Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2211536
Maísa Edwards
ABSTRACT The Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS) is a maritime zone of peace that was established, largely through Brazilian efforts, by the UN General Assembly in 1986. Since its establishment, ministerial meetings have been convened to discuss the zone’s evolving agenda, which has focused on maintaining peace, building diplomatic and defence cooperation between its twenty-four member states, and encouraging development in the South Atlantic region. This article examines Brazilian diplomatic and defence interests in the South Atlantic, providing an analysis of sections in Brazil’s official defence documents (1994–2020), pertaining to the ZOPACAS, South-South cooperation, development and regional security. It ultimately seeks to address how efforts behind a new revitalisation of the ZOPACAS are being driven by the Brazilian military with the aim of expanding Brazil’s defence framework in the South Atlantic.
{"title":"When defence drives foreign policy: Brazilian military agency in the revitalisation of the ZOPACAS","authors":"Maísa Edwards","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2211536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2211536","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS) is a maritime zone of peace that was established, largely through Brazilian efforts, by the UN General Assembly in 1986. Since its establishment, ministerial meetings have been convened to discuss the zone’s evolving agenda, which has focused on maintaining peace, building diplomatic and defence cooperation between its twenty-four member states, and encouraging development in the South Atlantic region. This article examines Brazilian diplomatic and defence interests in the South Atlantic, providing an analysis of sections in Brazil’s official defence documents (1994–2020), pertaining to the ZOPACAS, South-South cooperation, development and regional security. It ultimately seeks to address how efforts behind a new revitalisation of the ZOPACAS are being driven by the Brazilian military with the aim of expanding Brazil’s defence framework in the South Atlantic.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"1 1","pages":"179 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83111918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2226610
Anaís Medeiros Passos
ABSTRACT This paper investigates the content of social civic actions (ACISO, ações cívico-sociais) in contemporary Brazil by placing the developmental role of the Brazilian Army into a historical perspective. I describe a history of implementing social civic actions in two moments: military regime (1964–1985) and democracy (1985-present). The research further describes the geographical dimension, target population, settlement, and activities implemented by the Brazilian Army in democratic Brazil based on a dataset of ACISOS. The paper concludes ACISOS changed from actions to help fight and eliminate guerrillas to activities to ensure the population’s support towards many military objectives in contemporary operations, including counter drugs operations. Yet, the emphasis on providing public services and goods to the popular classes and the search to promote military values in society are important factors of continuity.
{"title":"From counterinsurgency to law-and-order operations: an analysis of social civic actions implemented by the Brazilian Army","authors":"Anaís Medeiros Passos","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2226610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2226610","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper investigates the content of social civic actions (ACISO, ações cívico-sociais) in contemporary Brazil by placing the developmental role of the Brazilian Army into a historical perspective. I describe a history of implementing social civic actions in two moments: military regime (1964–1985) and democracy (1985-present). The research further describes the geographical dimension, target population, settlement, and activities implemented by the Brazilian Army in democratic Brazil based on a dataset of ACISOS. The paper concludes ACISOS changed from actions to help fight and eliminate guerrillas to activities to ensure the population’s support towards many military objectives in contemporary operations, including counter drugs operations. Yet, the emphasis on providing public services and goods to the popular classes and the search to promote military values in society are important factors of continuity.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"530 1","pages":"135 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78159040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2225350
Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Raphael C. Lima
ABSTRACT The relationship between security and development has been a longstanding issue in Brazil. Far before Western literature raised the topic in development circles, Brazilian elites had already viewed security and development as intertwined concepts, placing the military as a key agent in providing several public policies over the 20th century. Even after a 21-year-long military authoritarian regime, this view continues to affect a myriad of dimensions of social and political life—such as civil-military relations, foreign policy, peacekeeping operations, internal security, and social policy. Thus, the goal of this Special Issue is to discuss the formation and effects of the Brazilian version of the security-development nexus. Articles will tackle the following questions: (1) How do the range and scope of security and defence concepts and military missions affect development policies and vice-versa? (2) How do military missions supporting national development and internal security affect the security sector and civil-military relations? (3) How does the military in Brazil translate this mentality of the security-development nexus into international relations? (4) What insights does the case of Brazil offer to the literature on the security-development nexus? By analysing the Brazilian experience, we hope to contribute to advance knowledge on the security-development nexus and reflect on the long-term effects of placing the military at the centre of public policies.
{"title":"The development, security, and defence nexus in Brazil","authors":"Vinicius Mariano de Carvalho, Raphael C. Lima","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2225350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2225350","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The relationship between security and development has been a longstanding issue in Brazil. Far before Western literature raised the topic in development circles, Brazilian elites had already viewed security and development as intertwined concepts, placing the military as a key agent in providing several public policies over the 20th century. Even after a 21-year-long military authoritarian regime, this view continues to affect a myriad of dimensions of social and political life—such as civil-military relations, foreign policy, peacekeeping operations, internal security, and social policy. Thus, the goal of this Special Issue is to discuss the formation and effects of the Brazilian version of the security-development nexus. Articles will tackle the following questions: (1) How do the range and scope of security and defence concepts and military missions affect development policies and vice-versa? (2) How do military missions supporting national development and internal security affect the security sector and civil-military relations? (3) How does the military in Brazil translate this mentality of the security-development nexus into international relations? (4) What insights does the case of Brazil offer to the literature on the security-development nexus? By analysing the Brazilian experience, we hope to contribute to advance knowledge on the security-development nexus and reflect on the long-term effects of placing the military at the centre of public policies.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"14 2","pages":"93 - 103"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72452779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2178100
Mariam Bjarnesen
ABSTRACT What can we expect in terms of security governance in targeted states as international peacebuilding interventions and security sector reform ends? Can we assume that years of reform and capacity building will result in formal security institutions whose function alone can explain stability or instability, sustainable peace or relapses into violence, or even war? In 2018, the United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission in Liberia. Celebrated as a success and role model for future undertakings, scrutinising the UN narrative may appear as a natural starting point for analysing Liberia’s relative stability. Yet, in the Liberian case, formal performance reviews will never be sufficient. This paper, with a conceptual point of departure in theories of hybrid security governance, recognises the continued entangled nature of formal and informal security provision in Liberia. It argues that post-intervention narratives of success should not keep us from assessing security beyond formal state capacity. Instead, holistic approaches are key to understand security governance as non-state security providers are, for better or worse, likely to remain relevant despite years of reform and capacity building.
{"title":"Hybrid security governance in Liberia in the aftermath of UN intervention","authors":"Mariam Bjarnesen","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2178100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2178100","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What can we expect in terms of security governance in targeted states as international peacebuilding interventions and security sector reform ends? Can we assume that years of reform and capacity building will result in formal security institutions whose function alone can explain stability or instability, sustainable peace or relapses into violence, or even war? In 2018, the United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission in Liberia. Celebrated as a success and role model for future undertakings, scrutinising the UN narrative may appear as a natural starting point for analysing Liberia’s relative stability. Yet, in the Liberian case, formal performance reviews will never be sufficient. This paper, with a conceptual point of departure in theories of hybrid security governance, recognises the continued entangled nature of formal and informal security provision in Liberia. It argues that post-intervention narratives of success should not keep us from assessing security beyond formal state capacity. Instead, holistic approaches are key to understand security governance as non-state security providers are, for better or worse, likely to remain relevant despite years of reform and capacity building.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"76 1","pages":"1 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80712448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2186166
Sara Rizvi Jafree, N. Malik, Amna Khawar
ABSTRACT News reports frequently convey acts of violence against Hazara Shias in Pakistan, but there is limited empirical scholarship about lived experiences of the community. To contribute to the knowledge in this field, interviews with Pakistani Hazara Shia victims, who have also lost immediate family members to violence, were conducted. Interviews with thirteen participants took place between February and May 2021. Thematic content analysis revealed two broad areas: Challenges and fears and Coping and hope for a better future. The former showed that participants struggled with: (i) uncertainty about which factor plays a greater role in violence; (ii) facing psychological warfare and living with violence by normalising it; (iii) discrimination and exclusion; and (iv) mental trauma, drug abuse, and suicide ideation. The latter thematic area uncovered that participants persisted through: (i) religious coping and spirituality; (ii) plans for migration versus nationalism; and (iii) hope that basic human rights and special quotas would be secured in the future. The study highlights that unless it is stopped, the violence against Hazara Shias will have to be accepted as an ‘extension of genocide’ which deprives living members of the community from essentially continuing with life beyond pure survival and suffering from ‘social death’.
{"title":"Pakistani Hazara Shia victims: challenges, survival techniques, and protective needs","authors":"Sara Rizvi Jafree, N. Malik, Amna Khawar","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2186166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2186166","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT News reports frequently convey acts of violence against Hazara Shias in Pakistan, but there is limited empirical scholarship about lived experiences of the community. To contribute to the knowledge in this field, interviews with Pakistani Hazara Shia victims, who have also lost immediate family members to violence, were conducted. Interviews with thirteen participants took place between February and May 2021. Thematic content analysis revealed two broad areas: Challenges and fears and Coping and hope for a better future. The former showed that participants struggled with: (i) uncertainty about which factor plays a greater role in violence; (ii) facing psychological warfare and living with violence by normalising it; (iii) discrimination and exclusion; and (iv) mental trauma, drug abuse, and suicide ideation. The latter thematic area uncovered that participants persisted through: (i) religious coping and spirituality; (ii) plans for migration versus nationalism; and (iii) hope that basic human rights and special quotas would be secured in the future. The study highlights that unless it is stopped, the violence against Hazara Shias will have to be accepted as an ‘extension of genocide’ which deprives living members of the community from essentially continuing with life beyond pure survival and suffering from ‘social death’.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"48 1","pages":"67 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85795233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2188570
Alba Linares Quero, Carlos Pérez Alonso de Armiño, Manuel Sánchez Montero
ABSTRACT The existing information mechanisms on food insecurity are not ‘conflict sensitive’, that is, they do not sufficiently incorporate the causal relation between conflict and hunger. This generates a lack of detailed information in this respect, which hinders implementation of Security Council Resolution 2417. It is therefore necessary to advance towards an early warning system that considers the impact of the use of hunger as a weapon of war on the different dimensions of food security, and is capable of collecting empirical evidence at the local level in a regular and agile form. To that end, in this article we reflect on the existing difficulties in collecting and analysing such information, and propose theoretical and operational inputs for constructing conflict-sensitive early warning systems in contexts of acute food insecurity.
{"title":"Improving famine early warning systems: a conflict-sensitive approach","authors":"Alba Linares Quero, Carlos Pérez Alonso de Armiño, Manuel Sánchez Montero","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2188570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2188570","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The existing information mechanisms on food insecurity are not ‘conflict sensitive’, that is, they do not sufficiently incorporate the causal relation between conflict and hunger. This generates a lack of detailed information in this respect, which hinders implementation of Security Council Resolution 2417. It is therefore necessary to advance towards an early warning system that considers the impact of the use of hunger as a weapon of war on the different dimensions of food security, and is capable of collecting empirical evidence at the local level in a regular and agile form. To that end, in this article we reflect on the existing difficulties in collecting and analysing such information, and propose theoretical and operational inputs for constructing conflict-sensitive early warning systems in contexts of acute food insecurity.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"31 1","pages":"23 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89827192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2023.2188569
Sarah Anne Rennick
ABSTRACT Despite the passing in 2015 of UNSCR 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security, the study of young people’s political agency in conflict, and the possibilities for empowerment and transformative change, remains sparse. This article investigates generative processes of youth political agency in the Syrian war since 2011 and under what conditions conflict has politically empowered/disempowered youth. Drawing on 72 interviews carried out with youth inside the country in the period 2019–2021, the article conducts spatial analysis to assess how the different spaces the conflict has produced inform youth agency. The article finds that the different degrees of agency are mediated by space-specific logics of security, autonomy and control. While some youth have experienced political empowerment, this has been limited to zones of autonomous governance; meanwhile, in regime-held zones, the spatial logic of authoritarian consolidation mediates political disappropriation. The article argues that this divergence has important implications for Syrian youth’s political subjectivities and the emergence of new inequalities that are further compounded by everyday tactics of movement restriction. Given the conflict’s likely denouement, transformative potential appears dim.
{"title":"‘2011 unshackled the space’: spatial analysis of diverging youth political agency in the Syrian conflict","authors":"Sarah Anne Rennick","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2023.2188569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2023.2188569","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite the passing in 2015 of UNSCR 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security, the study of young people’s political agency in conflict, and the possibilities for empowerment and transformative change, remains sparse. This article investigates generative processes of youth political agency in the Syrian war since 2011 and under what conditions conflict has politically empowered/disempowered youth. Drawing on 72 interviews carried out with youth inside the country in the period 2019–2021, the article conducts spatial analysis to assess how the different spaces the conflict has produced inform youth agency. The article finds that the different degrees of agency are mediated by space-specific logics of security, autonomy and control. While some youth have experienced political empowerment, this has been limited to zones of autonomous governance; meanwhile, in regime-held zones, the spatial logic of authoritarian consolidation mediates political disappropriation. The article argues that this divergence has important implications for Syrian youth’s political subjectivities and the emergence of new inequalities that are further compounded by everyday tactics of movement restriction. Given the conflict’s likely denouement, transformative potential appears dim.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"305 1","pages":"43 - 66"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78907639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2151201
Primitivo Iii Cabanes Ragandang, Sukanya Podder
ABSTRACT Drawing on the post-accord case of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) in the region of Muslim Mindanao, this research examines how far youth’s vertical integration in formal political institutions is influenced by both structural association and youth’s agential capacity. While association with the formal structural elements enables elite youth’s entry into the formal space, the latter’s agential capacity shapes the nature of that inclusion over the long-term. Positive intergenerational collaboration and interdependence between Moro elders and the Moro youth supports this process, although inclusion remains limited to only a minority of the youthful population. New empirical data collected through primary research with the elders and young Moro ministers in the BTA is used to demonstrate the workings of our argument around the importance of intergenerational collaboration and support from the elders, for a wider inclusion of young people’s skills and voices into post-conflict governance institutions.
{"title":"Youth inclusion in peace processes: the case of the Bangsamoro transition authority in Mindanao, Philippines","authors":"Primitivo Iii Cabanes Ragandang, Sukanya Podder","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2151201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2151201","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Drawing on the post-accord case of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) in the region of Muslim Mindanao, this research examines how far youth’s vertical integration in formal political institutions is influenced by both structural association and youth’s agential capacity. While association with the formal structural elements enables elite youth’s entry into the formal space, the latter’s agential capacity shapes the nature of that inclusion over the long-term. Positive intergenerational collaboration and interdependence between Moro elders and the Moro youth supports this process, although inclusion remains limited to only a minority of the youthful population. New empirical data collected through primary research with the elders and young Moro ministers in the BTA is used to demonstrate the workings of our argument around the importance of intergenerational collaboration and support from the elders, for a wider inclusion of young people’s skills and voices into post-conflict governance institutions.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"5 1","pages":"609 - 628"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79360905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2154477
Abda Khalid, B. Nawab, S. Dawar
ABSTRACT The concept of ‘gender and development’ is still marginalised and misunderstood. After the armed conflict (2005–2009) and floods (2010) which struck the Swat Valley, Pakistan there was an influx of development organisations into the area. These organisations introduced projects focusing on both men and women, with the intention of assisting them according to their needs and pursuing the higher goal of gender equality. This study, carried out from 2016–2018, used qualitative methods to understand how these development organisations understood the concept of gender and development, and how they implemented it. Data was collected from two villages and two NGOs working in selected villages in the Swat Valley. Analysis reveals that the term ‘gender’ was often misinterpreted by local NGOs, making it difficult for them to see how their projects could contribute to improved well-being of both women and men, in the light of the diversity and dynamics of local gendered norms and relations. Instead of being included from the start as stakeholders, women were often involved as ‘additions’ to projects. Furthermore, NGO workers were not sufficiently trained in how to consider gender in the implementation of projects.
{"title":"Gender and development in post-conflict Swat, Pakistan: a critical analysis of NGO approaches used in development projects","authors":"Abda Khalid, B. Nawab, S. Dawar","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2154477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2154477","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The concept of ‘gender and development’ is still marginalised and misunderstood. After the armed conflict (2005–2009) and floods (2010) which struck the Swat Valley, Pakistan there was an influx of development organisations into the area. These organisations introduced projects focusing on both men and women, with the intention of assisting them according to their needs and pursuing the higher goal of gender equality. This study, carried out from 2016–2018, used qualitative methods to understand how these development organisations understood the concept of gender and development, and how they implemented it. Data was collected from two villages and two NGOs working in selected villages in the Swat Valley. Analysis reveals that the term ‘gender’ was often misinterpreted by local NGOs, making it difficult for them to see how their projects could contribute to improved well-being of both women and men, in the light of the diversity and dynamics of local gendered norms and relations. Instead of being included from the start as stakeholders, women were often involved as ‘additions’ to projects. Furthermore, NGO workers were not sufficiently trained in how to consider gender in the implementation of projects.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"9 1","pages":"629 - 649"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90286221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2022.2155799
Ariel I. Ahram
ABSTRACT Most studies on oil and rebellion focus on the physical competition to control sites of resource production such as fields, refineries and export terminals. Issues of ownership are tertiary, even derisory. This paper takes issues of ownership seriously, detailing how rebel groups make legal claims to ownership of state-controlled oil assets. Rebel oil regimes are embedded in broader forms of rebel economic governance and diplomacy. Rebels can assert legal rights to resources even when they lack physical access to it. Using the case of the Houthis (Ansar Allah) in northern Yemen, the paper shows how rebel oil regimes help solidify elite bargains and relationships with outside patrons in ways that affect the course of conflict and conflict resolution. Considering legality alongside physical possession of resources better explains how rebel governance operates in the economic sphere.
{"title":"Rebel oil regimes and economic governance: the case of the Houthis in Yemen","authors":"Ariel I. Ahram","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2022.2155799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2022.2155799","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Most studies on oil and rebellion focus on the physical competition to control sites of resource production such as fields, refineries and export terminals. Issues of ownership are tertiary, even derisory. This paper takes issues of ownership seriously, detailing how rebel groups make legal claims to ownership of state-controlled oil assets. Rebel oil regimes are embedded in broader forms of rebel economic governance and diplomacy. Rebels can assert legal rights to resources even when they lack physical access to it. Using the case of the Houthis (Ansar Allah) in northern Yemen, the paper shows how rebel oil regimes help solidify elite bargains and relationships with outside patrons in ways that affect the course of conflict and conflict resolution. Considering legality alongside physical possession of resources better explains how rebel governance operates in the economic sphere.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"52 1","pages":"589 - 607"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85185729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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