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Under the radar: Ireland, maritime security capacity, and the governance of subsea infrastructure 关注焦点:爱尔兰、海上安全能力和海底基础设施治理
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-26 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2248001
Robert McCabe, Brendan Flynn
Subsea infrastructure is typically out of sight, but in recent times, seldom out of mind. The sabotage of the Nord Stream pipelines in October 2022 has magnified the vulnerability and critical importance of subsea infrastructure. It also exposed a lack of understanding on how subsea networks operate, how they are regulated, who controls them and how they are protected. Ireland matters in this context. Despite its official policy of neutrality, Ireland occupies an important strategic position in terms of transatlantic telecommunications cables between the United States, Britain and continental Europe. The conflict in Ukraine has amplified tensions in this context in terms of the increased threat of grey-zone/hybrid warfare activity. This article will consider for the first time how a global connectivity hub on the western periphery of Europe governs critical underwater infrastructure. It will discuss the context and agencies involved in subsea cable governance in Ireland and identify the gaps in this protection before formulating suggestions for the long-term improvement of Ireland’s maritime security capacity. The Irish case is important as it can help inform defence policy and security practice in other island states with large maritime jurisdictions and in particular states with small navies.
海底基础设施通常都在人们的视线之外,但近年来,人们很少想到它。2022年10月,北溪天然气管道遭到破坏,放大了海底基础设施的脆弱性和至关重要的意义。它还暴露了人们对海底网络如何运作、如何监管、谁来控制以及如何保护海底网络缺乏了解。在这方面,爱尔兰很重要。尽管爱尔兰的官方政策是中立的,但就美国、英国和欧洲大陆之间的跨大西洋电信电缆而言,爱尔兰占据着重要的战略地位。在这种背景下,乌克兰冲突加剧了灰色地带/混合战争活动的威胁,加剧了紧张局势。本文将首次考虑欧洲西部边缘的全球连接中心如何管理关键的水下基础设施。它将讨论爱尔兰海底电缆治理的背景和机构,并在制定长期改善爱尔兰海上安全能力的建议之前,确定这种保护方面的差距。爱尔兰的案例很重要,因为它可以帮助其他拥有大型海事管辖权的岛国,特别是海军规模较小的国家,了解国防政策和安全实践。
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引用次数: 0
Interstitial emergence of national defence entrepreneurial firms and re-configuration of the state as a defence actor: the case of Sweden’s Vesper Group 国防企业的间隙出现和国家作为国防行动者的重新配置:瑞典Vesper集团的案例
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2233907
J. Bátora
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引用次数: 0
Securitisation in the Mediterranean: an ethical analysis of the EUNAVFOR MED SOPHIA operation using the prism of Floyd’s Just Securitisation Theory (JST) 地中海的证券化:以弗洛伊德的公正证券化理论(JST)为棱镜对地中海索菲亚行动的伦理分析
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2232733
Tal Dingott Alkopher
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引用次数: 0
Implementing CSDP missions: the daily travails of police experts 执行CSDP任务:警察专家的日常工作
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-15 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2232138
Cornelius Friesendorf, P. Neubauer, Ursula C. Schroeder
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引用次数: 0
Free speech versus defence of the nation? The media as sources of national insecurity in Ukraine 言论自由还是保卫国家?媒体是乌克兰国家不安全的根源
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2231369
Joanna Szostek, Dariya Orlova
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引用次数: 0
Unpacking postcolonial and masculine anxieties: Hungary and Turkey’s responses to the EU’s handling of the 2015–2016 refugee “crisis” 解构后殖民和男性焦虑:匈牙利和土耳其对欧盟处理2015-2016年难民“危机”的回应
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2232725
B. Futák-Campbell, Mine Nur Küçük
ABSTRACT In this article, we examine the Hungarian and Turkish responses to the EU’s handling of the 2015 refugee “crisis” through a postcolonial feminist IR framework. Drawing on hypermasculinity, we argue that both countries utilise migration to overcome their postcolonial and masculine anxieties by confronting their positions within the international hierarchies. Our examination of policy statements and speeches by Viktor Orbán and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan between 2015 and 2016 reveals three masculinised responses. First, both leaders portray themselves as acting out of paternal authority, while painting the EU as weak or inhumane. Second, they depict the EU as incompetent and their countries as competent providers of security. Third, they present themselves as protectors of European values, and the EU as in need of protection. These rhetorics suggest that both leaders used the “crisis” to challenge the current international hierarchy. Despite this, we argue that they are only concerned with their countries’ rankings within the hierarchy, not the system itself. Our postcolonial feminist reading of the “crisis” reveals that these masculinised framings are in fact counterproductive and only serve to confirm both Hungary and Turkey’s positions at the bottom of the international hierarchies, and their subordination to the EU as the EU’s others.
在本文中,我们通过后殖民女性主义IR框架考察匈牙利和土耳其对欧盟处理2015年难民“危机”的反应。利用超级男子气概,我们认为这两个国家都利用移民来克服他们的后殖民和男性焦虑,通过面对他们在国际等级制度中的地位。我们研究了维克多Orbán和雷杰普塔伊普Erdoğan在2015年至2016年间的政策声明和演讲,发现了三种男性化的回应。首先,两位领导人都把自己描绘成行使父亲权威的人,同时把欧盟描绘成软弱或不人道的人。其次,他们把欧盟描述为无能,把他们的国家描述为称职的安全提供者。第三,他们把自己描绘成欧洲价值观的保护者,而欧盟需要得到保护。这些言辞表明,两位领导人都利用“危机”来挑战当前的国际等级制度。尽管如此,我们认为他们只关心他们国家在等级制度中的排名,而不是系统本身。我们对“危机”的后殖民女性主义解读表明,这些男性化的框架实际上适得其反,只会证实匈牙利和土耳其在国际等级制度中的底层地位,以及它们作为欧盟其他成员国从属于欧盟的地位。
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引用次数: 2
Gendered insecurities: EU practices in countering violent extremism in Niger 性别不安全感:欧盟在尼日尔打击暴力极端主义的做法
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2233441
Laura Berlingozzi
ABSTRACT What kind and whose security is the European Union concerned with in its gender practices in countering violent extremism? This article contributes to the scholarship on EU implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda and gender in countering violent extremism, highlighting shortcomings in the conceptualisation and practice of women’s participation in the security sphere. Taking Niger as a heuristic case study, the paper explores tensions between local gender norms and EU securitised framing of women’s empowerment and gender equality, arguing that women’s increased participation in the security field is tacitly understood in terms of use-value. Building on feminist postcolonial scholarship, the analysis uncovers how women are included and what expectations they are deriving from their engagement, exposing the neoliberal and neocolonial framings of EU intervention and the misunderstandings of women’s materialities. By ontologically flattening women subjectivities without accounting for their intersectional experiences, both patriarchy and global hierarchies of knowledge production are reiterated. In doing so, the EU co-constructs gendered and racialised subjects, thus reinforcing inequalities, silencing local pluralities, and in many cases, aggravating women’s situation of insecurity in Niger. The analysis employs feminist and ethnographic methods, including semi-structured interviews and participant observation.
摘要:欧盟在打击暴力极端主义的性别实践中关注的是什么样的安全以及谁的安全?这篇文章有助于研究欧盟执行《妇女、和平与安全议程》和打击暴力极端主义中的性别问题,强调妇女参与安全领域的概念和实践方面的不足。本文以尼日尔为启发性案例研究,探讨了当地性别规范与欧盟对妇女赋权和性别平等的证券化框架之间的紧张关系,认为妇女在安全领域的更多参与是从使用价值的角度默认的。在女权主义后殖民学术的基础上,该分析揭示了女性是如何被包括在内的,以及她们从参与中获得了什么期望,暴露了欧盟干预的新自由主义和新殖民主义框架以及对女性物质的误解。通过在不考虑女性交叉经历的情况下从本体论上扁平化女性主体性,父权制和知识生产的全球等级制度都得到了重申。在这样做的过程中,欧盟共同构建了性别化和种族化的主体,从而加剧了不平等,压制了当地的多元化,在许多情况下,加剧了尼日尔妇女的不安全状况。该分析采用了女权主义和人种学方法,包括半结构化访谈和参与者观察。
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引用次数: 1
Matters of care or matters of security: feminist reflections on prosecuting terrorism financing 关心问题还是安全问题:女权主义者对起诉资助恐怖主义的思考
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2232745
Tasniem Anwar, Sarah Klosterkamp
ABSTRACT International treaties and European directives have put new legal responsibilities on EU member states to pre-emptively monitor and prosecute terrorist activities and offences. In particular, the prosecution of terrorism financing has been an important focus to prevent material and ideological support for terrorist organisations. Yet, a clear distinction between humanitarian aid and terrorism financing in a complex war zone is not always easy to draw: Which of the involved parties is perceived as a terrorist threat, and what is exactly considered humanitarian aid work? In this paper, we empirically unpack how EU counter-terrorism laws and policies are actually practiced during court trials. We investigate the legal distinction between humanitarian aid and terrorism financing in Syria, specifically centring on trials from the Netherlands and Germany. Drawing on the growing debates in critical security and legal studies on materiality, we focus on how materials presented during trials such as baby products, weapons, and money, are inscribed with a particular security logic to reach a legal verdict. Introducing the concept of “matters of care/security”, we connect these debates and findings to insights from feminist and post-colonial studies to critically inquire how racialised and gendered assumptions on terrorist threat impact terrorism trials.
摘要国际条约和欧洲指令赋予欧盟成员国新的法律责任,即先发制人地监督和起诉恐怖主义活动和犯罪。特别是,起诉资助恐怖主义一直是防止向恐怖组织提供物质和意识形态支持的一个重要重点。然而,在复杂的战区中,人道主义援助和资助恐怖主义并不总是容易区分的:哪一方被视为恐怖主义威胁,什么才是真正的人道主义援助工作?在本文中,我们从经验上揭示了欧盟反恐法律和政策在法庭审判中的实际实施情况。我们调查了叙利亚境内人道主义援助和资助恐怖主义之间的法律区别,特别是荷兰和德国的审判。根据关键安全和法律研究中关于实质性的日益激烈的辩论,我们重点关注在婴儿用品、武器和金钱等审判期间提交的材料如何与特定的安全逻辑相结合,以达成法律裁决。引入“照顾/安全问题”的概念,我们将这些辩论和发现与女权主义和后殖民主义研究的见解联系起来,批判性地探究对恐怖主义威胁的种族化和性别化假设如何影响恐怖主义审判。
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引用次数: 1
Whose (in)security? Gender, race and coloniality in European security policies: Introduction to the Special Issue (在)的安全?欧洲安全政策中的性别、种族和殖民:特刊导言
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2235286
Marijn Hoijtink, H. L. Mühlenhoff, Natalie Welfens
ABSTRACT Building on feminist and postcolonial theoretical approaches across International Relations (IR) and security studies, this Special Issue advances an emerging research agenda within EU studies by shedding light on the gendered and racialised logics of EU security and their links to colonial histories and practices. Together, the contributions to this Special Issue demonstrate how EU security is intrinsically connected to and constituted by histories of colonialism, racism and patriarchy. At the same time, they also highlight how the colonial, racialised and gendered dynamics that underpin EU security and that are mobilised by the EU, its institutions and member states are always complex and shifting. Importantly, they do so by decentring our analysis of EU security moving our focus often away from the EU and towards different, somewhat unexpected sites and geographical locations of EU security. The current war in Ukraine underwrites the need for more historical, contextual and decentred work on EU security, while also highlighting the necessity to reflect on dominant practices of knowledge production and the experiences of people living in and with war through a feminist and postcolonial lens.
本特刊以国际关系(IR)和安全研究中的女权主义和后殖民理论方法为基础,通过揭示欧盟安全的性别化和种族化逻辑及其与殖民历史和实践的联系,推进了欧盟研究中的新兴研究议程。总之,本期特刊的文章表明,欧盟安全与殖民主义、种族主义和父权制的历史有着内在的联系,并由这些历史构成。与此同时,它们也突显了支撑欧盟安全的、由欧盟、欧盟机构和成员国动员起来的殖民主义、种族化和性别化的动态是如何复杂和不断变化的。重要的是,他们这样做是通过分散我们对欧盟安全的分析,将我们的注意力从欧盟转移到不同的,有些意想不到的欧盟安全地点和地理位置。当前的乌克兰战争表明,需要对欧盟安全进行更多的历史、背景和非中心化的研究,同时也强调了通过女权主义和后殖民视角反思知识生产的主导实践和生活在战争中的人们的经历的必要性。
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引用次数: 2
Beyond binaries: (European) security in feminist and postcolonial perspective 超越二元:女权主义和后殖民视角下的(欧洲)安全
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2233436
Nora FİSHER-ONAR
ABSTRACT This conclusion to the special issue notes the persistent use of binary frames in conceptions of (European) security. Such frames reify and limit our ability to make sense of key security challenges, not least by occluding their gendered and racialised dimensions. Therefore, it asks: How to move beyond binaries towards a more nuanced, inclusive and impactful conception of (European) security? Developing an answer via synthetic engagement of the articles in this collection – and their sources in gender and postcolonial studies – it argues that we can begin to challenge binaries with a relational approach operationalised by linking three concepts: intersectional positionality, performativity and allyship. By thus acknowledging the plural and performative thrust of intersecting security stances, the pieces in this collection point to the promise of situationally appropriate forms of allyship across positions, bringing a broader range of voices and insights to security agendas.
这个特别问题的结论注意到(欧洲)安全概念中二进制框架的持续使用。这样的框架具体化并限制了我们理解关键安全挑战的能力,尤其是因为它屏蔽了这些挑战的性别和种族维度。因此,它提出了一个问题:如何超越二元对立,走向一个更微妙、更包容、更有影响力的(欧洲)安全概念?通过对本作品集中的文章及其在性别和后殖民研究中的来源的综合参与,得出一个答案,它认为我们可以开始用一种关系方法来挑战二元对立,这种方法通过连接三个概念来运作:交叉位置性、表演性和盟友关系。通过承认相互交叉的安全立场的多元化和表演性的推动,这个集合中的作品指出了跨立场的适当形式的盟友的承诺,为安全议程带来更广泛的声音和见解。
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引用次数: 0
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European Security
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