Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.1177/00377686231200978
Sarah WILKINS-LAFLAMME
In 2008 and 2018, the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) asked respondents from 44 countries if they self-identify as ‘I don’t follow a religion, but consider myself to be a spiritual person interested in the sacred or the supernatural’ (Spiritual But Not Religious, SBNR). This paper compares issue positions on same-sex relations and gender roles between SBNR respondents and religiously active, marginally affiliated and nonreligious and nonspiritual respondents. Previous studies show that more religious individuals tend to hold more right-leaning stances on many sociopolitical issues, due to more conservative religious and political socialization as well as influences from surrounding social environments. However, these previous studies have not looked at the potentially distinct category of SBNR. Our study finds that progressive attitudes extend to both the SBNR and the nonreligious and nonspiritual, the attitudes among respondents of both these categories being very similar when it comes to same-sex relations and gender roles.
{"title":"Les attitudes des Spirituels mais non religieux envers les relations homosexuelles et les rôles de genre","authors":"Sarah WILKINS-LAFLAMME","doi":"10.1177/00377686231200978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231200978","url":null,"abstract":"In 2008 and 2018, the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) asked respondents from 44 countries if they self-identify as ‘I don’t follow a religion, but consider myself to be a spiritual person interested in the sacred or the supernatural’ (Spiritual But Not Religious, SBNR). This paper compares issue positions on same-sex relations and gender roles between SBNR respondents and religiously active, marginally affiliated and nonreligious and nonspiritual respondents. Previous studies show that more religious individuals tend to hold more right-leaning stances on many sociopolitical issues, due to more conservative religious and political socialization as well as influences from surrounding social environments. However, these previous studies have not looked at the potentially distinct category of SBNR. Our study finds that progressive attitudes extend to both the SBNR and the nonreligious and nonspiritual, the attitudes among respondents of both these categories being very similar when it comes to same-sex relations and gender roles.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136112654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.1177/00377686231198783
Caroline HILL
When making public statements about abortion, those serving in the Russian Orthodox Church are beholden to the legacy of the Soviet health care system and the need to connect with audiences whose religious sentiments are largely nominal. This article explores framing of abortion by clerics and others serving in the Church in 150 Russian online newspaper articles. Said framing was analyzed according to typologies from prior research of morality policy and church-state relations in Russia. The frequency with which these frames were employed was measured and cross-referenced with article genres. The results show that rational-instrumental frames rooted in secular reasoning surpassed religious argumentation and appeals for state intervention, and that frames expressing disillusionment with the Russian government outpaced positive assessments of the state.
{"title":"Russian Orthodox framing of abortion in online journalism on religion","authors":"Caroline HILL","doi":"10.1177/00377686231198783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231198783","url":null,"abstract":"When making public statements about abortion, those serving in the Russian Orthodox Church are beholden to the legacy of the Soviet health care system and the need to connect with audiences whose religious sentiments are largely nominal. This article explores framing of abortion by clerics and others serving in the Church in 150 Russian online newspaper articles. Said framing was analyzed according to typologies from prior research of morality policy and church-state relations in Russia. The frequency with which these frames were employed was measured and cross-referenced with article genres. The results show that rational-instrumental frames rooted in secular reasoning surpassed religious argumentation and appeals for state intervention, and that frames expressing disillusionment with the Russian government outpaced positive assessments of the state.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136113822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00377686231208125
Belkacem Benzenine
The Algerian experience with Islamist parties is still marked by the case of the Islamic Salvation Front (Front islamique du salut, FIS), whose main objective was to establish an Islamic state. Based on an analysis of the discourse of Islamist parties, this article aims to shed light on the debates that these parties have conducted in opposition to the idea of secularism, understood here as the separation of the political and the religious. In this article, we first show that this struggle is not unique to the (radical) FIS, but also concerns other so-called moderate Islamist parties. We then illustrate the context of the Hirak, which had an impact on the ideological divisions in Algeria around the slogan of the ‘civil state’. The Islamist parties thus mobilised the Islamic referent to defend their own project of a state that defends Islam and to oppose any discourse that limits the role of religion in the political sphere.
{"title":"Les partis islamistes algériens face à la laïcité et à l’État civil (1989–2022). Discours et contre discours","authors":"Belkacem Benzenine","doi":"10.1177/00377686231208125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231208125","url":null,"abstract":"The Algerian experience with Islamist parties is still marked by the case of the Islamic Salvation Front (Front islamique du salut, FIS), whose main objective was to establish an Islamic state. Based on an analysis of the discourse of Islamist parties, this article aims to shed light on the debates that these parties have conducted in opposition to the idea of secularism, understood here as the separation of the political and the religious. In this article, we first show that this struggle is not unique to the (radical) FIS, but also concerns other so-called moderate Islamist parties. We then illustrate the context of the Hirak, which had an impact on the ideological divisions in Algeria around the slogan of the ‘civil state’. The Islamist parties thus mobilised the Islamic referent to defend their own project of a state that defends Islam and to oppose any discourse that limits the role of religion in the political sphere.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":"27 1","pages":"361 - 381"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139344466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00377686231210134
Alia Gana, Ester Sigillò
This article investigates the notions of ‘civil state’ and ‘civil party’ as constructed by the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahdha through its process of ‘specialization’ in partisan action and its interactions with both ‘secular’ forces and the different groups composing – or are associated with it. The various conceptualizations of these notions reveal a multilayered political group, seeking to adapt to the new political environment by recombining the links between religious and political activities. Analyzing the debates that led in 2014 to the constitutionalization of the civil nature of the state and the controversies surrounding religiously inspired bills, as well as interviews with the various actors involved, we show how the reconfiguration of the Islamist movement into two components, a civil party specialized in politics and a faith-based civil society, does not imply a clear separation of state and religion, but rather the affirmation of a civil state inspired by Islamic values.
{"title":"The political integration of the Tunisian Ennahdha party in the light of the notions of civil state and civil party","authors":"Alia Gana, Ester Sigillò","doi":"10.1177/00377686231210134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231210134","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the notions of ‘civil state’ and ‘civil party’ as constructed by the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahdha through its process of ‘specialization’ in partisan action and its interactions with both ‘secular’ forces and the different groups composing – or are associated with it. The various conceptualizations of these notions reveal a multilayered political group, seeking to adapt to the new political environment by recombining the links between religious and political activities. Analyzing the debates that led in 2014 to the constitutionalization of the civil nature of the state and the controversies surrounding religiously inspired bills, as well as interviews with the various actors involved, we show how the reconfiguration of the Islamist movement into two components, a civil party specialized in politics and a faith-based civil society, does not imply a clear separation of state and religion, but rather the affirmation of a civil state inspired by Islamic values.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":"12 1","pages":"382 - 402"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139346108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.1177/00377686231180380
Anca Munteanu, Haouès Seniguer
By putting in the Moroccan context the concept of ‘multiple secularities’, this paper digs the process of conceptualization of ‘secularization’ at the initiative of the Islamist leader, Saadeddine al-Othmani. The latter supported the acceptability of a secular principle adequate to religion, its symbols and their presence in the political and public space. Through the analysis of his writings as well as of other leaders’ discourses, this article follows the compromises between religious and secular revendications during the process of conceptualization inside the PJD-MUR. Using the theories of ‘secularization’ and ‘de-théologisation’, this study highlights the strategy of ‘rejection’ and ‘adaptation’ developed by the PJD. Rejecting the hypothesis of a linear secularization of Islamist ideology, it also examines the ongoing or incomplete structural mutations resulted from the ‘distinction’ ( tamiyyîz) between the party and the movement, as well as between the socio-political spheres.
{"title":"La « sécularisation » des discours et des pratiques en contexte islamique : le cas du Parti pour la justice et le développement au Maroc","authors":"Anca Munteanu, Haouès Seniguer","doi":"10.1177/00377686231180380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231180380","url":null,"abstract":"By putting in the Moroccan context the concept of ‘multiple secularities’, this paper digs the process of conceptualization of ‘secularization’ at the initiative of the Islamist leader, Saadeddine al-Othmani. The latter supported the acceptability of a secular principle adequate to religion, its symbols and their presence in the political and public space. Through the analysis of his writings as well as of other leaders’ discourses, this article follows the compromises between religious and secular revendications during the process of conceptualization inside the PJD-MUR. Using the theories of ‘secularization’ and ‘de-théologisation’, this study highlights the strategy of ‘rejection’ and ‘adaptation’ developed by the PJD. Rejecting the hypothesis of a linear secularization of Islamist ideology, it also examines the ongoing or incomplete structural mutations resulted from the ‘distinction’ ( tamiyyîz) between the party and the movement, as well as between the socio-political spheres.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46847039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-10DOI: 10.1177/00377686231182251
Erica M Larson
Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in secondary schools in Manado, Indonesia, this article examines digital infrastructures and their accompanying (im)moral potentialities in the development of Christian and Muslim youth as evaluated by educators. On the one hand, smartphones are portrayed as portals to a globalizing world in which youth might succumb to negative influences (with a particular anxiety surrounding pornography) based on their perceived inchoate moral development and insufficiently strong religious foundation. On the other hand, these teachers and administrators recognize the potential that smartphones have to be used for deepening spiritual engagement, connection, and proselytization. This particular case study offers insights into the ways in which institutions charged with religious and moral development of youth seek to leverage rather than categorically reject mainstream culture, navigating the globalizing influences of the secular world toward the possibility of attaining a greater good.
{"title":"Smartphones and the education of religious youth in Indonesia: Highway to hell or path of righteousness?","authors":"Erica M Larson","doi":"10.1177/00377686231182251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231182251","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in secondary schools in Manado, Indonesia, this article examines digital infrastructures and their accompanying (im)moral potentialities in the development of Christian and Muslim youth as evaluated by educators. On the one hand, smartphones are portrayed as portals to a globalizing world in which youth might succumb to negative influences (with a particular anxiety surrounding pornography) based on their perceived inchoate moral development and insufficiently strong religious foundation. On the other hand, these teachers and administrators recognize the potential that smartphones have to be used for deepening spiritual engagement, connection, and proselytization. This particular case study offers insights into the ways in which institutions charged with religious and moral development of youth seek to leverage rather than categorically reject mainstream culture, navigating the globalizing influences of the secular world toward the possibility of attaining a greater good.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44777853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1177/00377686231176355
Ryan T. Cragun, Bethany Gull
A growing body of research has begun to explore the religious and spiritual lives of transgender and nonbinary individuals. Missing from prior sociological research on this topic is how individuals outside the gender binary conceptualize the gender of god(s) and their own genders in the afterlife. Using data from a targeted survey of members of transgender listservs and online activist groups, this study explores two specific religious/spiritual beliefs of transgender and nonbinary individuals in comparison to cisgender individuals: (1) their conception of God’s/gods’ gender(s) and (2) their conception of their own gender in the afterlife. Many trans and nonbinary participants report both their future gender and the gender of any god(s) in which they believe as nonbinary, but not exclusively.
{"title":"I don’t think it ought to be blasphemy: Transing God(s) and post-life gender","authors":"Ryan T. Cragun, Bethany Gull","doi":"10.1177/00377686231176355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231176355","url":null,"abstract":"A growing body of research has begun to explore the religious and spiritual lives of transgender and nonbinary individuals. Missing from prior sociological research on this topic is how individuals outside the gender binary conceptualize the gender of god(s) and their own genders in the afterlife. Using data from a targeted survey of members of transgender listservs and online activist groups, this study explores two specific religious/spiritual beliefs of transgender and nonbinary individuals in comparison to cisgender individuals: (1) their conception of God’s/gods’ gender(s) and (2) their conception of their own gender in the afterlife. Many trans and nonbinary participants report both their future gender and the gender of any god(s) in which they believe as nonbinary, but not exclusively.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":"70 1","pages":"187 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47165181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1177/00377686231182499
Arnaud Simard-ÉMond
Although present in Aboriginal communities since the early 1930s, Jehovism among Indigenous peoples in Canada and the United States has not yet been the subject of any published ethnographic, sociological, or historical study. This article presents the result of the first ethnographic study with Jehovah’s Witnesses among Aboriginal peoples in Canada. From an online field of research spanning over a period of 10 months with Anishinabe (Algonquin) Witnesses from Kitigan Zibi (Outaouais, Quebec), I explore the motivations behind the decision to become a Jehovah’s Witness for the latter. I also show that the first conversions in Kitigan Zibi are mainly due to a dual historical context that created a fertile ground for conversion. Finally, I propose the concept of ‘small-scale conversion’ as another way to conceive the intergenerational transmission of religion.
{"title":"Understanding conversion to Jehovism among Indigenous peoples: The case of the Kitigan Zibi Anishinabeg","authors":"Arnaud Simard-ÉMond","doi":"10.1177/00377686231182499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231182499","url":null,"abstract":"Although present in Aboriginal communities since the early 1930s, Jehovism among Indigenous peoples in Canada and the United States has not yet been the subject of any published ethnographic, sociological, or historical study. This article presents the result of the first ethnographic study with Jehovah’s Witnesses among Aboriginal peoples in Canada. From an online field of research spanning over a period of 10 months with Anishinabe (Algonquin) Witnesses from Kitigan Zibi (Outaouais, Quebec), I explore the motivations behind the decision to become a Jehovah’s Witness for the latter. I also show that the first conversions in Kitigan Zibi are mainly due to a dual historical context that created a fertile ground for conversion. Finally, I propose the concept of ‘small-scale conversion’ as another way to conceive the intergenerational transmission of religion.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":"70 1","pages":"283 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42930786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-19DOI: 10.1177/00377686231170995
Anne-Sophie Crosetti
This article deals with a socio-historical enigma: the articulation of family planning – through dedicated centres – and catholicism. How come self-identified catholics ended up defending contraception and decriminalisation of abortion while the Catholic Church kept reminding that sexuality should be conjugal and reproductive? The article examines the process of creating a discursive and practical normativity allowing the use of contraception and abortion through a catholic ‘tool’, that is, the pastoral power at a time of secularisation. Borrowing the concept developed by Michel Foucault enables highlighting the ‘catholic governmentality’ regarding contraception and abortion, namely, the ‘responsible-freedom’.
{"title":"Free and responsible: Sexuality, pastoral, and the art of governance in Catholic Conjugal Centres (1953–1990)","authors":"Anne-Sophie Crosetti","doi":"10.1177/00377686231170995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231170995","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with a socio-historical enigma: the articulation of family planning – through dedicated centres – and catholicism. How come self-identified catholics ended up defending contraception and decriminalisation of abortion while the Catholic Church kept reminding that sexuality should be conjugal and reproductive? The article examines the process of creating a discursive and practical normativity allowing the use of contraception and abortion through a catholic ‘tool’, that is, the pastoral power at a time of secularisation. Borrowing the concept developed by Michel Foucault enables highlighting the ‘catholic governmentality’ regarding contraception and abortion, namely, the ‘responsible-freedom’.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":"70 1","pages":"207 - 225"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45551222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-19DOI: 10.1177/00377686231172082
Clément Steuer, Alexis Blouët, N. Bouras
Two notions have been at the center of the Egyptian constitutional debates since 2011: the ‘civil state’ and the ‘religious party’. The Muslim Brothers have played on the ambiguity of the notion of a ‘civil state’ as being neither secular nor theocratic, just as their understanding of an Islamic state. The Salafi al-Nūr Party has long refused to embrace the notion. Nevertheless, in 2019 it obtained from the Parliament’s Speaker a definition close to the one defended by the Muslim Brothers and endorsed it as a victory against the secular interpretation of the term. The same ambiguity appears regarding the notion of a ‘religious party’. The al-Nūr Party tried to prevent the interdiction of such parties in the 2014 Constitution. At the same time, it distances itself from the notion, and abides by the law, including Christian members, presenting female candidates, and organically separating political and religious activities.
{"title":"Law and political Islam’s transformations: Egyptian Islamists and the notions of a civil state and a religious party","authors":"Clément Steuer, Alexis Blouët, N. Bouras","doi":"10.1177/00377686231172082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00377686231172082","url":null,"abstract":"Two notions have been at the center of the Egyptian constitutional debates since 2011: the ‘civil state’ and the ‘religious party’. The Muslim Brothers have played on the ambiguity of the notion of a ‘civil state’ as being neither secular nor theocratic, just as their understanding of an Islamic state. The Salafi al-Nūr Party has long refused to embrace the notion. Nevertheless, in 2019 it obtained from the Parliament’s Speaker a definition close to the one defended by the Muslim Brothers and endorsed it as a victory against the secular interpretation of the term. The same ambiguity appears regarding the notion of a ‘religious party’. The al-Nūr Party tried to prevent the interdiction of such parties in the 2014 Constitution. At the same time, it distances itself from the notion, and abides by the law, including Christian members, presenting female candidates, and organically separating political and religious activities.","PeriodicalId":46442,"journal":{"name":"Social Compass","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47224792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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