首页 > 最新文献

Conflict Security & Development最新文献

英文 中文
When defence drives foreign policy: Brazilian military agency in the revitalisation of the ZOPACAS 当国防驱动外交政策:巴西军事机构在ZOPACAS的振兴
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2211536
Maísa Edwards
ABSTRACT The Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS) is a maritime zone of peace that was established, largely through Brazilian efforts, by the UN General Assembly in 1986. Since its establishment, ministerial meetings have been convened to discuss the zone’s evolving agenda, which has focused on maintaining peace, building diplomatic and defence cooperation between its twenty-four member states, and encouraging development in the South Atlantic region. This article examines Brazilian diplomatic and defence interests in the South Atlantic, providing an analysis of sections in Brazil’s official defence documents (1994–2020), pertaining to the ZOPACAS, South-South cooperation, development and regional security. It ultimately seeks to address how efforts behind a new revitalisation of the ZOPACAS are being driven by the Brazilian military with the aim of expanding Brazil’s defence framework in the South Atlantic.
南大西洋和平与合作区(ZOPACAS)是联合国大会于1986年在巴西的努力下建立的一个海上和平区。自成立以来,已经召开了部长级会议,讨论该地区不断发展的议程,其重点是维持和平,在其24个成员国之间建立外交和防务合作,并鼓励南大西洋地区的发展。本文考察了巴西在南大西洋的外交和国防利益,分析了巴西官方国防文件(1994-2020年)中与ZOPACAS、南南合作、发展和地区安全有关的部分。它最终寻求解决巴西军方如何推动ZOPACAS重新焕发活力的努力,目的是扩大巴西在南大西洋的防御框架。
{"title":"When defence drives foreign policy: Brazilian military agency in the revitalisation of the ZOPACAS","authors":"Maísa Edwards","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2211536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2211536","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS) is a maritime zone of peace that was established, largely through Brazilian efforts, by the UN General Assembly in 1986. Since its establishment, ministerial meetings have been convened to discuss the zone’s evolving agenda, which has focused on maintaining peace, building diplomatic and defence cooperation between its twenty-four member states, and encouraging development in the South Atlantic region. This article examines Brazilian diplomatic and defence interests in the South Atlantic, providing an analysis of sections in Brazil’s official defence documents (1994–2020), pertaining to the ZOPACAS, South-South cooperation, development and regional security. It ultimately seeks to address how efforts behind a new revitalisation of the ZOPACAS are being driven by the Brazilian military with the aim of expanding Brazil’s defence framework in the South Atlantic.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"1 1","pages":"179 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83111918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
From counterinsurgency to law-and-order operations: an analysis of social civic actions implemented by the Brazilian Army 从平叛到法治行动:巴西军队实施的社会公民行动分析
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2226610
Anaís Medeiros Passos
ABSTRACT This paper investigates the content of social civic actions (ACISO, ações cívico-sociais) in contemporary Brazil by placing the developmental role of the Brazilian Army into a historical perspective. I describe a history of implementing social civic actions in two moments: military regime (1964–1985) and democracy (1985-present). The research further describes the geographical dimension, target population, settlement, and activities implemented by the Brazilian Army in democratic Brazil based on a dataset of ACISOS. The paper concludes ACISOS changed from actions to help fight and eliminate guerrillas to activities to ensure the population’s support towards many military objectives in contemporary operations, including counter drugs operations. Yet, the emphasis on providing public services and goods to the popular classes and the search to promote military values in society are important factors of continuity.
本文通过将巴西军队的发展角色置于历史视角,研究当代巴西社会公民行动的内容(ACISO, ações cívico-sociais)。我描述了在两个时期实施社会公民行动的历史:军事政权(1964-1985)和民主(1985-至今)。本研究基于ACISOS数据集,进一步描述了巴西军队在民主巴西实施的地理维度、目标人口、定居点和活动。论文的结论是,ACISOS从帮助打击和消灭游击队的行动转变为确保人民支持当代行动中许多军事目标的活动,包括反毒品行动。然而,强调向大众阶级提供公共服务和物品以及寻求在社会中促进军事价值是连续性的重要因素。
{"title":"From counterinsurgency to law-and-order operations: an analysis of social civic actions implemented by the Brazilian Army","authors":"Anaís Medeiros Passos","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2226610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2226610","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper investigates the content of social civic actions (ACISO, ações cívico-sociais) in contemporary Brazil by placing the developmental role of the Brazilian Army into a historical perspective. I describe a history of implementing social civic actions in two moments: military regime (1964–1985) and democracy (1985-present). The research further describes the geographical dimension, target population, settlement, and activities implemented by the Brazilian Army in democratic Brazil based on a dataset of ACISOS. The paper concludes ACISOS changed from actions to help fight and eliminate guerrillas to activities to ensure the population’s support towards many military objectives in contemporary operations, including counter drugs operations. Yet, the emphasis on providing public services and goods to the popular classes and the search to promote military values in society are important factors of continuity.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"530 1","pages":"135 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78159040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The development, security, and defence nexus in Brazil 巴西的发展、安全和国防关系
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2225350
Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Raphael C. Lima
ABSTRACT The relationship between security and development has been a longstanding issue in Brazil. Far before Western literature raised the topic in development circles, Brazilian elites had already viewed security and development as intertwined concepts, placing the military as a key agent in providing several public policies over the 20th century. Even after a 21-year-long military authoritarian regime, this view continues to affect a myriad of dimensions of social and political life—such as civil-military relations, foreign policy, peacekeeping operations, internal security, and social policy. Thus, the goal of this Special Issue is to discuss the formation and effects of the Brazilian version of the security-development nexus. Articles will tackle the following questions: (1) How do the range and scope of security and defence concepts and military missions affect development policies and vice-versa? (2) How do military missions supporting national development and internal security affect the security sector and civil-military relations? (3) How does the military in Brazil translate this mentality of the security-development nexus into international relations? (4) What insights does the case of Brazil offer to the literature on the security-development nexus? By analysing the Brazilian experience, we hope to contribute to advance knowledge on the security-development nexus and reflect on the long-term effects of placing the military at the centre of public policies.
安全与发展的关系在巴西是一个长期存在的问题。早在西方文献在发展领域提出这一话题之前,巴西的精英们就已经将安全和发展视为相互交织的概念,并将军队作为20世纪提供多项公共政策的关键代理人。即使在经历了长达21年的军事独裁政权之后,这种观点仍在继续影响着社会和政治生活的方方面面,比如军民关系、外交政策、维和行动、国内安全和社会政策。因此,本期特刊的目的是讨论巴西版安全与发展关系的形成和影响。文章将处理下列问题:(1)安全和防务概念和军事任务的范围和范围如何影响发展政策,反之亦然?(2)支持国家发展和国内安全的军事任务如何影响安全部门和军民关系?(3)巴西军方如何将这种安全与发展联系的心态转化为国际关系?(4)巴西的案例为有关安全与发展关系的文献提供了什么见解?通过分析巴西的经验,我们希望有助于增进对安全与发展关系的认识,并反思将军队置于公共政策中心的长期影响。
{"title":"The development, security, and defence nexus in Brazil","authors":"Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Raphael C. Lima","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2225350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2225350","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The relationship between security and development has been a longstanding issue in Brazil. Far before Western literature raised the topic in development circles, Brazilian elites had already viewed security and development as intertwined concepts, placing the military as a key agent in providing several public policies over the 20th century. Even after a 21-year-long military authoritarian regime, this view continues to affect a myriad of dimensions of social and political life—such as civil-military relations, foreign policy, peacekeeping operations, internal security, and social policy. Thus, the goal of this Special Issue is to discuss the formation and effects of the Brazilian version of the security-development nexus. Articles will tackle the following questions: (1) How do the range and scope of security and defence concepts and military missions affect development policies and vice-versa? (2) How do military missions supporting national development and internal security affect the security sector and civil-military relations? (3) How does the military in Brazil translate this mentality of the security-development nexus into international relations? (4) What insights does the case of Brazil offer to the literature on the security-development nexus? By analysing the Brazilian experience, we hope to contribute to advance knowledge on the security-development nexus and reflect on the long-term effects of placing the military at the centre of public policies.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"14 2","pages":"93 - 103"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72452779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Hybrid security governance in Liberia in the aftermath of UN intervention 联合国干预后利比里亚的混合安全治理
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2178100
Mariam Bjarnesen
ABSTRACT What can we expect in terms of security governance in targeted states as international peacebuilding interventions and security sector reform ends? Can we assume that years of reform and capacity building will result in formal security institutions whose function alone can explain stability or instability, sustainable peace or relapses into violence, or even war? In 2018, the United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission in Liberia. Celebrated as a success and role model for future undertakings, scrutinising the UN narrative may appear as a natural starting point for analysing Liberia’s relative stability. Yet, in the Liberian case, formal performance reviews will never be sufficient. This paper, with a conceptual point of departure in theories of hybrid security governance, recognises the continued entangled nature of formal and informal security provision in Liberia. It argues that post-intervention narratives of success should not keep us from assessing security beyond formal state capacity. Instead, holistic approaches are key to understand security governance as non-state security providers are, for better or worse, likely to remain relevant despite years of reform and capacity building.
随着国际建设和平干预和安全部门改革的结束,我们对目标国家的安全治理有何期待?我们是否可以假设,多年的改革和能力建设将产生正式的安全机构,其职能本身就可以解释稳定或不稳定、可持续和平或陷入暴力甚至战争?2018年,联合国结束了在利比里亚的维和任务。作为未来事业的成功和榜样,仔细审视联合国的叙述似乎是分析利比里亚相对稳定的一个自然起点。然而,在利比里亚的情况下,正式的业绩审查永远是不够的。本文从混合安全治理理论的概念出发,认识到利比里亚正式和非正式安全提供的持续纠缠性质。它认为,干预后的成功叙事不应阻止我们评估正式国家能力之外的安全。相反,整体方法是理解安全治理的关键,因为无论好坏,尽管经过多年的改革和能力建设,非国家安全提供商仍可能保持相关性。
{"title":"Hybrid security governance in Liberia in the aftermath of UN intervention","authors":"Mariam Bjarnesen","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2178100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2178100","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What can we expect in terms of security governance in targeted states as international peacebuilding interventions and security sector reform ends? Can we assume that years of reform and capacity building will result in formal security institutions whose function alone can explain stability or instability, sustainable peace or relapses into violence, or even war? In 2018, the United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission in Liberia. Celebrated as a success and role model for future undertakings, scrutinising the UN narrative may appear as a natural starting point for analysing Liberia’s relative stability. Yet, in the Liberian case, formal performance reviews will never be sufficient. This paper, with a conceptual point of departure in theories of hybrid security governance, recognises the continued entangled nature of formal and informal security provision in Liberia. It argues that post-intervention narratives of success should not keep us from assessing security beyond formal state capacity. Instead, holistic approaches are key to understand security governance as non-state security providers are, for better or worse, likely to remain relevant despite years of reform and capacity building.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"76 1","pages":"1 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80712448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Pakistani Hazara Shia victims: challenges, survival techniques, and protective needs 巴基斯坦哈扎拉什叶派受害者:挑战、生存技巧和保护需求
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2186166
Sara Rizvi Jafree, N. Malik, Amna Khawar
ABSTRACT News reports frequently convey acts of violence against Hazara Shias in Pakistan, but there is limited empirical scholarship about lived experiences of the community. To contribute to the knowledge in this field, interviews with Pakistani Hazara Shia victims, who have also lost immediate family members to violence, were conducted. Interviews with thirteen participants took place between February and May 2021. Thematic content analysis revealed two broad areas: Challenges and fears and Coping and hope for a better future. The former showed that participants struggled with: (i) uncertainty about which factor plays a greater role in violence; (ii) facing psychological warfare and living with violence by normalising it; (iii) discrimination and exclusion; and (iv) mental trauma, drug abuse, and suicide ideation. The latter thematic area uncovered that participants persisted through: (i) religious coping and spirituality; (ii) plans for migration versus nationalism; and (iii) hope that basic human rights and special quotas would be secured in the future. The study highlights that unless it is stopped, the violence against Hazara Shias will have to be accepted as an ‘extension of genocide’ which deprives living members of the community from essentially continuing with life beyond pure survival and suffering from ‘social death’.
新闻报道经常报道针对巴基斯坦哈扎拉什叶派的暴力行为,但关于该社区生活经历的实证学术研究有限。为了增进对这一领域的了解,对巴基斯坦哈扎拉什叶派受害者进行了采访,他们也因暴力而失去了直系亲属。在2021年2月至5月期间对13名参与者进行了采访。专题内容分析揭示了两大领域:挑战和恐惧以及应对和对更美好未来的希望。前者表明参与者挣扎于:(i)不确定哪个因素在暴力中起更大的作用;(ii)面对心理战,将暴力正常化,与暴力共存;(三)歧视和排斥;(四)精神创伤、药物滥用和自杀意念。后一个主题领域揭示了参与者坚持通过:(i)宗教应对和灵性;(ii)移民与民族主义的计划;(三)希望今后能保障基本人权和特别配额。该研究强调,除非制止,否则针对哈扎拉什叶派的暴力行为将不得不被认为是“种族灭绝的延伸”,它剥夺了该社区活着的成员除了纯粹的生存之外的基本生活,并遭受“社会死亡”。
{"title":"Pakistani Hazara Shia victims: challenges, survival techniques, and protective needs","authors":"Sara Rizvi Jafree, N. Malik, Amna Khawar","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2186166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2186166","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT News reports frequently convey acts of violence against Hazara Shias in Pakistan, but there is limited empirical scholarship about lived experiences of the community. To contribute to the knowledge in this field, interviews with Pakistani Hazara Shia victims, who have also lost immediate family members to violence, were conducted. Interviews with thirteen participants took place between February and May 2021. Thematic content analysis revealed two broad areas: Challenges and fears and Coping and hope for a better future. The former showed that participants struggled with: (i) uncertainty about which factor plays a greater role in violence; (ii) facing psychological warfare and living with violence by normalising it; (iii) discrimination and exclusion; and (iv) mental trauma, drug abuse, and suicide ideation. The latter thematic area uncovered that participants persisted through: (i) religious coping and spirituality; (ii) plans for migration versus nationalism; and (iii) hope that basic human rights and special quotas would be secured in the future. The study highlights that unless it is stopped, the violence against Hazara Shias will have to be accepted as an ‘extension of genocide’ which deprives living members of the community from essentially continuing with life beyond pure survival and suffering from ‘social death’.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"48 1","pages":"67 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85795233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Improving famine early warning systems: a conflict-sensitive approach 改善饥荒预警系统:一种对冲突敏感的方法
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2188570
Alba Linares Quero, Carlos Pérez Alonso de Armiño, Manuel Sánchez Montero
ABSTRACT The existing information mechanisms on food insecurity are not ‘conflict sensitive’, that is, they do not sufficiently incorporate the causal relation between conflict and hunger. This generates a lack of detailed information in this respect, which hinders implementation of Security Council Resolution 2417. It is therefore necessary to advance towards an early warning system that considers the impact of the use of hunger as a weapon of war on the different dimensions of food security, and is capable of collecting empirical evidence at the local level in a regular and agile form. To that end, in this article we reflect on the existing difficulties in collecting and analysing such information, and propose theoretical and operational inputs for constructing conflict-sensitive early warning systems in contexts of acute food insecurity.
现有的粮食不安全信息机制并不“冲突敏感”,也就是说,它们没有充分纳入冲突与饥饿之间的因果关系。这导致缺乏这方面的详细资料,从而阻碍了安全理事会第2417号决议的执行。因此,有必要推动建立一个预警系统,该系统考虑到将饥饿作为战争武器对粮食安全不同层面的影响,并能够在地方一级以定期和灵活的形式收集经验证据。为此,在本文中,我们反思了收集和分析此类信息的现有困难,并提出了在严重粮食不安全背景下构建冲突敏感预警系统的理论和业务投入。
{"title":"Improving famine early warning systems: a conflict-sensitive approach","authors":"Alba Linares Quero, Carlos Pérez Alonso de Armiño, Manuel Sánchez Montero","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2188570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2188570","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The existing information mechanisms on food insecurity are not ‘conflict sensitive’, that is, they do not sufficiently incorporate the causal relation between conflict and hunger. This generates a lack of detailed information in this respect, which hinders implementation of Security Council Resolution 2417. It is therefore necessary to advance towards an early warning system that considers the impact of the use of hunger as a weapon of war on the different dimensions of food security, and is capable of collecting empirical evidence at the local level in a regular and agile form. To that end, in this article we reflect on the existing difficulties in collecting and analysing such information, and propose theoretical and operational inputs for constructing conflict-sensitive early warning systems in contexts of acute food insecurity.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"31 1","pages":"23 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89827192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
‘2011 unshackled the space’: spatial analysis of diverging youth political agency in the Syrian conflict “2011年解放空间”:叙利亚冲突中不同青年政治机构的空间分析
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2188569
Sarah Anne Rennick
ABSTRACT Despite the passing in 2015 of UNSCR 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security, the study of young people’s political agency in conflict, and the possibilities for empowerment and transformative change, remains sparse. This article investigates generative processes of youth political agency in the Syrian war since 2011 and under what conditions conflict has politically empowered/disempowered youth. Drawing on 72 interviews carried out with youth inside the country in the period 2019–2021, the article conducts spatial analysis to assess how the different spaces the conflict has produced inform youth agency. The article finds that the different degrees of agency are mediated by space-specific logics of security, autonomy and control. While some youth have experienced political empowerment, this has been limited to zones of autonomous governance; meanwhile, in regime-held zones, the spatial logic of authoritarian consolidation mediates political disappropriation. The article argues that this divergence has important implications for Syrian youth’s political subjectivities and the emergence of new inequalities that are further compounded by everyday tactics of movement restriction. Given the conflict’s likely denouement, transformative potential appears dim.
尽管2015年通过了关于青年、和平与安全的联合国安理会第2250号决议,但对冲突中年轻人的政治代理、赋权和变革的可能性的研究仍然很少。本文研究了自2011年以来叙利亚战争中青年政治机构的生成过程,以及冲突在什么条件下赋予青年政治权力/剥夺青年政治权力。根据2019-2021年期间对该国境内青年进行的72次访谈,本文进行了空间分析,以评估冲突产生的不同空间如何为青年机构提供信息。研究发现,不同程度的代理是由特定空间的安全、自治和控制逻辑所中介的。虽然一些青年经历了政治赋权,但这仅限于自治地区;与此同时,在政权控制的地区,威权巩固的空间逻辑调解了政治挪用。这篇文章认为,这种分歧对叙利亚青年的政治主体性和新的不平等现象的出现有着重要的影响,这种不平等现象因日常的行动限制策略而进一步加剧。考虑到冲突可能的结局,变革的潜力似乎很渺茫。
{"title":"‘2011 unshackled the space’: spatial analysis of diverging youth political agency in the Syrian conflict","authors":"Sarah Anne Rennick","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2188569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2188569","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite the passing in 2015 of UNSCR 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security, the study of young people’s political agency in conflict, and the possibilities for empowerment and transformative change, remains sparse. This article investigates generative processes of youth political agency in the Syrian war since 2011 and under what conditions conflict has politically empowered/disempowered youth. Drawing on 72 interviews carried out with youth inside the country in the period 2019–2021, the article conducts spatial analysis to assess how the different spaces the conflict has produced inform youth agency. The article finds that the different degrees of agency are mediated by space-specific logics of security, autonomy and control. While some youth have experienced political empowerment, this has been limited to zones of autonomous governance; meanwhile, in regime-held zones, the spatial logic of authoritarian consolidation mediates political disappropriation. The article argues that this divergence has important implications for Syrian youth’s political subjectivities and the emergence of new inequalities that are further compounded by everyday tactics of movement restriction. Given the conflict’s likely denouement, transformative potential appears dim.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"305 1","pages":"43 - 66"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78907639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Youth inclusion in peace processes: the case of the Bangsamoro transition authority in Mindanao, Philippines 青年参与和平进程:菲律宾棉兰老岛邦萨摩洛过渡当局的案例
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2151201
Primitivo Iii Cabanes Ragandang, Sukanya Podder
ABSTRACT Drawing on the post-accord case of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) in the region of Muslim Mindanao, this research examines how far youth’s vertical integration in formal political institutions is influenced by both structural association and youth’s agential capacity. While association with the formal structural elements enables elite youth’s entry into the formal space, the latter’s agential capacity shapes the nature of that inclusion over the long-term. Positive intergenerational collaboration and interdependence between Moro elders and the Moro youth supports this process, although inclusion remains limited to only a minority of the youthful population. New empirical data collected through primary research with the elders and young Moro ministers in the BTA is used to demonstrate the workings of our argument around the importance of intergenerational collaboration and support from the elders, for a wider inclusion of young people’s skills and voices into post-conflict governance institutions.
摘要:本研究以棉兰老穆斯林地区邦萨摩罗过渡当局(BTA)的协议后案例为基础,考察了青年在正式政治机构中的垂直整合在多大程度上受到结构关联和青年代理能力的影响。虽然与正式结构元素的联系使精英青年能够进入正式空间,但后者的代理能力在长期内塑造了这种包容的性质。摩洛老年人和摩洛青年之间积极的代际合作和相互依存支持了这一进程,尽管只有少数年轻人参与其中。通过对BTA的长老和年轻的摩洛牧师进行初步研究收集的新经验数据,用于证明我们关于代际合作和长老支持的重要性的论点是有效的,这对于将年轻人的技能和声音更广泛地纳入冲突后治理机构。
{"title":"Youth inclusion in peace processes: the case of the Bangsamoro transition authority in Mindanao, Philippines","authors":"Primitivo Iii Cabanes Ragandang, Sukanya Podder","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2151201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2151201","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Drawing on the post-accord case of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) in the region of Muslim Mindanao, this research examines how far youth’s vertical integration in formal political institutions is influenced by both structural association and youth’s agential capacity. While association with the formal structural elements enables elite youth’s entry into the formal space, the latter’s agential capacity shapes the nature of that inclusion over the long-term. Positive intergenerational collaboration and interdependence between Moro elders and the Moro youth supports this process, although inclusion remains limited to only a minority of the youthful population. New empirical data collected through primary research with the elders and young Moro ministers in the BTA is used to demonstrate the workings of our argument around the importance of intergenerational collaboration and support from the elders, for a wider inclusion of young people’s skills and voices into post-conflict governance institutions.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"5 1","pages":"609 - 628"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79360905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Gender and development in post-conflict Swat, Pakistan: a critical analysis of NGO approaches used in development projects 巴基斯坦斯瓦特冲突后的性别与发展:对发展项目中使用的非政府组织方法的批判性分析
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2154477
Abda Khalid, B. Nawab, S. Dawar
ABSTRACT The concept of ‘gender and development’ is still marginalised and misunderstood. After the armed conflict (2005–2009) and floods (2010) which struck the Swat Valley, Pakistan there was an influx of development organisations into the area. These organisations introduced projects focusing on both men and women, with the intention of assisting them according to their needs and pursuing the higher goal of gender equality. This study, carried out from 2016–2018, used qualitative methods to understand how these development organisations understood the concept of gender and development, and how they implemented it. Data was collected from two villages and two NGOs working in selected villages in the Swat Valley. Analysis reveals that the term ‘gender’ was often misinterpreted by local NGOs, making it difficult for them to see how their projects could contribute to improved well-being of both women and men, in the light of the diversity and dynamics of local gendered norms and relations. Instead of being included from the start as stakeholders, women were often involved as ‘additions’ to projects. Furthermore, NGO workers were not sufficiently trained in how to consider gender in the implementation of projects.
“性别与发展”的概念仍然被边缘化和误解。在武装冲突(2005-2009年)和洪水(2010年)袭击了巴基斯坦斯瓦特山谷之后,大量发展组织涌入该地区。这些组织推出了以男性和女性为重点的项目,目的是根据他们的需要向他们提供帮助,并追求两性平等的更高目标。本研究于2016年至2018年开展,采用定性方法了解这些发展组织如何理解性别与发展的概念,以及它们如何实施这一概念。数据是从斯瓦特河谷选定村庄的两个村庄和两个非政府组织收集的。分析表明,“性别”一词经常被当地非政府组织误解,使他们很难看到他们的项目如何有助于改善妇女和男子的福祉,鉴于当地性别规范和关系的多样性和动态。女性不是从一开始就作为利益相关者参与进来,而是经常作为项目的“补充”参与进来。此外,非政府组织工作人员在如何在执行项目时考虑到性别问题方面没有得到充分的培训。
{"title":"Gender and development in post-conflict Swat, Pakistan: a critical analysis of NGO approaches used in development projects","authors":"Abda Khalid, B. Nawab, S. Dawar","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2154477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2154477","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The concept of ‘gender and development’ is still marginalised and misunderstood. After the armed conflict (2005–2009) and floods (2010) which struck the Swat Valley, Pakistan there was an influx of development organisations into the area. These organisations introduced projects focusing on both men and women, with the intention of assisting them according to their needs and pursuing the higher goal of gender equality. This study, carried out from 2016–2018, used qualitative methods to understand how these development organisations understood the concept of gender and development, and how they implemented it. Data was collected from two villages and two NGOs working in selected villages in the Swat Valley. Analysis reveals that the term ‘gender’ was often misinterpreted by local NGOs, making it difficult for them to see how their projects could contribute to improved well-being of both women and men, in the light of the diversity and dynamics of local gendered norms and relations. Instead of being included from the start as stakeholders, women were often involved as ‘additions’ to projects. Furthermore, NGO workers were not sufficiently trained in how to consider gender in the implementation of projects.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"9 1","pages":"629 - 649"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90286221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Rebel oil regimes and economic governance: the case of the Houthis in Yemen 反政府石油政权和经济治理:也门胡塞武装的例子
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2155799
Ariel I. Ahram
ABSTRACT Most studies on oil and rebellion focus on the physical competition to control sites of resource production such as fields, refineries and export terminals. Issues of ownership are tertiary, even derisory. This paper takes issues of ownership seriously, detailing how rebel groups make legal claims to ownership of state-controlled oil assets. Rebel oil regimes are embedded in broader forms of rebel economic governance and diplomacy. Rebels can assert legal rights to resources even when they lack physical access to it. Using the case of the Houthis (Ansar Allah) in northern Yemen, the paper shows how rebel oil regimes help solidify elite bargains and relationships with outside patrons in ways that affect the course of conflict and conflict resolution. Considering legality alongside physical possession of resources better explains how rebel governance operates in the economic sphere.
大多数关于石油与叛乱的研究都集中在控制资源生产场所(如油田、炼油厂和出口码头)的物理竞争上。所有权问题排在第三位,甚至是微不足道的。本文认真对待所有权问题,详细介绍了反叛组织如何对国有石油资产的所有权提出法律要求。反对派的石油政权植根于更广泛形式的反对派经济治理和外交。叛乱分子可以主张对资源的合法权利,即使他们无法获得资源。本文以也门北部胡塞武装(安拉武装)为例,展示了反政府石油政权如何通过影响冲突进程和冲突解决的方式,帮助巩固精英讨价还价和与外部赞助人的关系。将合法性与资源的实际占有结合起来考虑,可以更好地解释叛军治理在经济领域的运作方式。
{"title":"Rebel oil regimes and economic governance: the case of the Houthis in Yemen","authors":"Ariel I. Ahram","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2155799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2155799","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Most studies on oil and rebellion focus on the physical competition to control sites of resource production such as fields, refineries and export terminals. Issues of ownership are tertiary, even derisory. This paper takes issues of ownership seriously, detailing how rebel groups make legal claims to ownership of state-controlled oil assets. Rebel oil regimes are embedded in broader forms of rebel economic governance and diplomacy. Rebels can assert legal rights to resources even when they lack physical access to it. Using the case of the Houthis (Ansar Allah) in northern Yemen, the paper shows how rebel oil regimes help solidify elite bargains and relationships with outside patrons in ways that affect the course of conflict and conflict resolution. Considering legality alongside physical possession of resources better explains how rebel governance operates in the economic sphere.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"52 1","pages":"589 - 607"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85185729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
期刊
Conflict Security & Development
全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1