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Democratic police reform, security sector reform, anti-corruption and spoilers: lessons from Georgia 民主警察改革、安全部门改革、反腐败和破坏者:格鲁吉亚的教训
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2121916
Liam O’Shea
ABSTRACT The Georgian police reforms of 2004–2006 provide a rare case of rapid, large-scale, successful security reform. Lessons from Georgia challenge mainstream approaches to democratic police reform, security-sector reform, and elements of prominent critiques. These often emphasise democratisation of police and security sectors to include multiple actors in policing and reform. By contrast, the Georgian process was top-down and state-led. Failure to democratise the police has meant the reforms have not curtailed political interference in policing and have only partially reduced police impunity but the reforms vastly reduced corruption, improved security and trust in the police and have been sustained. This was achieved by the government strengthening executive power, consolidating its control over the security sector, firing corrupt police, and cracking down on organised crime. The Georgian case indicates that successful democratic police reform and security-sector reform depend on a concentration of state power to tackle such domestic spoilers and institutionalising before democratising control of the police, factors that are largely absent from policy and academic debates on these topics.
格鲁吉亚2004-2006年的警察改革提供了一个罕见的快速、大规模、成功的安全改革案例。格鲁吉亚的教训挑战了民主警察改革、安全部门改革的主流方法,以及一些著名批评的元素。这些政策往往强调警察和安全部门的民主化,包括警务和改革中的多个参与者。相比之下,格鲁吉亚的进程是自上而下、由国家主导的。警察民主化的失败意味着改革并没有减少政治对警务的干预,只是部分地减少了警察的有罪不罚现象,但改革大大减少了腐败,改善了安全状况和对警察的信任,并一直持续下去。这是通过政府加强行政权力、巩固对安全部门的控制、解雇腐败警察和打击有组织犯罪来实现的。格鲁吉亚的案例表明,成功的民主警察改革和安全部门改革取决于国家权力的集中,以解决此类国内破坏因素,并在对警察的民主化控制之前将其制度化,而这些因素在这些主题的政策和学术辩论中基本上是缺失的。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining the failure of internationally-supported defence and security reforms in Sahelian states 解释国际支持的萨赫勒国家国防和安全改革的失败
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2097776
Niagalé Bagayoko
ABSTRACT In response to the crisis in the Sahel, myriad programmes have been set up with the aim of improving the performance of the defence and security forces in the region. These programmes are often run or supported by international partners. Yet, as the security situation in the region worsens, questions have been raised about whether these programmes are relevant and effective. In this article, we will argue that most of the programmes designed to build the capacities of, restructure or reform the armed forces in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have failed to grasp that these security systems function on a fundamentally hybrid basis, with a combination of – and often a clash between – legal and rational approaches, on the one hand, and informal dynamics, on the other, and that this can often hinder implementation of reforms.
为了应对萨赫勒地区的危机,无数的方案已经建立起来,目的是提高该地区国防和安全部队的表现。这些项目通常由国际合作伙伴管理或支持。然而,随着该区域安全局势的恶化,人们提出了这些方案是否相关和有效的问题。在本文中,我们将论证,大多数旨在建设、重组或改革布基纳法索、马里和尼日尔武装部队的方案都未能把握这些安全系统在根本上是混合的基础上发挥作用,一方面是法律和理性方法的结合,另一方面是非正式动态的结合,而且往往是两者之间的冲突,这往往会阻碍改革的实施。
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引用次数: 0
Competitive statebuilding from the demand-side: counter-state services and civilian choice in Kosovo, 1989-1998 需求方的竞争性国家建设:1989-1998年科索沃的反国家服务和平民选择
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2084283
Ian Madison
ABSTRACT Counter-state actors often supply services to foster civilian support. Yet little work explores the civilian ‘demand-side’ of this interaction. This paper examines how civilians navigated between overlapping state and counter-state services during a case of non-violent competitive statebuilding. Between 1989 and 1998, a Kosovar-Albanian ‘parallel state’ provided education, healthcare, and justice as part of a strategy to secede from Serbia. It finds that two factors are key: the level of group solidarity individuals are subject to, and the unique characteristics of the services they are receiving. Increased group solidarity constrains how individuals decide between providers, yet the extent to which this impacts choice depends on the characteristics of different services. Education is collectively delivered and tied to nation-building; decisions depend on social norms. Healthcare is individual and immediate; decisions are rooted in trust. Justice varies between discreet civil cases where people can ‘shop around’, and criminal cases, which can comprise highly visible, collective events with significant social pressure. Understanding how solidarity and service characteristics intersect is key to understanding the demand-side of competitive statebuilding.
反国家行为者经常提供服务以促进民间支持。然而,很少有研究探讨这种互动的民用“需求方”。本文考察了在一个非暴力竞争性国家建设的案例中,平民如何在重叠的国家服务和反国家服务之间进行导航。1989年至1998年期间,科索沃-阿尔巴尼亚“平行国家”提供教育、医疗保健和司法服务,作为脱离塞尔维亚战略的一部分。研究发现,有两个因素是关键:个人受到的群体团结程度,以及他们接受的服务的独特特征。群体团结的增强限制了个人如何在提供者之间做出决定,但这对选择的影响程度取决于不同服务的特点。教育是集体提供的,与国家建设紧密相连;决策取决于社会规范。医疗保健是个人的和即时的;决策植根于信任。司法在谨慎的民事案件(人们可以“货比三家”)和刑事案件(可能包括高度可见的、具有重大社会压力的集体事件)之间有所不同。理解团结和服务特征是如何交叉的,是理解竞争性国家建设的需求方的关键。
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引用次数: 0
Violent peace: community relations in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in Bangladesh after the Peace Accord 暴力和平:和平协定后孟加拉国吉大港山区(CHT)的社区关系
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2084284
R. Islam, Susanne Schech, U. Saikia
ABSTRACT The 1997 Peace Accord in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) promised to bring an end to decades of violence in the region. However, 25 years later, the region is still experiencing social conflict between indigenous Pahari people and Bengalis, who have migrated and settled in large numbers since the 1970s. This paper examines the reasons for the continuation of social conflict through a survey on community attitudes and relations. The survey findings show that the legacy of migration and conflict in the CHT is still evident in starkly different views on resources, conflict, and community relations. These findings support the argument that the migration of people with different ethnic backgrounds into regions inhabited by ethnic minorities causes competition for resources that may generate conflict and violence with long-lasting consequences.
1997年吉大港山区和平协议(CHT)承诺结束该地区数十年的暴力冲突。然而,25年后,该地区仍然经历着土著巴哈里人和孟加拉人之间的社会冲突,孟加拉人自20世纪70年代以来大量移民并定居。本文通过对社区态度和关系的调查来探讨社会冲突持续的原因。调查结果显示,东太平洋地区移民和冲突的遗留问题仍然很明显,对资源、冲突和社区关系的看法截然不同。这些发现支持了这样一种观点,即不同种族背景的人迁移到少数民族居住的地区会引起对资源的竞争,从而可能产生具有长期后果的冲突和暴力。
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引用次数: 0
What structures ex-combatants’ political participation? Exploring the dynamics of identification and groupness in rebel-to-party transformations 是什么构成了前战斗人员的政治参与?探索从叛军到政党转变过程中认同和群体的动态
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2056389
Eliane Giezendanner, Bert Ingelaere
ABSTRACT Academic literature on post-conflict peace-building and democratisation has established the important relevance of rebel-to-party transformations on the one hand, and of the political engagement of individual former combatants on the other hand. Yet, little is known about the interrelation between these two dimensions. This paper aims to address this knowledge gap, by proposing a framework to scrutinise former rebel parties’ ways of mobilising their former combatants politically. Based on a review of theoretical and empirical literature, we suggest three broad mobilisation strategies: the employment of material incentives, control and coercion, and strategies to nurture a sense of identification or even groupness. Given that this last dimension is less tangible than the first two, we further explore and conceptually dissect it, by discussing – what we argue to be – three of its main inherent components: ideology, emotions and patronage. By doing so, we hope to conceptually guide and inform future empirical research on the topic.
关于冲突后和平建设和民主化的学术文献一方面确立了叛军向政党转变的重要相关性,另一方面确立了个体前战斗人员的政治参与。然而,人们对这两个维度之间的相互关系知之甚少。本文旨在通过提出一个框架来审视前叛军政党在政治上动员其前战斗人员的方式,从而解决这一知识鸿沟。基于对理论和实证文献的回顾,我们提出了三种广泛的动员策略:物质激励、控制和强制的使用,以及培养认同感甚至群体感的策略。鉴于最后一个维度不如前两个维度有形,我们将进一步探索并从概念上剖析它,通过讨论——我们认为是——它的三个主要固有组成部分:意识形态、情感和赞助。通过这样做,我们希望在概念上指导并告知未来关于该主题的实证研究。
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引用次数: 0
Between hope and expectation: understanding ordinary ex-combatant agency in Sierra Leone’s TRC 在希望与期望之间:了解塞拉利昂共和共和国的普通前战斗人员机构
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2059935
Sayra van den Berg
ABSTRACT This article empirically deepens understandings of the relationship between everyday ex-combatants and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in Sierra Leone. It asks, what are the agentic implications of this victim-centred model of justice among its designated perpetrators (everyday or ordinary ex-combatants)? This article advances criticisms against the participatory limitations of the victim-centred model of justice in truth commissions. It applies the concept of friction to analyse the theft of agency produced by Sierra Leone’s TRC among everyday ex-combatants. It analyses the contradictions between everyday ex-combatant hopes for the TRC against institutional expectations set for this population to reveal the agentic effects of this sticky engagement. In so doing, this article exposes the agentic theft produced by compound frictions which interact to deny agency among those designated as perpetrators by the material engagement and frictional travels of transitional justice. It argues that the primacy placed on the restoration of victims’ dignity within truth commissions comes at a particularly heavy cost for the population of everyday ex-combatants, who experience multiple processes of exclusion as a result.
本文通过实证加深了对塞拉利昂前战斗人员与真相与和解委员会(TRC)之间关系的理解。它问,这种以受害者为中心的司法模式对其指定的肇事者(日常或普通的前战斗人员)的实际影响是什么?本文对真相委员会中以受害者为中心的司法模式的参与性限制提出了批评。它运用摩擦的概念来分析塞拉利昂的TRC在日常前战斗人员中产生的盗窃行为。它分析了前战斗人员对TRC的日常希望与对这一人口的机构期望之间的矛盾,以揭示这种粘性接触的实际影响。通过这样做,本文揭示了由复合摩擦产生的代理盗窃,这些摩擦相互作用,通过物质接触和过渡司法的摩擦旅行来否认被指定为肇事者的代理。它认为,真相委员会将恢复受害者的尊严放在首位,这对日常的前战斗人员来说代价特别沉重,他们因此经历了多次被排斥的过程。
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引用次数: 1
Does representation matter: examining officer inclusion, citizen cooperation and police empowerment in a divided society 代表性重要吗:在一个分裂的社会中审视警官包容、公民合作和警察赋权
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2056394
Daisy Muibu, Ifeoluwa M. Olawole
ABSTRACT How can we improve public confidence in the legitimacy of recently instituted police forces in a divided society affected by violent conflict? And can public perceptions of clan representation within the police force encourage public engagement with law enforcement? It is generally understood that public confidence in domestic security sector institutions is integral for stability and consolidation of states affected by prolonged warfare. However, in deeply divided societies, building such confidence can be difficult. Accordingly, advocates argue that improved demographic representation within domestic security institutions can help improve residents’ engagement and cooperation with security forces. The current study tests this prediction relying on community survey data collected in Kismayo, Somalia. The authors find that residents who perceive the local police to be representative of local clans are more likely to believe the force is legitimate. In turn, residents who believe the force has more legitimacy are more willing to cooperate with and empower police with greater discretionary authority, while perceptions of clan representation maintains an indirect and significant impact on residents’ willingness to empower officers.
在一个受暴力冲突影响的分裂社会中,我们如何提高公众对新成立的警察部队合法性的信心?公众对警察部队中宗族代表的看法是否能鼓励公众参与执法?一般认为,公众对国内安全部门机构的信任对于受长期战争影响的国家的稳定和巩固是不可或缺的。然而,在严重分裂的社会中,建立这种信心可能很困难。因此,支持者认为,提高国内安全机构的人口代表性有助于提高居民与安全部队的接触和合作。目前的研究依靠在索马里基斯马尤收集的社区调查数据来验证这一预测。作者发现,那些认为当地警察代表当地部族的居民更有可能相信这种力量是合法的。反过来,认为警察具有更多合法性的居民更愿意与警察合作,并赋予警察更大的自由裁量权,而对宗族代表的看法对居民赋予警察权力的意愿保持间接和显著的影响。
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引用次数: 5
Understanding the spatial variation of perceived threat outcomes in intergroup conflict: a case study of the ethnic and religious conflicts in Jos, Nigeria 族群间冲突中感知威胁结果的空间变异:以尼日利亚乔斯的种族和宗教冲突为例
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2056390
Surulola Eke
ABSTRACT In extant scholarship on intergroup conflict, perceived threat is portrayed as either positively linked with conflict occurrence or neutralizable by individuals’ internal psychological inhibitors, such as feelings about a past experience or encounter or pre-existing dovish disposition. Yet, conflict avoidance is possible even in the absence of such internal guardrails against destructive responses to threat. This comparative qualitative study of two similarly structured communities in Jos, Nigeria’s ethnic conflict hotbed, reveals that while perceived threat may create aggressive dispositions, as established in extant scholarship on intergroup conflict, conflict avoidance remains possible in the absence of both internal inhibitors and external coercion. The compared Jos communities, Angwan Doki and Dadin Kowa, are similar in terms of widespread fear of the outgroup and significant willingness to respond aggressively to threat. Yet, conflict avoidance was possible in the latter because its community leaders both wittingly and unwittingly confronted the underlying threat that drove people’s violent dispositions. Past variability analyses omit this dynamic of external malleability of perceived threat outcomes – aggression and violence. Generally, the findings show that low-tech threat management interventions are more effective at mitigating intergroup conflict in weak states than interventions that seek to forcefully suppress the threat.
在现有的群体间冲突研究中,感知威胁被描述为要么与冲突发生呈正相关,要么被个体的内部心理抑制因素所中和,比如对过去经历或遭遇的感受,或先前存在的鸽派倾向。然而,即使没有这种防止对威胁作出破坏性反应的内部护栏,避免冲突也是可能的。这项对尼日利亚种族冲突的温床乔斯的两个结构相似的社区进行的比较定性研究表明,虽然感知到的威胁可能会产生侵略性倾向,正如现有的关于群体间冲突的学术研究所建立的那样,在没有内部抑制和外部胁迫的情况下,冲突避免仍然是可能的。比较后的乔斯社区Angwan Doki和Dadin Kowa在普遍对外群体的恐惧和对威胁作出积极反应的意愿方面是相似的。然而,在后者,避免冲突是可能的,因为它的社区领导人有意无意地面对驱使人们暴力倾向的潜在威胁。过去的变异性分析忽略了感知威胁结果(侵略和暴力)的外部可塑性动态。总的来说,研究结果表明,在弱国,低技术含量的威胁管理干预措施在缓解群体间冲突方面比寻求强力压制威胁的干预措施更有效。
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引用次数: 0
(Re)thinking homegrown peace mechanisms for the resolution of conflicts in Northern Ghana (重新)思考解决加纳北部冲突的本土和平机制
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2059934
Abdul Karim Issifu, K. Bukari
ABSTRACT The protracted chieftaincy conflict in Dagbon in the Northern Region of Ghana was recently resolved through an interplay of formal and informal resolution mechanisms, where the latter dominated the peace-making process with home-grown peace mechanisms. In the past, the state through formal liberal peace mechanisms like the law courts, committees and commissions of inquiry, interventions by NGOs/CSOs and peacekeeping operations failed to resolve the conflict. However, through the state support in the use of indigenous peace mechanisms by a Committee of Eminent Chiefs (CEC), a resolution of the conflict was made possible by the adoption of this hybrid dispute resolution mechanism. This article examines how the Dagbon conflict was resolved using a home-grown peace mechanism, the eminent peace approach. Drawing on related secondary data, we argue that empowering traditional leaders and strengthening home-grown conflict resolution mechanisms can play a pivotal role in resolving non-state conflicts. This article contributes to the hybrid peace literature that centres around the call for local-state collaboration in conflict resolution.
加纳北部地区达本旷日持久的酋长冲突最近通过正式和非正式解决机制的相互作用得到解决,其中后者主导了与本土和平机制的和平进程。在过去,国家通过正式的自由和平机制,如法院、委员会和调查委员会、非政府组织/民间社会组织的干预和维和行动,未能解决冲突。然而,通过国家支持杰出酋长委员会(CEC)使用土著和平机制,通过采用这种混合争端解决机制,解决冲突成为可能。本文探讨了如何使用一种土生土长的和平机制,即著名的和平方法来解决达格邦冲突。根据相关二手数据,我们认为赋予传统领导人权力和加强本土冲突解决机制可以在解决非国家冲突中发挥关键作用。本文是混合和平文献的一部分,其核心是呼吁地方与国家合作解决冲突。
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引用次数: 3
Moral hazard in Sudan’s ‘Two Areas’ – humanitarianism that perpetuates civil war 苏丹“两个地区”的道德风险——使内战持续的人道主义
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2034367
A. Kuperman
ABSTRACT This article examines how the conflict since 2011 in Sudan’s ‘Two Areas’, the states of South Kordofan and Blue Nile, has been prolonged by a well-intentioned but counter-productive international response. The United States and other western countries, motivated by humanitarianism, imposed sanctions against Sudan’s regime and provided aid to rebel regions. This western response was fostered partially by disinformation – about the genesis of the conflict, the regime’s use of force, and the causes and extent of the humanitarian crisis. Western support incentivized the rebels to perpetuate their hopeless military campaign, which prolonged the displacement of an estimated one-third of civilians in the Two Areas. Only after the United States lifted some sanctions in 2017, and a popular revolution overthrew the regime in 2019, did U.S. officials belatedly identify rebel leader Abdelaziz al-Hilu as an obstacle to peace. The article concludes with lessons for ending the conflict in Sudan’s Two Areas and mitigating such civil wars elsewhere.
本文探讨了自2011年以来,苏丹“两个地区”(南科尔多凡州和青尼罗州)的冲突是如何被善意但适得其反的国际反应所延长的。美国和其他西方国家出于人道主义的动机,对苏丹政权实施制裁,并向反叛地区提供援助。西方的这种反应部分是由虚假信息促成的——关于冲突的起源、叙利亚政权使用武力、人道主义危机的原因和程度。西方的支持鼓励叛军继续他们毫无希望的军事行动,这延长了这两个地区大约三分之一的平民流离失所的时间。直到2017年美国取消了部分制裁,2019年一场民众革命推翻了该政权,美国官员才姗姗姗姗来地将反对派领导人阿卜杜勒-阿齐兹·希卢(Abdelaziz al-Hilu)认定为和平的障碍。文章最后总结了结束苏丹“两区”冲突和缓解其他地区类似内战的经验教训。
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引用次数: 0
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