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Re-branding remittance fee reduction policy goals: from combating terrorist financing to poverty alleviation 重塑汇款手续费减免政策目标:从打击恐怖主义融资到扶贫
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1920235
Samuel MacIsaac
ABSTRACT After the 2001 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York, attention to informal migrant remittance flows were increasingly seen as a tool for terrorism financing due to their lack of oversight. After increased regulation was deemed to have the adverse impact of reducing the appeal of formal alternatives, security scholars and practitioners resorted to formalisation policies through transfer fee reductions that make formal options more accessible. In international development circles, similar policies gained traction. International commitments, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 10c) and objective 20 of the 2018 Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, aim to lower transfer fees to promote remittance growth and alleviate poverty. This article scrutinises the shift in remittance policy framing, primarily driven by security concerns, to promote development. Findings suggest the 9/11 terrorist attacks provided the punctuation that gave institutions the policy tractability to act upon pre-existing privatisation motives within Bretton-Woods institutions. The findings contribute to the understanding of policy creation and the cross-pollination of policies in the security-development space.
2001年9/11恐怖袭击后,由于缺乏监管,非正式移民汇款流越来越被视为恐怖主义融资的工具。在认为增加监管会降低正式选择的吸引力的不利影响之后,安全学者和从业人员通过降低转让费来采取正规化政策,使正式选择更容易获得。在国际发展领域,类似的政策也获得了支持。国际承诺,如可持续发展目标(可持续发展目标10c)和2018年《安全、有序和正常移民全球契约》的目标20,旨在降低汇款费用,以促进汇款增长和减轻贫困。本文详细分析了汇款政策框架的转变,这种转变主要是由安全问题推动的,目的是促进发展。调查结果表明,9/11恐怖袭击提供了一个标点符号,使机构在政策上具有可操作性,可以根据布雷顿森林体系机构内部存在的私有化动机采取行动。研究结果有助于理解安全发展空间中的政策制定和政策的交叉授粉。
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引用次数: 4
Dissolving the Internal-External Divide: Sierra Leone’s Path In and Out of Peacekeeping 消除内外分歧:塞拉利昂的维和之路
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1906572
P. Albrecht, Cathy Haenlein
ABSTRACT This article explores Sierra Leone’s trajectory from host of the world’s largest peace-support operation to post-conflict provider of peacekeepers elsewhere. Building on the authors’ previous research, it aims to nuance contemporary theoretical discussions of why states contribute peacekeepers, arguing that existing frameworks are unable to fully explain such developments in the Sierra Leonean case. A key reason is that these frameworks principally focus on national-level decision-making, overlooking the influence of foreign governments and external political pressures. Sierra Leone’s contribution of peacekeepers became integral to the post-conflict reconstruction of its armed forces, enabled and pushed forward by external partners, most prominently the UK. As such, internal and external factors intertwined to advance this trajectory, from national identity to income generation, international support and domestic crises. Sierra Leone’s trajectory grew from unique circumstances – with international partners playing an exceptionally central role in driving the process forward. These factors make Sierra Leone an important case to interrogate, against the backdrop of existing theoretical frameworks that seek to explain why states contribute troops.
本文探讨了塞拉利昂从世界上最大的和平支持行动的东道国到冲突后在其他地方提供维和人员的轨迹。在作者先前研究的基础上,它旨在对当代关于国家为何派遣维和人员的理论讨论进行细微的区分,认为现有的框架无法完全解释塞拉利昂案例中的这种发展。一个关键原因是,这些框架主要侧重于国家一级的决策,忽视了外国政府的影响和外部政治压力。塞拉利昂维和人员的贡献成为冲突后重建其武装部队不可或缺的一部分,这是由外部合作伙伴(最突出的是英国)促成和推动的。因此,从国家认同到创收、国际支持和国内危机,内部和外部因素相互交织,推动了这一轨迹。塞拉利昂的发展轨迹源于独特的环境,国际伙伴在推动这一进程方面发挥了异常重要的作用。这些因素使得塞拉利昂成为一个重要的案例,在现有的理论框架的背景下,试图解释为什么国家派遣军队。
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引用次数: 2
Precarious spaces and violent site effects: experiences from Hargeisa’s urban margins 不稳定的空间和暴力的场地效应:哈尔格萨城市边缘的经验
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1920230
Kirsti Stuvøy, Jutta Bakonyi, Peter Chonka
ABSTRACT This paper addresses precarity from a spatial perspective. It draws attention to how power becomes inscribed in urban space and shapes particular spatial arrangements connected with socio-economic vulnerabilities. This is empirically illustrated with a case study of Hargeisa, a city historically marked by the violence of the Somali civil war. Our analysis draws on interviews and participant photography, to foreground the ‘everyday’ experiences of residents living in the city’s marginal settlements. We point to the operations of power that produce political, economic and social deprivation but also agentic options for these residents who experience, cope with, struggle with and work against their marginalisation. Interconnecting precarity with geographies of violence, we elaborate the concept of ‘violent site-effects’ as a means to explain how power inscribed in spatial arrangements can cause harm to people. We emphasise violence as built into structures and as part of social orders that produce precarity. This, we argue, provides a basis on which to reflect on the dynamic ways in which inequality, insecurity and thus, vulnerabilities, are produced and reproduced in the processes of urban reconstruction.
本文从空间角度探讨不稳定性。它引起了人们对权力如何被铭刻在城市空间中的关注,并塑造了与社会经济脆弱性相关的特定空间安排。这是通过对哈尔格萨的案例研究进行实证说明的,这个城市在历史上以索马里内战的暴力为标志。我们的分析借鉴了采访和参与者的摄影,以突出生活在城市边缘定居点的居民的“日常”经历。我们指出,权力的运作产生了政治、经济和社会剥夺,但也为这些经历、应对、斗争和反对边缘化的居民提供了代理选择。将不稳定性与暴力地理联系起来,我们详细阐述了“暴力场地效应”的概念,作为解释空间安排中的权力如何对人们造成伤害的一种手段。我们强调暴力根植于结构之中,是造成不稳定的社会秩序的一部分。我们认为,这为反思不平等、不安全以及脆弱性在城市重建过程中产生和再现的动态方式提供了基础。
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引用次数: 4
Shifting ideas of sustainable peace towards conversation in state-building 将可持续和平的理念转变为国家建设中的对话
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2020.1862495
’. Olonisakin, Alagaw Ababu Kifle, Alfred Muteru
ABSTRACT This article offers reflections on the meaning of peace and peace-building in Africa and proposes a reframing of the state-building problematic. It argues for a shift in analytical lens by providing alternative ways of looking at state-building in order to explore a different approach to peace-building. Thus, the paper re-centres the notion of conversation in the processes of building peace and state. This concept of conversation requires a shifting of the debate from a focus on which institutions, liberal or otherwise, and which policies are most effective for peace, to how inter-elite and society-elite conversation gives rise to, or fails to bring about particular ensembles of institutions and policy outcomes. We analyse the role of political settlement in shaping the nature and outcome of these conversations. We suggest that the pursuit of peace must account for the depth of conversation about the presence, absence or desire for peace as well as accompanying perspectives of state-building across the target society.
本文对非洲和平与和平建设的意义进行了反思,并提出了对国家建设问题的重构。它主张通过提供看待国家建设的其他方式来改变分析视角,以探索建设和平的不同途径。因此,本文将对话的概念重新置于建设和平与国家进程的中心。这种对话的概念要求将辩论的焦点从关注哪些制度(自由主义或其他)以及哪些政策对和平最有效,转移到精英之间和社会精英之间的对话如何产生或未能带来特定的制度和政策结果的集合。我们分析了政治解决在塑造这些对话的性质和结果方面的作用。我们建议,对和平的追求必须考虑到对和平的存在、缺失或渴望的深入讨论,以及与之相伴的整个目标社会的国家建设观点。
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引用次数: 8
The contested meanings of cybersecurity: evidence from post-conflict Colombia 网络安全的争议意义:来自冲突后哥伦比亚的证据
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1888512
Jean-Marie Chenou
ABSTRACT Cybersecurity is a contested concept. While some definitions focus on technical aspects, other insist on the strategic and geopolitical dimensions. Recently, the definition has included development-related aspects in an increasingly digitalised economy. Instead of cybersecurity, international organisations such as the OECD and private companies now focus on the management of digital risk. While this shift represents an opportunity to include new actors and issues on the political agenda, it does not lead to the de-securitisation of cyberspace, nor to the promotion of cyber peace. This article explores the debates around the definition of cybersecurity with a particular focus on how Colombia became one of the first states to follow the 2015 OECD guidelines on the management of digital risk as part of an effort to join the organisation. It describes how the resulting perspective on cybersecurity evidences a market-centred approach focusing on the development of a digital economy. However, it also discusses why the evolution of cybersecurity policies in Colombia represents a missed opportunity to design a cyber peacebuilding policy in a post-conflict context.
网络安全是一个有争议的概念。虽然一些定义侧重于技术方面,但其他定义坚持战略和地缘政治方面。最近,这一定义包括了日益数字化的经济中与发展相关的方面。经合组织(OECD)等国际组织和私营企业现在关注的不是网络安全,而是数字风险管理。虽然这一转变代表着将新的行为者和问题纳入政治议程的机会,但它不会导致网络空间的去安全化,也不会促进网络和平。本文探讨了围绕网络安全定义的争论,特别关注哥伦比亚如何成为首批遵循2015年经合组织关于数字风险管理指南的国家之一,作为加入该组织努力的一部分。它描述了由此产生的网络安全视角如何证明了一种以市场为中心的方法,专注于数字经济的发展。然而,它也讨论了为什么哥伦比亚网络安全政策的演变代表了错过了在冲突后背景下设计网络建设和平政策的机会。
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引用次数: 2
‘To romanticise or not to romanticise the local’: local agency and peacebuilding in the Balkans “浪漫还是不浪漫”:巴尔干地区的地方机构与和平建设
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1888517
Nemanja Džuverović
ABSTRACT Over the last decade there has been increasing attention within peace and conflict studies on the so-called ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding where the role of local actors, their agency and their relationship to international actors is strongly emphasised. Still, even with widespread academic optimism about the emancipatory potential of the local, strong caveats of ‘not romanticising the local’ are constantly repeated. By looking at the Balkan countries and their traditional practices of peacebuilding, this article asks whether the local has the potential to be the empowering agent or if such expectations are much too ambitious, both at the academic and policy level. Drawing on the research findings which show the persistence of coercive and noncoercive local peacebuilding practices, the article poses the Paris question once again: should liberal peacebuilding be saved, and if so, where are the locals in this rescue attempt?
在过去的十年中,在和平与冲突研究中,越来越多的人关注所谓的“地方转向”在建设和平中,地方行动者的作用,他们的机构和他们与国际行动者的关系被强烈强调。然而,即使学术界对当地的解放潜力普遍持乐观态度,“不要将当地浪漫化”的强烈警告也不断被重复。通过观察巴尔干国家及其传统的和平建设实践,本文想知道当地人是否有潜力成为赋予权力的代理人,或者这种期望在学术和政策层面上是否过于雄心勃勃。根据显示强制性和非强制性地方建设和平做法持续存在的研究结果,文章再次提出了巴黎问题:自由主义建设和平是否应该得到拯救,如果可以,当地人在这一拯救尝试中处于何处?
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引用次数: 6
Rethinking business reforms in post-conflict settings: the case of Sierra Leone 反思冲突后环境下的商业改革:以塞拉利昂为例
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1888501
Kazushige Kobayashi, Herbert M’cleod
ABSTRACT The literature on ‘conflict-sensitive’ business practices has burgeoned in recent years. Yet there remains a critical knowledge gap on the value of incorporating ‘conflict-sensitivity’ systematically to business environment reforms (BER) advanced by the public sector and its international partners. Wars and protracted conflicts reshape market environments in deeply distortive ways. The resulting transformation often enlarges the informal sector at the expense of formal state institutions, while it also reinforces high dependence on foreign aid and investments. Simultaneously, policy communication channels also become disrupted and unreliable. The existing BER literature remains generally insensitive to these peculiarities. Drawing on a case study of Sierra Leone, this article explores the implications of these omissions and shows that BER may even bring about adverse effects when the peculiarities of these conflict-generated market distortions are neglected. In order to avoid negative repercussions, conflict-sensitive BER needs to take into account the multiplicity of business environments and the heterogeneity of business actors operating within conflict-affected nations.
近年来,关于“冲突敏感”商业实践的文献如雨后春笋般涌现。然而,在将“冲突敏感性”系统地纳入公共部门及其国际合作伙伴推进的商业环境改革(BER)的价值方面,仍然存在重大的知识差距。战争和长期冲突以严重扭曲的方式重塑市场环境。由此产生的转变往往以牺牲正式的国家机构为代价扩大了非正式部门,同时也加强了对外国援助和投资的高度依赖。同时,政策沟通渠道也变得中断和不可靠。现有的BER文献通常对这些特性不敏感。通过对塞拉利昂的案例研究,本文探讨了这些遗漏的含义,并表明,如果忽视这些冲突产生的市场扭曲的特性,经济效益甚至可能带来不利影响。为了避免负面影响,对冲突敏感的经济效益需要考虑到商业环境的多样性和在受冲突影响的国家内经营的商业行为者的异质性。
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引用次数: 1
The EU and critical crisis transformation: the evolution of a policy concept 欧盟与关键危机转型:一个政策概念的演变
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2020.1854442
Sandra Pogodda, Roger Mac Ginty, Oliver P. Richmond
ABSTRACT While often caused by conflict, crises are treated by the EU as a phenomenon of their own. Contemporary EU crisis management represents a watering down of normative EU approaches to peacebuilding, reduced to a technical exercise with the limited ambition to contain spillover effects of crises. In theoretical terms this is a reversal, which tilts intervention towards EU security interests and avoids engagement with the root causes of the crises. This paper develops a novel crisis response typology derived from conflict theory, which ranges from crisis management to crisis resolution and (critical) crisis transformation. By drawing on EU interventions in Libya, Mali and Ukraine, the paper demonstrates that basic crisis management approaches are pre-eminent in practice. More promising innovations remain largely confined to the realms of discourse and policy documentation.
危机通常是由冲突引起的,但欧盟将危机视为一种独立的现象。当代欧盟危机管理代表着欧盟在和平建设方面的规范做法被淡化,沦为一种技术活动,遏制危机溢出效应的雄心有限。从理论上讲,这是一种逆转,使干预倾向于欧盟的安全利益,并避免与危机的根源接触。本文从冲突理论出发,提出了一种新的危机应对类型学,其范围从危机管理到危机解决和(关键)危机转化。通过借鉴欧盟对利比亚、马里和乌克兰的干预,本文证明了基本的危机管理方法在实践中是卓越的。更有希望的创新仍然主要局限于话语和政策文件领域。
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引用次数: 2
The Ethio-Eritrea border war: struggle for territorial integrity or politico-economic supremacy? 埃塞俄比亚-厄立特里亚边境战争:争夺领土完整还是政治经济霸权?
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1901393
Bahlbi Y. Malk
ABSTRACT The Ethio-Eritrea border war, which took place from 1998–2000, was not formally resolved until the signing of a peace declaration on 9 July 2018. Known as a ‘fight between two bald men over a comb’, this conflict has long puzzled social scientists and political analysts. While the two countries provided different explanations for the conflict to rally public support and justify the price of war, the author argues that the conflict exceeded the logics of territorial integrity. Rather, he contends that given the colonial legacy of intentionally instituting borders to divide communities and ethnic groups, it is not possible to fully understand the border dispute without accounting for the transnational nature of the ruling ethnic groups. This is because the border and ethnic conflicts that have characterised post-colonial Africa have usually been linked to the creation of inter-ethnic groups, intra-ethnic competition and artificial boundaries between neighbouring nation-states. The Ethio-Eritrea border dispute is best understood through the lens of an ethno-linguistic struggle for supremacy disguised as a patriotic campaign against invaders. The paper concludes by reflecting on the durability of the 2018 peace declaration.
埃塞俄比亚-厄立特里亚边境战争发生于1998年至2000年,直到2018年7月9日签署和平宣言才正式解决。这种冲突被称为“两个秃头男人为一把梳子而打架”,长期以来一直困扰着社会科学家和政治分析人士。虽然两国为了争取国民的支持和证明战争代价的合理性,对冲突做出了不同的解释,但作者认为,冲突超出了领土完整的逻辑。相反,他认为,考虑到故意设置边界来划分社区和族裔群体的殖民遗产,如果不考虑统治族裔群体的跨国性质,就不可能充分理解边界争端。这是因为后殖民时期非洲的边界和种族冲突通常与种族间群体、种族内竞争和邻近民族国家之间人为边界的产生有关。埃塞俄比亚和厄立特里亚的边界争端最好是通过一场伪装成反对侵略者的爱国运动的民族语言斗争来理解。论文最后对2018年和平宣言的持久性进行了反思。
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引用次数: 1
Power, poverty and peacebuilding: the violence that sustains inequalities and undermines peace in Colombia 权力、贫困和建设和平:暴力在哥伦比亚维持不平等并破坏和平
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2020.1848119
E. Gordon, Sebastian Restrepo Henao, Alejandra Zuluaga Duque, Elliot Dolan-Evans
ABSTRACT Despite the promise of the 2016 Colombian peace agreement, this paper argues that the intersection of poverty, insecurity and exclusion threatens sustainable peace in Colombia. In asserting this argument, the paper advances two case studies: the false positives scandal, which demonstrates the vulnerability of the poor to various security threats, and the coca eradication programme, which has fuelled further violence and economic insecurity on impoverished rural people. This paper uses these cases to highlight how poverty is used to legitimise, and is intertwined with, structural and physical violence in Colombia. These cases further shed light on the political economy of violence in Colombia, which legitimises the unequal distribution of wealth, exposes the poor to violence, and disguises crimes of the powerful through the narrative of the deviant or underserving poor and the rhetoric of maintaining security or advancing development. Fundamentally, this article posits that although the post-conflict moment presents a profound opportunity for transformational change, continued socio-economic inequalities and violence against the poor in Colombia will affect the ability to create a sustainable and meaningful peace.
尽管2016年哥伦比亚和平协议带来了希望,但本文认为,贫困、不安全和排斥的交叉点威胁着哥伦比亚的可持续和平。在论证这一论点时,该论文提出了两个案例研究:假阳性丑闻,它表明了穷人对各种安全威胁的脆弱性,以及古柯根除计划,它助长了贫困农村人口的进一步暴力和经济不安全。本文利用这些案例来强调,在哥伦比亚,贫困如何被用来使结构性暴力和身体暴力合法化,并与之交织在一起。这些案件进一步揭示了哥伦比亚暴力的政治经济学,它使财富分配不均合法化,使穷人暴露在暴力之下,并通过对不正常或服务不足的穷人的叙述和维护安全或促进发展的言论来掩盖权贵的罪行。从根本上说,本文认为,尽管冲突后时刻为转型变革提供了一个深刻的机会,但哥伦比亚持续的社会经济不平等和针对穷人的暴力将影响创造可持续和有意义的和平的能力。
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引用次数: 10
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