首页 > 最新文献

Conflict Security & Development最新文献

英文 中文
Sex trafficking and sex-for-food/money: terrorism and conflict-related sexual violence against men in the Lake Chad region 性交易和性换取食物/金钱:乍得湖地区的恐怖主义和与冲突有关的针对男性的性暴力
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2034369
E. Njoku, Joshua Akintayo, Idris Mohammed
ABSTRACT In understanding conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), the notion of how sexuality and sex are naturally linked to power is gaining traction in IR discourses. There is, however, little contextual or empirical evidence that accounts for the various forms of CRSV against men, or how offenders exploit power dynamics in conflict and post-conflict settings to achieve their sexual desires. As a result, we rely on ethnographic accounts from survivors/victims, NGO workers, and security personnel on the front lines of the counter-terrorism campaign in the Lake Chad basin, particularly in North-eastern Nigeria. Long-term terrorist violence, we argue, creates material imbalances in men and boys and increases their vulnerabilities, providing platforms for individual perpetrators to exploit their vulnerable status or engage in sex-trafficking rings to satisfy their sexual urges. Therefore, this article adds conceptually and empirically to the nature and motivations of wartime sexual violence, as well as the gendered dynamics of armed conflict. It challenges the popular masculinist notion that men are immune to sex trafficking and sexual violence. The study emphasises the importance of effective IDP camp management and prosecution in preventing would-be offenders.
在理解与冲突有关的性暴力(CRSV)时,性行为和性行为如何自然地与权力联系在一起的概念在IR话语中越来越受关注。然而,很少有背景或经验证据说明针对男性的各种形式的CRSV,或者罪犯如何利用冲突和冲突后环境中的权力动态来实现他们的性欲望。因此,我们依赖于幸存者/受害者、非政府组织工作人员和在乍得湖盆地(尤其是尼日利亚东北部)反恐运动前线的安全人员的人种学描述。我们认为,长期的恐怖主义暴力造成了男性和男孩的物质失衡,增加了他们的脆弱性,为个别犯罪者提供了利用其弱势地位或参与性交易团伙以满足其性冲动的平台。因此,本文从概念上和经验上对战时性暴力的性质和动机以及武装冲突中的性别动态进行了补充。它挑战了流行的男性主义观念,即男性不受性交易和性暴力的影响。该研究强调了有效的国内流离失所者营地管理和起诉对预防潜在罪犯的重要性。
{"title":"Sex trafficking and sex-for-food/money: terrorism and conflict-related sexual violence against men in the Lake Chad region","authors":"E. Njoku, Joshua Akintayo, Idris Mohammed","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2034369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2034369","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In understanding conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), the notion of how sexuality and sex are naturally linked to power is gaining traction in IR discourses. There is, however, little contextual or empirical evidence that accounts for the various forms of CRSV against men, or how offenders exploit power dynamics in conflict and post-conflict settings to achieve their sexual desires. As a result, we rely on ethnographic accounts from survivors/victims, NGO workers, and security personnel on the front lines of the counter-terrorism campaign in the Lake Chad basin, particularly in North-eastern Nigeria. Long-term terrorist violence, we argue, creates material imbalances in men and boys and increases their vulnerabilities, providing platforms for individual perpetrators to exploit their vulnerable status or engage in sex-trafficking rings to satisfy their sexual urges. Therefore, this article adds conceptually and empirically to the nature and motivations of wartime sexual violence, as well as the gendered dynamics of armed conflict. It challenges the popular masculinist notion that men are immune to sex trafficking and sexual violence. The study emphasises the importance of effective IDP camp management and prosecution in preventing would-be offenders.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"21 1","pages":"79 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72527780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
The power of non-violence: Silmiya & the Sudanese Revolution 非暴力的力量:西尔米亚和苏丹革命
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2034368
Reem Awad
ABSTRACT This research explores the 2018 revolution in Sudan to assess the extent to which the adoption of non-violence led to a more successful revolution and set Sudan on a path of democratic governance. It investigates the revolution’s main slogan, Silmiya, coming from the Arabic word Salam meaning ‘peace’. Thus, the nature and function of non-violence as well as what motivates people to resort to non-violence will be considered. The research acts as a point of departure from Fanon’s theory of violence arguing that violence is revolutionary and liberating. Ultimately, the research challenges normative frameworks on the necessity of violence for social movements to succeed as Fanon theorises, sheds light on the power of non-violence, and highlights the importance of re-examining characteristics historically associated with non-violence, such as passivity or weakness.
本研究探讨了2018年苏丹的革命,以评估非暴力的采用在多大程度上导致了一场更成功的革命,并使苏丹走上了民主治理的道路。它调查了革命的主要口号Silmiya,来自阿拉伯语Salam,意思是“和平”。因此,非暴力的性质和功能,以及什么促使人们诉诸非暴力将被考虑。这项研究是法农暴力理论的一个出发点,他认为暴力是革命性的和解放的。最后,正如法农所言,该研究挑战了社会运动成功需要暴力的规范框架,揭示了非暴力的力量,并强调了重新审视历史上与非暴力相关的特征(如被动或软弱)的重要性。
{"title":"The power of non-violence: Silmiya & the Sudanese Revolution","authors":"Reem Awad","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2034368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2034368","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This research explores the 2018 revolution in Sudan to assess the extent to which the adoption of non-violence led to a more successful revolution and set Sudan on a path of democratic governance. It investigates the revolution’s main slogan, Silmiya, coming from the Arabic word Salam meaning ‘peace’. Thus, the nature and function of non-violence as well as what motivates people to resort to non-violence will be considered. The research acts as a point of departure from Fanon’s theory of violence arguing that violence is revolutionary and liberating. Ultimately, the research challenges normative frameworks on the necessity of violence for social movements to succeed as Fanon theorises, sheds light on the power of non-violence, and highlights the importance of re-examining characteristics historically associated with non-violence, such as passivity or weakness.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"10 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77073510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Marketisation of Islam and politics of development in Bangladesh 伊斯兰教市场化与孟加拉国的发展政治
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2036513
Matt M. Husain
ABSTRACT This article problematises the marketisation of Islam in Bangladesh and the relationship between neo-liberal economic policies and the resurgence of a certain kind of Islamic religiosity in the country. Based on the findings of three field studies that employed a multi-method approach, the article analyses the macro-cultural impacts of development as well as highlights the embedded, nuanced, and complex set of economic and political relationships that appear to fuel social inequality and engender inequitable distribution and growth. Empirical findings identify the implementation of development policies based on client-patron relations as the main problematic precursor. The findings suggest such relations facilitate an ongoing marginalisation of minority groups, in which ‘othering’ among the equals emerge as a cemented outcome. The findings further suggest the outcomes move across social groups and are in transit and under negotiation, becoming braided with adverse impact on Bangla language, Bengali cultures, the country’s advanced education sector, and the overall ability for Bangladeshis to think critically and produce and sustain social relations. Evidence also indicates Bengali cultures appear to become increasingly embedded in a number of rituals in the name of Islamic principles and philosophy. The article refers to this phenomenon as the ‘great’ transformation of contemporary Bangladesh.
本文提出了孟加拉国伊斯兰教的市场化问题,以及新自由主义经济政策与该国某种伊斯兰宗教信仰的复兴之间的关系。基于采用多方法方法的三个实地研究的结果,本文分析了发展的宏观文化影响,并强调了嵌入的、微妙的、复杂的经济和政治关系,这些关系似乎助长了社会不平等,造成了不公平的分配和增长。实证研究发现,基于客户-赞助人关系的发展政策的实施是主要的问题前兆。研究结果表明,这种关系促进了少数群体的持续边缘化,在这种边缘化中,平等群体中的“他者”成为一种巩固的结果。研究结果进一步表明,结果跨越了社会群体,并在过渡和协商中,对孟加拉语、孟加拉文化、该国先进的教育部门以及孟加拉国人批判性思考、建立和维持社会关系的整体能力产生了不利影响。也有证据表明,孟加拉文化似乎越来越多地以伊斯兰原则和哲学的名义嵌入到一些仪式中。这篇文章将这种现象称为当代孟加拉国的“伟大”转变。
{"title":"Marketisation of Islam and politics of development in Bangladesh","authors":"Matt M. Husain","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2036513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2036513","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article problematises the marketisation of Islam in Bangladesh and the relationship between neo-liberal economic policies and the resurgence of a certain kind of Islamic religiosity in the country. Based on the findings of three field studies that employed a multi-method approach, the article analyses the macro-cultural impacts of development as well as highlights the embedded, nuanced, and complex set of economic and political relationships that appear to fuel social inequality and engender inequitable distribution and growth. Empirical findings identify the implementation of development policies based on client-patron relations as the main problematic precursor. The findings suggest such relations facilitate an ongoing marginalisation of minority groups, in which ‘othering’ among the equals emerge as a cemented outcome. The findings further suggest the outcomes move across social groups and are in transit and under negotiation, becoming braided with adverse impact on Bangla language, Bengali cultures, the country’s advanced education sector, and the overall ability for Bangladeshis to think critically and produce and sustain social relations. Evidence also indicates Bengali cultures appear to become increasingly embedded in a number of rituals in the name of Islamic principles and philosophy. The article refers to this phenomenon as the ‘great’ transformation of contemporary Bangladesh.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"40 1","pages":"23 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78378114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
UAE-Pakistan Development Cooperation: A Model for South–South Cooperation in a Multipolar World 阿联酋-巴基斯坦发展合作:多极世界中南南合作的典范
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2037851
Joshua Snider, Mohammad Waqas Jan
ABSTRACT This article examines the UAE-Pakistan relationship in areas related to the UAE’s role as one of Pakistan’s emerging development partners. We examine the ways in which this relationship has evolved and rather than repeating the frequently made argument that the relationship is coloured by a mix of resource imbalances and differences in perception, we argue that both states are poised to play a key role in leveraging each other’s national priorities as part of changing regional dynamics. Looking at this issue via the aid/development sphere offers a unique lens through which to view the changing national interests of both states as served by an alternate and unique model for South–South cooperation. The UAE can engage in low-cost, low-risk, high-impact development assistance as it builds towards a more resource-conscious, region-focused aid policy. And for Pakistan, despite recent differences with the GCC states (including the UAE), a bolstered development relationship with the UAE would contribute to overcoming one of the main critiques highlighted by various post-development theorists – that aid flows into South Asia, and Pakistan in particular, reinforces socio-cultural hegemony of great powers and their dominance of the development space as part of wider securitisation agendas.
本文探讨了阿联酋作为巴基斯坦新兴发展伙伴之一的作用与阿联酋-巴基斯坦关系相关的领域。我们考察了这种关系的演变方式,而不是重复经常提出的观点,即这种关系受到资源不平衡和观念差异的影响,我们认为,作为不断变化的地区动态的一部分,两国都准备在利用彼此的国家优先事项方面发挥关键作用。通过援助/发展领域来看待这个问题提供了一个独特的视角,通过这个视角,我们可以看到南南合作的另一种独特模式为两国不断变化的国家利益提供了服务。阿联酋可以从事低成本、低风险、高影响力的发展援助,因为它建立了一个更具资源意识、以地区为重点的援助政策。对于巴基斯坦来说,尽管最近与海湾合作委员会国家(包括阿联酋)存在分歧,但加强与阿联酋的发展关系将有助于克服各种后发展理论家强调的主要批评之一-援助流入南亚,特别是巴基斯坦,加强了大国的社会文化霸权及其对发展空间的主导地位,作为更广泛的证券化议程的一部分。
{"title":"UAE-Pakistan Development Cooperation: A Model for South–South Cooperation in a Multipolar World","authors":"Joshua Snider, Mohammad Waqas Jan","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2037851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2037851","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the UAE-Pakistan relationship in areas related to the UAE’s role as one of Pakistan’s emerging development partners. We examine the ways in which this relationship has evolved and rather than repeating the frequently made argument that the relationship is coloured by a mix of resource imbalances and differences in perception, we argue that both states are poised to play a key role in leveraging each other’s national priorities as part of changing regional dynamics. Looking at this issue via the aid/development sphere offers a unique lens through which to view the changing national interests of both states as served by an alternate and unique model for South–South cooperation. The UAE can engage in low-cost, low-risk, high-impact development assistance as it builds towards a more resource-conscious, region-focused aid policy. And for Pakistan, despite recent differences with the GCC states (including the UAE), a bolstered development relationship with the UAE would contribute to overcoming one of the main critiques highlighted by various post-development theorists – that aid flows into South Asia, and Pakistan in particular, reinforces socio-cultural hegemony of great powers and their dominance of the development space as part of wider securitisation agendas.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"12 1","pages":"97 - 118"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76451039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Variety and management of developmental conflicts: the case of the Olkaria IV geothermal energy project in Kenya 发展冲突的多样性和管理:肯尼亚奥尔卡里亚四号地热能项目的案例
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.2000806
L. N. Kong'ani, R. Wahome, T. Thenya
ABSTRACT The development of geothermal energy installations generates varied conflicts in Kenya that often escalate because of improper management. Yet, these developmental project conflict dynamics remain poorly understood. To better understand the dynamics of these conflicts, quantitative and qualitative data were collected from the Olkaria IV project-affected persons (PAPs) household heads using questionnaires, focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The qualitative data was arranged into socioeconomic, cultural, environmental and political themes and the proportion of respondents within each theme was calculated. The triggers for the conflicts included inadequate communication and participation in decision-making, unsatisfactory relocation logistics, and unfulfilled compensation promises. Also, the formulation and implementation of the resettlement action plan was inadequately negotiated with the PAPs. The effects of the conflicts on the PAPs’ livelihoods were severe. The conflicts were managed mainly through competition and avoidance strategies. Subsequent dissatisfaction on the part of the PAPs led to unrest that almost derailed the project. Planners need to be inclusive of the local community in the design of large development projects. Inclusiveness in planning would secure community buy-in, remove unrealistic pledges or expectations, and smoothen project implementation.
在肯尼亚,地热能源设施的开发引发了各种各样的冲突,这些冲突往往因管理不当而升级。然而,这些发展项目的冲突动态仍然知之甚少。为了更好地了解这些冲突的动态,通过问卷调查、焦点小组讨论和关键线人访谈,从Olkaria IV项目受影响的户主那里收集了定量和定性数据。定性数据被分成社会经济、文化、环境和政治主题,并计算每个主题的受访者比例。冲突的诱因包括沟通和参与决策不足、搬迁后勤不理想、补偿承诺未兑现等。此外,在拟订和执行重新安置行动计划的问题上,也没有同pap进行充分的谈判。冲突对巴布亚人的生计造成严重影响。主要通过竞争和回避策略来管理冲突。随后,pap的不满导致了骚乱,几乎使该项目脱轨。在设计大型开发项目时,规划者需要考虑当地社区的意见。规划的包容性将确保社区的支持,消除不切实际的承诺或期望,并使项目实施更加顺利。
{"title":"Variety and management of developmental conflicts: the case of the Olkaria IV geothermal energy project in Kenya","authors":"L. N. Kong'ani, R. Wahome, T. Thenya","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.2000806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.2000806","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The development of geothermal energy installations generates varied conflicts in Kenya that often escalate because of improper management. Yet, these developmental project conflict dynamics remain poorly understood. To better understand the dynamics of these conflicts, quantitative and qualitative data were collected from the Olkaria IV project-affected persons (PAPs) household heads using questionnaires, focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The qualitative data was arranged into socioeconomic, cultural, environmental and political themes and the proportion of respondents within each theme was calculated. The triggers for the conflicts included inadequate communication and participation in decision-making, unsatisfactory relocation logistics, and unfulfilled compensation promises. Also, the formulation and implementation of the resettlement action plan was inadequately negotiated with the PAPs. The effects of the conflicts on the PAPs’ livelihoods were severe. The conflicts were managed mainly through competition and avoidance strategies. Subsequent dissatisfaction on the part of the PAPs led to unrest that almost derailed the project. Planners need to be inclusive of the local community in the design of large development projects. Inclusiveness in planning would secure community buy-in, remove unrealistic pledges or expectations, and smoothen project implementation.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"14 1","pages":"781 - 804"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82223060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Including the excluded? The political economy of the constituency development fund in post-war Nepal 包括被排除在外的?战后尼泊尔选区发展基金的政治经济学
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.2001197
J. Rai
ABSTRACT Post-war political transitions may open up opportunities to advance the political participation of marginalised and disadvantaged groups. In Nepal, after a decade-long armed conflict, representation of disadvantaged groups in parliament has increased significantly through a parallel mixed, first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional (PR), electoral system. However, economic and political subordination of marginalised groups in the parliament has continued. This article analyses one of the mechanisms through which this has occurred, showing how the allocation of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) had a negative impact on political inclusion. The exclusive provision of the CDF to FPTP MPs, mostly men from privileged groups, allowed them to strengthen their patronage networks. Voters saw FPTP MPs as delivering development, while considering PR MPs weak. As a result, PR MPs, which account for the vast majority of MPs from disadvantaged groups, had limited opportunities to strengthen their position within political parties. Finally, the CDF hindered the implementation of the new federal system and endorsed a centralised mentality, with a negative impact on the agenda for inclusion.
战后政治转型可能为边缘化和弱势群体的政治参与提供机会。在尼泊尔,经过长达十年的武装冲突,弱势群体在议会中的代表性显著增加,通过并行的混合选举制度,简单多数制(FPTP)和比例选举制度(PR)。然而,议会中边缘化群体在经济和政治上的从属地位仍在继续。本文分析了这一现象发生的机制之一,展示了选区发展基金(CDF)的分配如何对政治包容产生负面影响。该基金只提供给FPTP的议员,大部分是来自特权群体的男性,这使他们能够加强自己的赞助网络。选民们认为FPTP议员带来了发展,而PR议员则是弱者。因此,占绝大多数弱势群体议员的PR议员加强其在政党中的地位的机会有限。最后,发展基金阻碍了新的联邦制的实施,支持了一种中央集权的心态,对包容性议程产生了负面影响。
{"title":"Including the excluded? The political economy of the constituency development fund in post-war Nepal","authors":"J. Rai","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.2001197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.2001197","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Post-war political transitions may open up opportunities to advance the political participation of marginalised and disadvantaged groups. In Nepal, after a decade-long armed conflict, representation of disadvantaged groups in parliament has increased significantly through a parallel mixed, first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional (PR), electoral system. However, economic and political subordination of marginalised groups in the parliament has continued. This article analyses one of the mechanisms through which this has occurred, showing how the allocation of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) had a negative impact on political inclusion. The exclusive provision of the CDF to FPTP MPs, mostly men from privileged groups, allowed them to strengthen their patronage networks. Voters saw FPTP MPs as delivering development, while considering PR MPs weak. As a result, PR MPs, which account for the vast majority of MPs from disadvantaged groups, had limited opportunities to strengthen their position within political parties. Finally, the CDF hindered the implementation of the new federal system and endorsed a centralised mentality, with a negative impact on the agenda for inclusion.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"121 1","pages":"805 - 830"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86782305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Civil society, peacebuilding from below and shrinking civic space: the case of Cameroon’s ‘Anglophone’ conflict 公民社会、自下而上的和平建设和不断缩小的公民空间:喀麦隆“英语国家”冲突的案例
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1997454
N. Annan, Maurice Beseng, G. Crawford, James Kiven Kewir
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the current conflict in Anglophone Cameroon and examines the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in conflict resolution. In doing so, it explores a paradox in the peacebuilding literature. On the one hand, the ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding has emphasised a bottom-up approach that highlights the role of CSOs. On the other hand, the literature on ‘shrinking civic space’ has demonstrated how space for CSOs’ activities has become increasingly restricted, especially in authoritarian contexts like Cameroon. The article investigates the contributions of CSOs to conflict resolution, the constraints faced, and their responses in turn to mitigate such constraints. CSOs’ contribution to conflict resolution is at least three-fold: to engage with most-affected communities and build an evidence base of the conflict’s adverse consequences for civilians; to draw national and international attention to the conflict; and to maintain pressure for a negotiated settlement through public protests and interactions with both government and non-state armed groups. Despite facing intimidation and violence at times, CSOs have responded in innovative ways that demonstrate examples of adaptation and resistance to shrinking civic space.
本文关注喀麦隆英语国家当前的冲突,并探讨民间社会组织(cso)在解决冲突中的作用。在此过程中,它探讨了建设和平文献中的一个悖论。一方面,和平建设中的“地方转向”强调了自下而上的方法,强调了公民社会组织的作用。另一方面,有关“公民空间萎缩”的文献显示,公民社会组织活动的空间日益受到限制,特别是在喀麦隆等威权国家。本文研究了公民社会组织对解决冲突的贡献、面临的约束以及他们缓解这些约束的反应。民间社会组织对解决冲突的贡献至少有三方面:与受影响最严重的社区接触,并建立冲突对平民不利后果的证据基础;引起国内和国际对冲突的注意;并通过公众抗议和与政府和非国家武装团体的互动,为谈判解决问题保持压力。尽管有时面临恐吓和暴力,公民社会组织以创新的方式作出回应,展示了适应和抵制公民空间缩小的例子。
{"title":"Civil society, peacebuilding from below and shrinking civic space: the case of Cameroon’s ‘Anglophone’ conflict","authors":"N. Annan, Maurice Beseng, G. Crawford, James Kiven Kewir","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1997454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1997454","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on the current conflict in Anglophone Cameroon and examines the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in conflict resolution. In doing so, it explores a paradox in the peacebuilding literature. On the one hand, the ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding has emphasised a bottom-up approach that highlights the role of CSOs. On the other hand, the literature on ‘shrinking civic space’ has demonstrated how space for CSOs’ activities has become increasingly restricted, especially in authoritarian contexts like Cameroon. The article investigates the contributions of CSOs to conflict resolution, the constraints faced, and their responses in turn to mitigate such constraints. CSOs’ contribution to conflict resolution is at least three-fold: to engage with most-affected communities and build an evidence base of the conflict’s adverse consequences for civilians; to draw national and international attention to the conflict; and to maintain pressure for a negotiated settlement through public protests and interactions with both government and non-state armed groups. Despite facing intimidation and violence at times, CSOs have responded in innovative ways that demonstrate examples of adaptation and resistance to shrinking civic space.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"53 ","pages":"697 - 725"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72554111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 6
Information technology and local conflict: evidence from Indonesia 信息技术与地方冲突:来自印度尼西亚的证据
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1997452
M. Yudhistira, N. Khairina, T. Dartanto, C. Nuryakin
ABSTRACT The positive effects of communication technology on the developmental process of a nation have been demonstrated in the literature. In this paper, we argue that communication technology may also have an adverse effect, by examining its impact on the presence of conflict. Using Indonesian subdistrict surveys from 2011 and 2014, we find that regions with stronger communication signals are more likely to experience conflict. The econometric estimates show that the presence of a strong base transceiver station (BTS) signal is associated with a 0.8 per cent higher likelihood of local conflict, while a weak signal is associated with a 0.7 per cent higher likelihood of local conflict. A better communication signal is also associated with the number of conflict events. Our findings suggest that the signal reduces conflict casualties. Our estimates also justify the need for government interventions in the form of tax or control policies, to minimise negative, technology-led externalities.
文献已经证明了通信技术对一个国家发展进程的积极影响。在本文中,我们认为,通信技术也可能有一个不利的影响,通过检查其对冲突的存在的影响。利用2011年和2014年的印度尼西亚街道调查,我们发现通信信号较强的地区更容易发生冲突。计量经济学估计表明,存在强烈的基站收发信站(BTS)信号会使地方冲突的可能性增加0.8%,而存在微弱的信号则会使地方冲突的可能性增加0.7%。更好的通信信号也与冲突事件的数量有关。我们的研究结果表明,信号减少了冲突的伤亡。我们的估计还证明,政府需要以税收或控制政策的形式进行干预,以最大限度地减少负面的、技术主导的外部性。
{"title":"Information technology and local conflict: evidence from Indonesia","authors":"M. Yudhistira, N. Khairina, T. Dartanto, C. Nuryakin","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1997452","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1997452","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The positive effects of communication technology on the developmental process of a nation have been demonstrated in the literature. In this paper, we argue that communication technology may also have an adverse effect, by examining its impact on the presence of conflict. Using Indonesian subdistrict surveys from 2011 and 2014, we find that regions with stronger communication signals are more likely to experience conflict. The econometric estimates show that the presence of a strong base transceiver station (BTS) signal is associated with a 0.8 per cent higher likelihood of local conflict, while a weak signal is associated with a 0.7 per cent higher likelihood of local conflict. A better communication signal is also associated with the number of conflict events. Our findings suggest that the signal reduces conflict casualties. Our estimates also justify the need for government interventions in the form of tax or control policies, to minimise negative, technology-led externalities.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"50 1","pages":"831 - 848"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78181027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
SDG16+ implementation in fragile and conflict-affected states: what do the data tell us six years into Agenda 2030? 可持续发展目标16+在脆弱和受冲突影响国家的实施:《2030年议程》实施6年后的数据告诉我们什么?
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.2000812
S. Baranyi, Yiagadeesen Samy, Bianca Washuta
ABSTRACT SDG16+ on peaceful societies, justice and strong institutions is often presented as a ‘strategic lever’ to enable the implementation of other SDGs, hence the ‘+’ often added to that goal. This is especially the case in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS) where violence and weak governance are seen as major constraints on development. Six years into Agenda 2030, this paper triangulates official reports such as Voluntary National Reviews, and third-party sources, to ascertain the implementation of SDG16+ in a broad sample of FCAS and in seven specific fragile countries. We observe varying levels of effort on implementation, yet an overall trend towards superficial compliance. Informed by institutional theory, we argue that such uneven implementation is not just a function of limited data or resources, but of the varied commitment of elites to enable or prevent the consolidation of peace, justice and effective institutions.
关于和平社会、正义和强大机构的可持续发展目标16+通常被视为实现其他可持续发展目标的“战略杠杆”,因此该目标经常被加上“+”。在暴力和治理薄弱被视为发展的主要制约因素的脆弱和受冲突影响国家(FCAS)尤其如此。《2030年议程》实施六年后,本文对自愿国家审查等官方报告和第三方来源进行了三角分析,以确定可持续发展目标16+在FCAS的广泛样本和七个特定脆弱国家的实施情况。我们观察到在实现上的不同程度的努力,但是总体趋向于表面的遵从。在制度理论的指导下,我们认为这种不平衡的执行不仅仅是有限的数据或资源的功能,而是精英们在促进或阻止和平、正义和有效制度巩固方面的不同承诺。
{"title":"SDG16+ implementation in fragile and conflict-affected states: what do the data tell us six years into Agenda 2030?","authors":"S. Baranyi, Yiagadeesen Samy, Bianca Washuta","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.2000812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.2000812","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT SDG16+ on peaceful societies, justice and strong institutions is often presented as a ‘strategic lever’ to enable the implementation of other SDGs, hence the ‘+’ often added to that goal. This is especially the case in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS) where violence and weak governance are seen as major constraints on development. Six years into Agenda 2030, this paper triangulates official reports such as Voluntary National Reviews, and third-party sources, to ascertain the implementation of SDG16+ in a broad sample of FCAS and in seven specific fragile countries. We observe varying levels of effort on implementation, yet an overall trend towards superficial compliance. Informed by institutional theory, we argue that such uneven implementation is not just a function of limited data or resources, but of the varied commitment of elites to enable or prevent the consolidation of peace, justice and effective institutions.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"20 1","pages":"727 - 748"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90756757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
‘MINUSTAH is doing positive things just as they do negative things’: nuanced perceptions of a UN peacekeeping operation amidst peacekeeper-perpetrated sexual exploitation and abuse in Haiti “联海稳定团正在做积极的事情,就像他们做消极的事情一样”:在海地维和人员犯下的性剥削和性虐待中,对联合国维和行动的微妙看法
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1997453
Carla King, Greg Ferraro, Sandra C. Wisner, Stéphanie Etienne, Sabine Lee, S. Bartels
ABSTRACT Haiti’s instability at the turn of the millennium demanded unprecedented changes towards community-based peacekeeping strategies. While deemed successful by some in reducing actualised violence, the UN Peace Support Operation, MINUSTAH, was wrought with allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) and mired by the inadvertent introduction of cholera. To understand the host community’s experiences with MINUSTAH, data was collected around seven UN bases from 10 locations in Haiti between June and August 2017. We find that Haitian perceptions on reporting, justice and responsibility for SEA are in juxtaposition with MINUSTAH’s efforts towards stabilisation and security. While participants identified positive perceptions of MINUSTAH that aligned with the novel community violence reduction strategy employed in Haiti, outstanding concerns around SEA remain. We recommend the UN addresses its environment of impunity, alters its practices and policies to be victim/survivor-centred and improve transparency and communication with host communities. The UN must make the systemic changes necessary to address impunity or provide reparations for peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA.
海地在世纪之交的不稳定局势要求对以社区为基础的维和战略进行前所未有的变革。尽管一些人认为联海稳定团在减少实际暴力方面取得了成功,但它仍受到性剥削和性虐待指控的困扰,并因无意中引入霍乱而陷入困境。为了了解东道国社区在联海稳定团的经历,2017年6月至8月期间,在海地10个地点的7个联合国基地收集了数据。我们发现,海地对SEA的报告、正义和责任的看法与联海稳定团争取稳定和安全的努力是一致的。虽然与会者确定了联海稳定团与海地采用的新型社区暴力减少战略相一致的积极看法,但围绕SEA的突出关切仍然存在。我们建议联合国解决其有罪不罚的环境,改变其做法和政策,以受害者/幸存者为中心,提高透明度并与收容社区沟通。联合国必须进行必要的系统改革,以解决有罪不罚问题,或为维和人员犯下的SEA提供赔偿。
{"title":"‘MINUSTAH is doing positive things just as they do negative things’: nuanced perceptions of a UN peacekeeping operation amidst peacekeeper-perpetrated sexual exploitation and abuse in Haiti","authors":"Carla King, Greg Ferraro, Sandra C. Wisner, Stéphanie Etienne, Sabine Lee, S. Bartels","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1997453","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1997453","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Haiti’s instability at the turn of the millennium demanded unprecedented changes towards community-based peacekeeping strategies. While deemed successful by some in reducing actualised violence, the UN Peace Support Operation, MINUSTAH, was wrought with allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) and mired by the inadvertent introduction of cholera. To understand the host community’s experiences with MINUSTAH, data was collected around seven UN bases from 10 locations in Haiti between June and August 2017. We find that Haitian perceptions on reporting, justice and responsibility for SEA are in juxtaposition with MINUSTAH’s efforts towards stabilisation and security. While participants identified positive perceptions of MINUSTAH that aligned with the novel community violence reduction strategy employed in Haiti, outstanding concerns around SEA remain. We recommend the UN addresses its environment of impunity, alters its practices and policies to be victim/survivor-centred and improve transparency and communication with host communities. The UN must make the systemic changes necessary to address impunity or provide reparations for peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"269 1","pages":"749 - 779"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89650829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
期刊
Conflict Security & Development
全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1