Pub Date : 2024-01-23DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2024.2304294
Lucie Béraud-Sudreau, Olivier Schmitt
{"title":"Alliance politics and national arms industries: creating incentives for small states?","authors":"Lucie Béraud-Sudreau, Olivier Schmitt","doi":"10.1080/09662839.2024.2304294","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2024.2304294","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46331,"journal":{"name":"European Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139603326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-22DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2024.2304723
Agnese Pacciardi
{"title":"A European narrative of border externalisation: the European trust fund for Africa story","authors":"Agnese Pacciardi","doi":"10.1080/09662839.2024.2304723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2024.2304723","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46331,"journal":{"name":"European Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139609193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-17DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2287499
Artem Graban
{"title":"Instrumentalisation of fear and securitisation of “Eastern Borders Route”: the case of Poland-Belarus “border crisis”","authors":"Artem Graban","doi":"10.1080/09662839.2023.2287499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2023.2287499","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46331,"journal":{"name":"European Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138965965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-10DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2290048
Roberto Belloni
{"title":"Serbia between East and West: ontological security, vicarious identity and the problem of sanctions against Russia","authors":"Roberto Belloni","doi":"10.1080/09662839.2023.2290048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2023.2290048","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46331,"journal":{"name":"European Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138982163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-26DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2267478
Julie Celine Bergaust, Stig Rune Sellevåg
European policymakers have identified the need to understand influence operations on social media, cyber-attacks or hidden economic investments – activities that can be characterised as hybrid threats or hybrid warfare. Yet, the difference between hybrid threats and hybrid warfare is unclear. In 2019, Mikael Wigell therefore coined the term “hybrid interference” to clarify the distinction between “hybrid warfare” and “hybrid threats”. However, less attention has been given to the activities hybrid interference may consist of. To address this gap we have used a morphological analysis, which is a structured tool for analysis that addresses all aspects of a concept. Through this method, we propose categories that make more sense of the complex phenomenon of hybrid interference. These five categories are international politics, coercive diplomacy, priming, covert coercion, and sabotage and assassinations. This article also identifies problems with referring to activities in the category of international politics as hybrid interference activities. The result is novel because we place all combinations of tools and methods within the concept of hybrid interferences in one of the five above-mentioned categories, and as such have provided a detailed operationalising of the concept in a transparent manner.
{"title":"Improved conceptualising of hybrid interference below the threshold of armed conflict","authors":"Julie Celine Bergaust, Stig Rune Sellevåg","doi":"10.1080/09662839.2023.2267478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2023.2267478","url":null,"abstract":"European policymakers have identified the need to understand influence operations on social media, cyber-attacks or hidden economic investments – activities that can be characterised as hybrid threats or hybrid warfare. Yet, the difference between hybrid threats and hybrid warfare is unclear. In 2019, Mikael Wigell therefore coined the term “hybrid interference” to clarify the distinction between “hybrid warfare” and “hybrid threats”. However, less attention has been given to the activities hybrid interference may consist of. To address this gap we have used a morphological analysis, which is a structured tool for analysis that addresses all aspects of a concept. Through this method, we propose categories that make more sense of the complex phenomenon of hybrid interference. These five categories are international politics, coercive diplomacy, priming, covert coercion, and sabotage and assassinations. This article also identifies problems with referring to activities in the category of international politics as hybrid interference activities. The result is novel because we place all combinations of tools and methods within the concept of hybrid interferences in one of the five above-mentioned categories, and as such have provided a detailed operationalising of the concept in a transparent manner.","PeriodicalId":46331,"journal":{"name":"European Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135017577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2023.2258528
Arthur V. Atanesyan, Bradley M. Reynolds, Artur E. Mkrtichyan
ABSTRACTArmenia’s official foreign policy of complementarism aims to sustain national security and development by balancing strategic and friendly relations with Russia, while also engaging in multilevel political, economic and cultural interactions with the EU and the USA. However, after the 2020 Karabakh War and amidst the increasing confrontation between the West and Russia, complementarism faced unprecedented challenges. To investigate whether Armenian elites still adhere to the line of complementarism and to determine whether they reflect or contradict public perceptions of foreign policy, we gathered novel sociological data on foreign policy preferences in Armenian society through a nationwide survey, outlining changes and continuities in their perceptions over the past ten years. Our study reveals that Armenian elites have started to modify complementarism as they began to doubt Russia’s role in Armenian foreign policy, particularly in the context of the European neighbourhood. Armenian society’s trust in Russia has consistently declined, despite Moscow still being ranked as the main strategic ally in public perceptions. The misbalancing of complementarism by Armenian elites not only challenges Russia’s role in Armenian security and public opinion but also offers no viable alternative for the security of Armenia and the Armenian population in Karabakh.KEYWORDS: Armenian societyRussiaThe WestComplementarismKarabakh WarSecurity priorities Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 This foreign policy is also referred to as a “Complementarian” foreign policy or simply Complementarity, but in this article, we prefer the common term “Complementarism” as is common in the academic literature on the topic.Additional informationFundingThis work is part of the research project “Armenian Society on Crossroad: Foreign Political Orientation, Priorities and Perceptions,” funded by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (Armenia) in 2021–2022.
{"title":"Balancing between Russia and the West: the hard security choice of Armenia","authors":"Arthur V. Atanesyan, Bradley M. Reynolds, Artur E. Mkrtichyan","doi":"10.1080/09662839.2023.2258528","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2023.2258528","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTArmenia’s official foreign policy of complementarism aims to sustain national security and development by balancing strategic and friendly relations with Russia, while also engaging in multilevel political, economic and cultural interactions with the EU and the USA. However, after the 2020 Karabakh War and amidst the increasing confrontation between the West and Russia, complementarism faced unprecedented challenges. To investigate whether Armenian elites still adhere to the line of complementarism and to determine whether they reflect or contradict public perceptions of foreign policy, we gathered novel sociological data on foreign policy preferences in Armenian society through a nationwide survey, outlining changes and continuities in their perceptions over the past ten years. Our study reveals that Armenian elites have started to modify complementarism as they began to doubt Russia’s role in Armenian foreign policy, particularly in the context of the European neighbourhood. Armenian society’s trust in Russia has consistently declined, despite Moscow still being ranked as the main strategic ally in public perceptions. The misbalancing of complementarism by Armenian elites not only challenges Russia’s role in Armenian security and public opinion but also offers no viable alternative for the security of Armenia and the Armenian population in Karabakh.KEYWORDS: Armenian societyRussiaThe WestComplementarismKarabakh WarSecurity priorities Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 This foreign policy is also referred to as a “Complementarian” foreign policy or simply Complementarity, but in this article, we prefer the common term “Complementarism” as is common in the academic literature on the topic.Additional informationFundingThis work is part of the research project “Armenian Society on Crossroad: Foreign Political Orientation, Priorities and Perceptions,” funded by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (Armenia) in 2021–2022.","PeriodicalId":46331,"journal":{"name":"European Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135537941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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