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The Soviet Invention of Postcolonial Studies 苏联后殖民研究的发明
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10300637
R. Young
The complex relations between the Soviet Union and the Soviet states of the Caucasus that were formerly parts of the Ottoman and Persian empires offer examples of complex cultural and political relations of antagonism and appropriation that go beyond simple binaries of resistance or nationalist anti-eurocentrism. Though their work is little known except to scholars in Slavic Studies, in the years following the Russian Revolution of 1917 Soviet Orientologists laid the foundations for the critique of Western Orientalism that would be introduced to the West many years later in 1978 by Edward W. Said. The Soviet critique of the imperialist foundations of Eurocentric culture and academic knowledge formed the basis for the huge World Literature publishing project pioneered by Maxim Gorky, an initiative which has been largely disregarded—both historically and theoretically—in the Western rediscovery of World Literature in the era of globalization. Similarly, Western postcolonial scholars have only recently begun to acknowledge the creative, cultural and political affiliations of Global South writers to internationalist organizations such as the Afro-Asian Writers Association which was supported by the Soviet Union in the Cold War period and the importance of publications such as Lotus magazine. The books reviewed here demonstrate the degree to which histories of “postcolonialism” and the late Western critique of Orientalism have now been rewritten to acknowledge their sources in earlier critiques by Soviet scholars in the first half of the twentieth century.
苏联与前奥斯曼帝国和波斯帝国的高加索苏维埃国家之间的复杂关系提供了复杂的文化和政治关系的例子,这些关系超越了简单的二元抵抗或民族主义反欧洲中心主义。尽管除了斯拉夫研究领域的学者外,他们的工作鲜为人知,但在1917年俄国革命之后的几年里,苏联东方学家为西方东方学的批判奠定了基础,这些批判将在许多年后的1978年由爱德华·w·赛义德(Edward W. Said)引入西方。苏联对以欧洲为中心的文化和学术知识为帝国主义基础的批判,为马克西姆·高尔基开创的庞大的《世界文学》出版计划奠定了基础。在全球化时代西方对《世界文学》的重新发现中,这一倡议在历史上和理论上都被很大程度上忽视了。同样,西方后殖民学者直到最近才开始承认全球南方作家与国际主义组织(如冷战时期由苏联支持的亚非作家协会)在创作、文化和政治上的联系,以及《莲花》杂志等出版物的重要性。这里所回顾的书籍表明,“后殖民主义”历史和西方晚期对东方学的批判现在已经被改写,以承认它们在20世纪上半叶苏联学者早期批评中的来源。
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引用次数: 1
Freedom: The Function of Criticism at All Times 自由:批评在任何时候的作用
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10192174
Paul A. Bové
Literary disciplines’ loss of integrity began at the end of the Cold War and accelerated after the financial crisis of 2008–09 because of internal changes responding to external desires along with direct pressures from money and power. Academics follow the desires of moneyed and state interests away from the formation of critical humanists, removing key social values of judgment and self-formation from the ideals of humanistic education. Following the nudges of neoliberal administrations and inventing their own methods and positions congenial to the holders of power and wealth, literary academics in the United States especially have facilitated their own weakness as disciplines with dire political consequences in an era of neo-authoritarianism.
文学学科的完整性丧失始于冷战结束,并在2008-2009年金融危机后加速,原因是内部变化对外部欲望的反应以及来自金钱和权力的直接压力。学术界遵循金钱和国家利益的欲望,远离批判性人文主义者的形成,将评判和自我形成的关键社会价值观从人文教育的理想中移除。在新自由主义政府的推动下,美国的文学学者发明了与权力和财富持有者相适应的方法和立场,尤其是在新威权主义时代,作为具有可怕政治后果的学科,他们助长了自己的弱点。
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引用次数: 0
Preemptive Impunity: The Constituent Power of Trump's Make America Great Again Movement 先发制人的有罪不罚:特朗普“让美国再次伟大”运动的组成力量
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10192102
D. Pease
How and why have freedom and social hierarchies and exclusions become fused in Trump's America? What causative factors can explain the emergence within twenty-first century US political culture of a movement notorious for its attacks on basic norms of tolerance, civility, and human decency? In their efforts to respond to such questions, prominent historians, political commentators, and theorists have correlated Trump's rise to political power in terms of his transmogrification of a large segment of the American populace into US liberal democracy's fascist totalitarian Other. While Trump's illiberal pronouncements and actions do indeed bear a resemblance to the political behavior of European fascists, the Americanness of Trump's conquest disposition might be better understood as his resurrection of an archaic variant of liberalism practiced by American settler colonists throughout the expansionist era of US history. How did President Trump persuade or provoke a broad swath of US citizens, who were for the most part accustomed to consider the principles and institutions of liberal democracy essential components of American democracy, to regard his settler conquest disposition as representatively American? What enabled Trump to advocate with preemptive impunity the demolition of liberal institutions and principles? How could he serve simultaneously as the president of the world's most powerful liberal democracy and leader of an insurrectionary movement of latter-day settler colonists? In an effort to address these questions, this essay engages Trump's March 23, 2011, endorsement of Birtherism; Trump's unauthorized transfer of power at the January 20, 2017, inauguration; Trump's August 12–15, 2017, statements about the Charlottesville protest; and Trump's role in the January 6, 2021, insurrection as distinct but interrelated moments in Trump's production of this settler-colonist conquest disposition.
自由、社会等级制度和排斥是如何以及为什么在特朗普的美国融合在一起的?是什么原因可以解释21世纪美国政治文化中出现了一场因攻击宽容、文明和人类尊严的基本准则而臭名昭著的运动?在回应这些问题的过程中,著名历史学家、政治评论家和理论家将特朗普的政治权力崛起与他将一大部分美国民众转变为美国自由民主的法西斯极权主义“他者”联系起来。虽然特朗普的不自由言论和行动确实与欧洲法西斯主义者的政治行为相似,但特朗普征服倾向的美国性可能更好地理解为他复活了美国历史上扩张主义时代美国定居者殖民者所信奉的一种古老的自由主义变体。特朗普总统是如何说服或激怒广大美国公民的,他们在很大程度上习惯于认为自由民主的原则和制度是美国民主的重要组成部分,并将他的定居者征服倾向视为具有代表性的美国人?是什么让特朗普能够先发制人地主张废除自由主义制度和原则?他怎么能同时担任世界上最强大的自由民主国家的总统和现代定居者殖民者叛乱运动的领导人呢?为了解决这些问题,本文引用了特朗普2011年3月23日对生育权的支持;特朗普在2017年1月20日的就职典礼上未经授权移交权力;特朗普2017年8月12日至15日关于夏洛茨维尔抗议活动的声明;以及特朗普在2021年1月6日的暴动中所扮演的角色,是特朗普制造这种定居者-殖民者征服倾向的独特但相互关联的时刻。
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引用次数: 0
The Grannies of Shaheen Bagh: Hindutva Power and the Poetics of Dissent in Contemporary India 《沙欣·巴格的祖母们:印度教的力量和当代印度的异议诗学》
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10192159
A. Mufti
This essay focuses on contemporary India and the rise to near hegemony of “Hindutva power,” which works through both the transformation of the exercise of sovereign power and the inculcation of a distinct habitus, or structure of predispositions, in more and more sectors of society. This Hindu supremacist and nationalist habitus marks a far-reaching transformation not only of democratic political culture but of religious belief and practice as well. But despite their sense of inevitability, these developments are part of a scene of contestation and the staging of prodemocracy and anti-fascist dissent.
本文主要关注当代印度和“印度教至上主义权力”的崛起,这种权力通过主权权力的转换和在越来越多的社会部门中灌输一种独特的习惯或倾向结构来发挥作用。这种印度教至上主义和民族主义的习惯不仅标志着民主政治文化的深远转变,也标志着宗教信仰和实践的深远转变。但是,尽管这些事态的发展给人一种不可避免的感觉,但它们是一种争论场面的一部分,是支持民主和反法西斯异见人士的舞台。
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引用次数: 2
Contributors 贡献者
4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10192188
Other| February 01 2023 Contributors boundary 2 (2023) 50 (1): 249–250. https://doi.org/10.1215/01903659-10192188 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Contributors. boundary 2 1 February 2023; 50 (1): 249–250. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/01903659-10192188 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll Journalsboundary 2 Search Advanced Search April Anson is an assistant professor of public humanities at San Diego State University, core faculty for the Institute for Ethics and Public Affairs, and affiliate faculty in American Indian studies. Anson was a Mellon postdoctoral fellow at the University of Pennsylvania, and her work has appeared in Resilience, Environmental History, Western American Literature, and others.Anindita Banerjee is an associate professor of comparative literature at Cornell University. She chairs the humanities division of the Environment and Sustainability Program in the Colleges of Arts and Sciences and Agriculture and Life Sciences and serves on the advisory board of the Atkinson Center for Sustainability at Cornell.Paul A. Bové is the author of Love's Shadow and edited boundary 2 from 1988 to 2023.Leah Feldman is associate professor of comparative literature at the University of Chicago. Her work explores the aesthetics and politics of literary and cultural entanglements... You do not currently have access to this content.
其他| 2023年2月1日贡献者边界2(2023)50(1):249-250。https://doi.org/10.1215/01903659-10192188引用图标引用共享图标分享Facebook Twitter LinkedIn邮件权限搜索网站引文贡献者。2023年2月1日;50(1): 249-250。doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/01903659-10192188下载引文文件:Zotero参考资料管理器EasyBib Bookends Mendeley论文EndNote RefWorks BibTex工具栏搜索搜索下拉菜单工具栏搜索搜索输入搜索输入自动建议过滤您的搜索书籍和期刊所有期刊边界2搜索高级搜索April Anson是圣地亚哥州立大学公共人文学科助理教授,是道德与公共事务研究所的核心教员,也是美国印第安人研究的附属教员。安森是宾夕法尼亚大学梅隆大学博士后,她的作品发表在《韧性》、《环境史》、《美国西部文学》等杂志上。Anindita Banerjee是康奈尔大学比较文学副教授。她是艺术与科学学院、农业与生命科学学院环境与可持续发展项目人文学部的主席,也是康奈尔大学阿特金森可持续发展中心的顾问委员会成员。Paul A. bov,《爱的阴影》作者,1988年至2023年编辑《边界2》。利亚·费尔德曼是芝加哥大学比较文学副教授。她的作品探讨了文学和文化纠葛的美学和政治。您目前没有访问此内容的权限。
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引用次数: 0
Green Walls: Everyday Ecofascism and the Politics of Proximity 绿墙:日常的经济法西斯主义和邻近政治
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10192145
A. Anson, Anindita Banerjee
QAnon's rallying cry of “the storm” on January 6 and thereafter articulates a structural taxonomy of planetary scale and apocalyptic eschatology that pervades the environmental imaginaries of contemporary fascism. While they become visible only in times of emergency and states of exception, this essay argues that equal attention needs to be paid to expressions and operations of ecofascism in the mundane places and practices of everyday life. Expanding beyond the geographic and historical specificities of Nazism and its transatlantic dialogue with North American settler colonialism, this essay theorizes everyday ecofascism as an oiko-logics and oiko-nomics across borders, a transversal condition of deeply globalized, inextricably interconnected structures and systems.
QAnon在1月6日的“风暴”的战斗口号,此后阐明了一种行星规模的结构分类和世界末日的末世论,这种分类法弥漫在当代法西斯主义的环境想象中。虽然它们只在紧急情况和例外状态下才可见,但本文认为,需要同等关注生态法西斯主义在日常生活和日常生活实践中的表现和运作。超越纳粹主义的地理和历史特殊性及其与北美定居者殖民主义的跨大西洋对话,本文将日常的生态法西斯主义理论化为一种跨国界的经济逻辑和经济,一种深度全球化、不可分割地相互联系的结构和系统的横向条件。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: The Returns of Fascism 简介:法西斯主义的回归
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-1019208
Leah Feldman, A. Mufti
“The Returns of Fascism” addresses the emergence of New Right political culture on a global scale, attending to the intersections in US, European, Russian, and Indian New Right movements and their relation to the history of fascisms and late capitalist thought forms, as well as their attack on humanist critique. This special issue argues that the topoi of crisis and catastrophe serve the globalization of the New Right's supremacist and majoritarian political culture as it transcends both the academy and the wider world.
《法西斯主义的回归》讲述了新右翼政治文化在全球范围内的出现,关注了美国、欧洲、俄罗斯和印度新右翼运动的交叉点,以及它们与法西斯主义历史和晚期资本主义思想形式的关系,以及它们对人文主义批判的攻击。这期特刊认为,危机和灾难的地形为新右翼的至上主义和多数主义政治文化的全球化服务,因为它超越了学院和更广阔的世界。
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引用次数: 0
Trad Rights: Making Eurasian Whiteness at the “End of History” 贸易权利:“历史的终结”下的欧亚白
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10192117
Leah Feldman
This essay addresses how the collapse of the Soviet Union and the conditions of social, political, and economic precarity that followed gave rise to intertwining strands of global New Right thought. Taking up the Russian Right's revanchist-revolutionary vision of neo-Eurasianism and its attendant imaginary of a white Eurasian statehood comparatively in relation to US and Hungarian New Right thought, the essay exposes how the neotraditionalist (Trad right) generated a global political and intellectual project in counterpoint to the failed leftist internationalist projects of the twentieth century. The essay closes with a postscript reflection on how the invasion of Ukraine constitutes a major step toward the Trad right's reclaiming of a “multipolar” New Right world order.
本文论述了苏联的解体以及随之而来的社会、政治和经济不稳定状况如何导致全球新右翼思想交织在一起。与美国和匈牙利的新右翼思想相比,俄罗斯右翼对新欧亚主义的复仇主义革命愿景及其随之而来的欧亚白人国家的想象,这篇文章揭示了新传统主义者(传统右翼)是如何产生一个全球政治和智力项目的,与20世纪失败的左翼国际主义项目形成对比。文章最后附言反思了入侵乌克兰如何成为传统右翼重新建立“多极”新右翼世界秩序的重要一步。
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引用次数: 1
The White Minority: Natives and Nativism in Contemporary France 白人少数:当代法国的原住民与本土主义
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10192131
Olivia C. Harrison
In 2009, a nativist association named AGRIF sued antiracist activist Houria Bouteldja for “anti-white racism.” Though unsuccessful in court, the legal proceedings against Bouteldja are illustrative of a decades-long phenomenon that has accelerated in the age of new media: the recuperation of antiracist discourses by nativist activists who claim that white people constitute a minority in France. This article tracks the emergence of French nativist discourses from the nineteenth century to the present, with particular attention to identification with the figure of the colonized in the colonial archive and in the nativist discourses that have accompanied decolonization in France. Anchored in the history of France's prized settler colony, Algeria, the colonial genealogy of French nativism offers lessons for the study of nativism in other (post)colonial contexts.
2009年,一个名为AGRIF的本土主义协会以“反白人种族主义”为由起诉反种族主义活动家Houria Bouteldja。尽管在法庭上没有成功,针对Bouteldja的法律诉讼说明了一个长达数十年的现象,这个现象在新媒体时代加速了:本土主义活动家对反种族主义言论的恢复,他们声称白人在法国占少数。本文追踪了从19世纪到现在法国本土主义话语的出现,特别注意在殖民档案和伴随法国非殖民化的本土主义话语中对被殖民者形象的认同。法国本土主义的殖民谱系植根于法国宝贵的定居者殖民地阿尔及利亚的历史,为在其他(后)殖民背景下研究本土主义提供了经验教训。
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引用次数: 0
Edmund Burke and Hannah Arendt: Decolonization, Resentment, and the Social Question 埃德蒙·伯克与汉娜·阿伦特:非殖民化、怨恨与社会问题
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1215/01903659-10045146
Sunil M. Agnani
Hannah Arendt's work On Revolution brings into contact two temporalities: the decade of its composition (the 1960s), alongside its understanding of revolution in conjunction with “Enlightenment.” A reader of Edmund Burke who turns to this work will be startled at the degree to which he plays a central role. His ideas and even his temperament seem to guide her profound praise for “the men who made the American Revolution” alongside her shock centered around Robespierre but mingled with her discussion of Rousseau and the French Revolution. This connection between Burke and Arendt is worth tracing because it allows readers to understand her response to the post-WWII age, which witnessed the emergence of manifold diverse “revolutions” in the social and political realm brought by decolonization, both in the European and non-European (i.e., Asian, African, postcolonial) contexts. It also allows readers to question Arendt's view of the role that suffering and poverty ought to play in moments of revolution and to scrutinize her thesis that wherever a solution to the “social” question was sought by “political” means it has led to terror and violence, with the notion of resentment playing a crucial role.
汉娜·阿伦特(Hannah Arendt)的作品《论革命》(On Revolution)接触到了两个暂时性:其创作的十年(20世纪60年代),以及对革命与“启蒙运动”的理解。阅读埃德蒙·伯克(Edmund Burke)这部作品的读者会对他所扮演的核心角色感到震惊。他的思想,甚至他的气质,似乎引导着她对“制造美国革命的人”的深刻赞扬,同时她对罗伯斯庇尔的震惊也集中在她对卢梭和法国大革命的讨论中。伯克和阿伦特之间的这种联系值得追溯,因为它让读者能够理解她对二战后时代的反应,二战后时代见证了非殖民化带来的社会和政治领域出现了多种多样的“革命”,无论是在欧洲还是非欧洲(即亚洲、非洲、后殖民)背景下。它还允许读者质疑阿伦特关于苦难和贫困在革命时刻应该扮演的角色的观点,并仔细审查她的论点,即无论“政治”在哪里寻求“社会”问题的解决方案,都意味着它导致了恐怖和暴力,怨恨的概念起着至关重要的作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Boundary 2-An International Journal of Literature and Culture
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