggest the outcomes move across social groups and are in transit and under negotiation, becoming braided with adverse impact on Bangla language, Bengali cultures, the country’s advanced education sector, and the overall ability for Bangladeshis to think critically and produce and sustain social relations. Evidence also indicates Bengali cultures appear to become increasingly embedded in a number of rituals in the name of Islamic principles and philosophy. The article refers to this phenomenon as the ‘great’ transformation of contemporary Bangladesh.
{"title":"Marketisation of Islam and politics of development in Bangladesh","authors":"Matt M. Husain","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2036513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2036513","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article problematises the marketisation of Islam in Bangladesh and the relationship between neo-liberal economic policies and the resurgence of a certain kind of Islamic religiosity in the country. Based on the findings of three field studies that employed a multi-method approach, the article analyses the macro-cultural impacts of development as well as highlights the embedded, nuanced, and complex set of economic and political relationships that appear to fuel social inequality and engender inequitable distribution and growth. Empirical findings identify the implementation of development policies based on client-patron relations as the main problematic precursor. The findings suggest such relations facilitate an ongoing marginalisation of minority groups, in which ‘othering’ among the equals emerge as a cemented outcome. The findings further suggest the outcomes move across social groups and are in transit and under negotiation, becoming braided with adverse impact on Bangla language, Bengali cultures, the country’s advanced education sector, and the overall ability for Bangladeshis to think critically and produce and sustain social relations. Evidence also indicates Bengali cultures appear to become increasingly embedded in a number of rituals in the name of Islamic principles and philosophy. The article refers to this phenomenon as the ‘great’ transformation of contemporary Bangladesh.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"40 1","pages":"23 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78378114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2037851
Joshua Snider, Mohammad Waqas Jan
ABSTRACT This article examines the UAE-Pakistan relationship in areas related to the UAE’s role as one of Pakistan’s emerging development partners. We examine the ways in which this relationship has evolved and rather than repeating the frequently made argument that the relationship is coloured by a mix of resource imbalances and differences in perception, we argue that both states are poised to play a key role in leveraging each other’s national priorities as part of changing regional dynamics. Looking at this issue via the aid/development sphere offers a unique lens through which to view the changing national interests of both states as served by an alternate and unique model for South–South cooperation. The UAE can engage in low-cost, low-risk, high-impact development assistance as it builds towards a more resource-conscious, region-focused aid policy. And for Pakistan, despite recent differences with the GCC states (including the UAE), a bolstered development relationship with the UAE would contribute to overcoming one of the main critiques highlighted by various post-development theorists – that aid flows into South Asia, and Pakistan in particular, reinforces socio-cultural hegemony of great powers and their dominance of the development space as part of wider securitisation agendas.
{"title":"UAE-Pakistan Development Cooperation: A Model for South–South Cooperation in a Multipolar World","authors":"Joshua Snider, Mohammad Waqas Jan","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2037851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2037851","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the UAE-Pakistan relationship in areas related to the UAE’s role as one of Pakistan’s emerging development partners. We examine the ways in which this relationship has evolved and rather than repeating the frequently made argument that the relationship is coloured by a mix of resource imbalances and differences in perception, we argue that both states are poised to play a key role in leveraging each other’s national priorities as part of changing regional dynamics. Looking at this issue via the aid/development sphere offers a unique lens through which to view the changing national interests of both states as served by an alternate and unique model for South–South cooperation. The UAE can engage in low-cost, low-risk, high-impact development assistance as it builds towards a more resource-conscious, region-focused aid policy. And for Pakistan, despite recent differences with the GCC states (including the UAE), a bolstered development relationship with the UAE would contribute to overcoming one of the main critiques highlighted by various post-development theorists – that aid flows into South Asia, and Pakistan in particular, reinforces socio-cultural hegemony of great powers and their dominance of the development space as part of wider securitisation agendas.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"12 1","pages":"97 - 118"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76451039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.2000806
L. N. Kong'ani, R. Wahome, T. Thenya
ABSTRACT The development of geothermal energy installations generates varied conflicts in Kenya that often escalate because of improper management. Yet, these developmental project conflict dynamics remain poorly understood. To better understand the dynamics of these conflicts, quantitative and qualitative data were collected from the Olkaria IV project-affected persons (PAPs) household heads using questionnaires, focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The qualitative data was arranged into socioeconomic, cultural, environmental and political themes and the proportion of respondents within each theme was calculated. The triggers for the conflicts included inadequate communication and participation in decision-making, unsatisfactory relocation logistics, and unfulfilled compensation promises. Also, the formulation and implementation of the resettlement action plan was inadequately negotiated with the PAPs. The effects of the conflicts on the PAPs’ livelihoods were severe. The conflicts were managed mainly through competition and avoidance strategies. Subsequent dissatisfaction on the part of the PAPs led to unrest that almost derailed the project. Planners need to be inclusive of the local community in the design of large development projects. Inclusiveness in planning would secure community buy-in, remove unrealistic pledges or expectations, and smoothen project implementation.
{"title":"Variety and management of developmental conflicts: the case of the Olkaria IV geothermal energy project in Kenya","authors":"L. N. Kong'ani, R. Wahome, T. Thenya","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.2000806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.2000806","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The development of geothermal energy installations generates varied conflicts in Kenya that often escalate because of improper management. Yet, these developmental project conflict dynamics remain poorly understood. To better understand the dynamics of these conflicts, quantitative and qualitative data were collected from the Olkaria IV project-affected persons (PAPs) household heads using questionnaires, focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The qualitative data was arranged into socioeconomic, cultural, environmental and political themes and the proportion of respondents within each theme was calculated. The triggers for the conflicts included inadequate communication and participation in decision-making, unsatisfactory relocation logistics, and unfulfilled compensation promises. Also, the formulation and implementation of the resettlement action plan was inadequately negotiated with the PAPs. The effects of the conflicts on the PAPs’ livelihoods were severe. The conflicts were managed mainly through competition and avoidance strategies. Subsequent dissatisfaction on the part of the PAPs led to unrest that almost derailed the project. Planners need to be inclusive of the local community in the design of large development projects. Inclusiveness in planning would secure community buy-in, remove unrealistic pledges or expectations, and smoothen project implementation.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"14 1","pages":"781 - 804"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82223060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.2001197
J. Rai
ABSTRACT Post-war political transitions may open up opportunities to advance the political participation of marginalised and disadvantaged groups. In Nepal, after a decade-long armed conflict, representation of disadvantaged groups in parliament has increased significantly through a parallel mixed, first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional (PR), electoral system. However, economic and political subordination of marginalised groups in the parliament has continued. This article analyses one of the mechanisms through which this has occurred, showing how the allocation of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) had a negative impact on political inclusion. The exclusive provision of the CDF to FPTP MPs, mostly men from privileged groups, allowed them to strengthen their patronage networks. Voters saw FPTP MPs as delivering development, while considering PR MPs weak. As a result, PR MPs, which account for the vast majority of MPs from disadvantaged groups, had limited opportunities to strengthen their position within political parties. Finally, the CDF hindered the implementation of the new federal system and endorsed a centralised mentality, with a negative impact on the agenda for inclusion.
{"title":"Including the excluded? The political economy of the constituency development fund in post-war Nepal","authors":"J. Rai","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.2001197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.2001197","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Post-war political transitions may open up opportunities to advance the political participation of marginalised and disadvantaged groups. In Nepal, after a decade-long armed conflict, representation of disadvantaged groups in parliament has increased significantly through a parallel mixed, first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional (PR), electoral system. However, economic and political subordination of marginalised groups in the parliament has continued. This article analyses one of the mechanisms through which this has occurred, showing how the allocation of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) had a negative impact on political inclusion. The exclusive provision of the CDF to FPTP MPs, mostly men from privileged groups, allowed them to strengthen their patronage networks. Voters saw FPTP MPs as delivering development, while considering PR MPs weak. As a result, PR MPs, which account for the vast majority of MPs from disadvantaged groups, had limited opportunities to strengthen their position within political parties. Finally, the CDF hindered the implementation of the new federal system and endorsed a centralised mentality, with a negative impact on the agenda for inclusion.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"121 1","pages":"805 - 830"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86782305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1997454
N. Annan, Maurice Beseng, G. Crawford, James Kiven Kewir
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the current conflict in Anglophone Cameroon and examines the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in conflict resolution. In doing so, it explores a paradox in the peacebuilding literature. On the one hand, the ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding has emphasised a bottom-up approach that highlights the role of CSOs. On the other hand, the literature on ‘shrinking civic space’ has demonstrated how space for CSOs’ activities has become increasingly restricted, especially in authoritarian contexts like Cameroon. The article investigates the contributions of CSOs to conflict resolution, the constraints faced, and their responses in turn to mitigate such constraints. CSOs’ contribution to conflict resolution is at least three-fold: to engage with most-affected communities and build an evidence base of the conflict’s adverse consequences for civilians; to draw national and international attention to the conflict; and to maintain pressure for a negotiated settlement through public protests and interactions with both government and non-state armed groups. Despite facing intimidation and violence at times, CSOs have responded in innovative ways that demonstrate examples of adaptation and resistance to shrinking civic space.
{"title":"Civil society, peacebuilding from below and shrinking civic space: the case of Cameroon’s ‘Anglophone’ conflict","authors":"N. Annan, Maurice Beseng, G. Crawford, James Kiven Kewir","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1997454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1997454","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on the current conflict in Anglophone Cameroon and examines the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in conflict resolution. In doing so, it explores a paradox in the peacebuilding literature. On the one hand, the ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding has emphasised a bottom-up approach that highlights the role of CSOs. On the other hand, the literature on ‘shrinking civic space’ has demonstrated how space for CSOs’ activities has become increasingly restricted, especially in authoritarian contexts like Cameroon. The article investigates the contributions of CSOs to conflict resolution, the constraints faced, and their responses in turn to mitigate such constraints. CSOs’ contribution to conflict resolution is at least three-fold: to engage with most-affected communities and build an evidence base of the conflict’s adverse consequences for civilians; to draw national and international attention to the conflict; and to maintain pressure for a negotiated settlement through public protests and interactions with both government and non-state armed groups. Despite facing intimidation and violence at times, CSOs have responded in innovative ways that demonstrate examples of adaptation and resistance to shrinking civic space.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"53 ","pages":"697 - 725"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72554111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1997452
M. Yudhistira, N. Khairina, T. Dartanto, C. Nuryakin
ABSTRACT The positive effects of communication technology on the developmental process of a nation have been demonstrated in the literature. In this paper, we argue that communication technology may also have an adverse effect, by examining its impact on the presence of conflict. Using Indonesian subdistrict surveys from 2011 and 2014, we find that regions with stronger communication signals are more likely to experience conflict. The econometric estimates show that the presence of a strong base transceiver station (BTS) signal is associated with a 0.8 per cent higher likelihood of local conflict, while a weak signal is associated with a 0.7 per cent higher likelihood of local conflict. A better communication signal is also associated with the number of conflict events. Our findings suggest that the signal reduces conflict casualties. Our estimates also justify the need for government interventions in the form of tax or control policies, to minimise negative, technology-led externalities.
{"title":"Information technology and local conflict: evidence from Indonesia","authors":"M. Yudhistira, N. Khairina, T. Dartanto, C. Nuryakin","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1997452","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1997452","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The positive effects of communication technology on the developmental process of a nation have been demonstrated in the literature. In this paper, we argue that communication technology may also have an adverse effect, by examining its impact on the presence of conflict. Using Indonesian subdistrict surveys from 2011 and 2014, we find that regions with stronger communication signals are more likely to experience conflict. The econometric estimates show that the presence of a strong base transceiver station (BTS) signal is associated with a 0.8 per cent higher likelihood of local conflict, while a weak signal is associated with a 0.7 per cent higher likelihood of local conflict. A better communication signal is also associated with the number of conflict events. Our findings suggest that the signal reduces conflict casualties. Our estimates also justify the need for government interventions in the form of tax or control policies, to minimise negative, technology-led externalities.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"50 1","pages":"831 - 848"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78181027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.2000812
S. Baranyi, Yiagadeesen Samy, Bianca Washuta
ABSTRACT SDG16+ on peaceful societies, justice and strong institutions is often presented as a ‘strategic lever’ to enable the implementation of other SDGs, hence the ‘+’ often added to that goal. This is especially the case in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS) where violence and weak governance are seen as major constraints on development. Six years into Agenda 2030, this paper triangulates official reports such as Voluntary National Reviews, and third-party sources, to ascertain the implementation of SDG16+ in a broad sample of FCAS and in seven specific fragile countries. We observe varying levels of effort on implementation, yet an overall trend towards superficial compliance. Informed by institutional theory, we argue that such uneven implementation is not just a function of limited data or resources, but of the varied commitment of elites to enable or prevent the consolidation of peace, justice and effective institutions.
{"title":"SDG16+ implementation in fragile and conflict-affected states: what do the data tell us six years into Agenda 2030?","authors":"S. Baranyi, Yiagadeesen Samy, Bianca Washuta","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.2000812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.2000812","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT SDG16+ on peaceful societies, justice and strong institutions is often presented as a ‘strategic lever’ to enable the implementation of other SDGs, hence the ‘+’ often added to that goal. This is especially the case in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS) where violence and weak governance are seen as major constraints on development. Six years into Agenda 2030, this paper triangulates official reports such as Voluntary National Reviews, and third-party sources, to ascertain the implementation of SDG16+ in a broad sample of FCAS and in seven specific fragile countries. We observe varying levels of effort on implementation, yet an overall trend towards superficial compliance. Informed by institutional theory, we argue that such uneven implementation is not just a function of limited data or resources, but of the varied commitment of elites to enable or prevent the consolidation of peace, justice and effective institutions.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"20 1","pages":"727 - 748"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90756757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1997453
Carla King, Greg Ferraro, Sandra C. Wisner, Stéphanie Etienne, Sabine Lee, S. Bartels
ABSTRACT Haiti’s instability at the turn of the millennium demanded unprecedented changes towards community-based peacekeeping strategies. While deemed successful by some in reducing actualised violence, the UN Peace Support Operation, MINUSTAH, was wrought with allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) and mired by the inadvertent introduction of cholera. To understand the host community’s experiences with MINUSTAH, data was collected around seven UN bases from 10 locations in Haiti between June and August 2017. We find that Haitian perceptions on reporting, justice and responsibility for SEA are in juxtaposition with MINUSTAH’s efforts towards stabilisation and security. While participants identified positive perceptions of MINUSTAH that aligned with the novel community violence reduction strategy employed in Haiti, outstanding concerns around SEA remain. We recommend the UN addresses its environment of impunity, alters its practices and policies to be victim/survivor-centred and improve transparency and communication with host communities. The UN must make the systemic changes necessary to address impunity or provide reparations for peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA.
{"title":"‘MINUSTAH is doing positive things just as they do negative things’: nuanced perceptions of a UN peacekeeping operation amidst peacekeeper-perpetrated sexual exploitation and abuse in Haiti","authors":"Carla King, Greg Ferraro, Sandra C. Wisner, Stéphanie Etienne, Sabine Lee, S. Bartels","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1997453","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1997453","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Haiti’s instability at the turn of the millennium demanded unprecedented changes towards community-based peacekeeping strategies. While deemed successful by some in reducing actualised violence, the UN Peace Support Operation, MINUSTAH, was wrought with allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) and mired by the inadvertent introduction of cholera. To understand the host community’s experiences with MINUSTAH, data was collected around seven UN bases from 10 locations in Haiti between June and August 2017. We find that Haitian perceptions on reporting, justice and responsibility for SEA are in juxtaposition with MINUSTAH’s efforts towards stabilisation and security. While participants identified positive perceptions of MINUSTAH that aligned with the novel community violence reduction strategy employed in Haiti, outstanding concerns around SEA remain. We recommend the UN addresses its environment of impunity, alters its practices and policies to be victim/survivor-centred and improve transparency and communication with host communities. The UN must make the systemic changes necessary to address impunity or provide reparations for peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"269 1","pages":"749 - 779"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89650829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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