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Anselm and the Problem of Ostending God 安塞尔姆与上帝的表象问题
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.a902876
Chad Engelland
abstract:Kripke raises the question concerning how the reference to God might be fixed, and Augustine makes it the leading question of the Confessions: How can I call upon God and not someone else instead? In this paper, I argue that this question is the central concern of Anselm's Proslogion, which explicitly adopts the dialogical form of Augustine's Confessions. Anselm does not define God but instead fixes the reference to God through an ostension or indexical description. The same linguistic formulation, "God is that than which nothing greater can be thought," has three functions: as an ostension, it points out God as that being and not another; as a criterion for selection, it ostensibly picks out a referent that exists rather than not; finally, as a rule for analysis, it provides a principle to clarify the necessary properties of the God that has been so ostended.
摘要:克里普克提出了一个关于如何固定对上帝的提及的问题,奥古斯丁将其作为《忏悔录》的主要问题:我如何才能呼唤上帝,而不是其他人?在本文中,我认为这个问题是安塞尔姆序言的核心问题,该序言明确采用了奥古斯丁《忏悔录》的对话形式。Anselm没有定义上帝,而是通过明示或索引描述来固定对上帝的提及。同样的语言表述,“上帝是最伟大的东西”,有三个功能:作为一种炫耀,它指出上帝是那个存在,而不是另一个;作为选择的标准,它表面上选择了一个存在而不是不存在的参照物;最后,作为分析的规则,它提供了一个原则来澄清上帝的必要性质,已经被如此炫耀。
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引用次数: 0
Spinoza and the Freedom of Philosophizing by Mogens Lærke (review) 斯宾诺莎与哲学思考的自由莫根斯·埃尔克(书评)
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.a902886
Julie Klein
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引用次数: 0
Avicenna's Theory of Science: Logic, Metaphysics, Epistemology by Riccardo Strobino (review) 阿维森纳的科学理论:逻辑、形而上学、认识论(综述)
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.0025
T. Druart
(176b8–c1), descends into the cave in the Laws, that is, addresses the details of legislation. But, as Centrone rightly observes, these are merely two sides of the same coin (321). In the Theaetetus, Plato, in the guise of the Platonic Socrates, recommends leaving the cave, while in the Laws, he returns to the cave, in the guise of the Athenian. Thus, Plato’s philosophy, and especially the vision of the Good, remains not merely contemplative, but also has a quite practical purpose founded in the Socratic axiom that virtue is knowledge—in other words, only by knowing the Good are we ultimately able to do the good. One could even say that the Socratic question of “how we should live [pôs bioteon]” (Gorgias 492d5, 500d3–4) is answered in detail in the Laws. The main condition for a happy life is the same for the individual and for the state: first to do yourself no injury nor allow any to be done to you by others. Of course, this has to be spelled out, and there remains much to do in the cave, so it is understandable that Plato did not give this huge work its final version. In the twentieth century, the Laws generally remained in the shadow of the interpretation of the Republic, although it received more attention than the Republic in antiquity (cf. Aristotle, Politics I.6, 264b26–266a30). In recent years, the situation has changed, and the Laws has received due attention. One culmination, written especially for an Italian audience, is now Centrone’s Introduzione. One problem that readers of the Laws often encounter is that it is easy to lose sight of its main ideas because of the wealth of details. This introduction provides a remedy to this difficulty. It is divided into eleven chapters, which are subdivided into subsections that succinctly treat the content and problems pertaining to the particular parts of Plato’s last magnum opus. One critique may be allowed: the author lucidly interprets the Laws, but he does not compare Plato’s laws with the then existing laws, for example on slavery, nor does he give an overview of the issues that belong definitively to the past and those that may also be considered of value today. This especially applies to Plato’s penal code. Plato does not acknowledge the modern human rights of freedom of conscience and religion, and his penal code harshly punishes atheists (see e.g. 908e2–3). On the other hand, Plato is far ahead of his time in relation to the rights and duties of women, for example, when he urges the same education for women and men, including military service (cf. 829b3–7, e4). On my estimation, very few of us would elect to live in the city of the Laws. We ought, therefore, be relieved that the seconda polis has not been realized. Nevertheless, the Laws discusses a plethora of political considerations, from the regulation of the education of children, to sexual behavior, to funerals, that are still worth pondering today. All this is elucidated by Centrone in his Introduzione, which is not just an intr
(176b8–c1),深入法律的洞穴,即处理立法的细节。但是,正如森通正确地观察到的那样,这些只是同一枚硬币的两面(321)。在《泰阿泰德》中,柏拉图假扮柏拉图式的苏格拉底,建议离开洞穴,而在《律法》中,他假扮雅典人回到洞穴。因此,柏拉图的哲学,尤其是善的愿景,不仅是沉思的,而且有一个基于苏格拉底公理的相当实际的目的,即美德就是知识——换句话说,只有知道善,我们才能最终行善。有人甚至可以说,苏格拉底关于“我们应该如何生活[pôs bioteon]”的问题(Gorgias 492d5,500d3-4)在法律中得到了详细的回答。幸福生活的主要条件对个人和国家来说都是一样的:首先不要伤害自己,也不允许别人对你做任何伤害。当然,这是必须阐明的,洞穴里还有很多事情要做,所以柏拉图没有给出这部巨著的最终版本是可以理解的。在二十世纪,法律通常仍处于共和国解释的阴影下,尽管它比古代的共和国受到了更多的关注(参见亚里士多德,《政治学》I.6264b26-266a30)。近年来,情况发生了变化,法律受到了应有的重视。一个特别为意大利观众创作的高潮,现在是Centrone的Introduzione。《法律》的读者经常遇到的一个问题是,由于细节丰富,很容易忽视其主要思想。这一介绍为解决这一困难提供了补救办法。它分为十一章,再细分为小节,简明扼要地处理了柏拉图最后一部巨著特定部分的内容和问题。有一种批评可能是允许的:作者清晰地解释了法律,但他没有将柏拉图的法律与当时现有的法律进行比较,例如关于奴隶制的法律,也没有概述明确属于过去的问题和今天可能被认为有价值的问题。这尤其适用于柏拉图的刑法。柏拉图不承认良心和宗教自由的现代人权,他的刑法严厉惩罚无神论者(见908e2-3)。另一方面,柏拉图在女性的权利和义务方面远远领先于他的时代,例如,当他敦促对女性和男性进行同样的教育,包括服兵役时(参见829b3-7,e4)。据我估计,我们中很少有人会选择住在劳斯城。因此,我们应该松一口气,因为第二个城邦还没有实现。尽管如此,法律讨论了大量的政治考虑,从对儿童教育的监管,到性行为,再到葬礼,这些问题今天仍然值得思考。所有这一切都由森特龙在他的《引论》中阐述,这不仅是一篇引言,而且是对柏拉图最长作品的详尽阐述。我希望这个“introduzione”能将火炬传递给意大利内外的新一代柏拉图学者。R a f a e l f e R b e R卢塞恩大学/苏黎世大学
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引用次数: 1
Nietzsche's Ecce Homo and the Revaluation of All Values: Dionysian Versus Christian Values by Thomas H. Brobjer (review) 尼采的人与一切价值观的重估:酒神与基督教价值观之比较(综述)
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.0032
Charles P. Rodger
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引用次数: 0
Women Philosophers in the Long Nineteenth Century: The German Tradition ed. by Kristin Gjesdal and Dalia Nassar (review) 《漫长的十九世纪的女性哲学家:德国传统》,克里斯汀·格斯达尔、达利亚·纳萨尔主编
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.0031
Alison Stone
Breazeale’s analyses provide us with all the means to take a stand about this notion that generated epic battles between interpreters, but also about many others—for instance the status of the second principle, which Hegel deemed “unfounded”; the practical foundation of the system, which some interpreters considered problematic; and the precise meaning of the concept of “check” or “impetus” (Anstoß). Thanks to Breazeale’s introduction, these debates find valuable elements of resolution. Thus, Breazeale accomplishes a real feat: his erudition serves a presentation of Fichte’s philosophy that will be beneficial to every reader, neophyte and specialist alike. I s a b e l l e T h o m a s F o g i e l University of Ottawa
布雷泽莱的分析为我们提供了所有的手段来表明对这一概念的立场,这一概念在口译员之间引发了史诗般的战斗,但也涉及许多其他概念——例如黑格尔认为“毫无根据”的第二原则的地位;该制度的实际基础,一些口译员认为这是有问题的;以及“检查”或“动力”概念的确切含义(Anstoß)。由于布雷泽莱的介绍,这些辩论找到了解决问题的宝贵因素。因此,布雷泽莱完成了一项真正的壮举:他的博学为费希特的哲学提供了一个展示,这对每一位读者,无论是新手还是专家,都是有益的。我是渥太华大学
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引用次数: 0
Kant's Tribunal of Reason: Legal Metaphor and Normativity in the Critique of Pure Reason by Sofie Møller (review) 康德的理性法庭:苏菲·莫勒《纯粹理性批判》中的法律隐喻与规范性(述评)
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.0029
J. Tizzard
that may have overlapped somewhat with Socianism and Arminianism but owed nothing to either. Locke’s moralist soteriology, along with some of his other Christian beliefs, look like Socinian and Arminian doctrines, admits Lucci. But many of his other beliefs did not, especially, Lucci says, those concerning original sin, satisfaction, and atonement (96–105). This was because Locke’s theological beliefs were formed by neither commitment nor opposition to any particular sect, but rather by his careful, plain, and simple reading of the Gospels (50). Locke had no problem with adopting the views of theologians when their positions were revealed through Scripture, and he had no problem turning away from them when their positions were not. But because Locke was not following any sect in arriving at his own theological positions, it is misleading to label him as a sectarian of any stripe—Locke’s views, in other words, may be like a Socinian’s or an Arminian’s, but he himself was neither, as the basis for his Christian beliefs was independent of both sects. Regarding persons, Lucci foregrounds Locke’s thinking about identity at Judgment Day as a result of his commitment to moral soteriology. According to Lucci, two significant consequences follow from this. First, Locke believed that personal identity resided in the union of mind and body rather than solely in the mind or solely in the body. Second, Locke believed that consciousness was only a necessary condition for moral responsibility (conceptualized as damnation or salvation based on behaviors measured against the law of nature). This, Lucci argues, counters common objections raised by Thiel and Strawson against Locke’s moralist soteriology. Concerning toleration, Lucci foregrounds Locke’s “markedly religious conception of life and morality” (175) and argues that Locke’s was a distinctively Christian form of toleration, pace the common conception of it as an expression of his secularism. The motivating factors for Locke were that Christianity is best seen as the true religion when it outshines alternative forms of salvation in a free and open environment and that acceptance of the law of faith is best when it is freely chosen. This entails that religious forms of life are tolerable so long as they do not undermine people’s commitments to the law of nature. Lucci then discusses how Locke’s exceptions to toleration—Catholics and atheists—run afoul of this moral condition for being tolerable, atheists because they reject any divine lawgiver and Catholics because they are committed to certain immoral principles. Thus, Lucci supports Goldie’s position that Locke found Catholic antinomianism intolerable (and not Catholicism as such) because he found antinomianism to be fundamentally intolerable (190). Lucci not only provides an excellent account of Locke’s Christian beliefs but also shows how those beliefs are relevant for interpreting and understanding some of Locke’s philosophical positions. Lucci’s book w
可能与社会主义和阿米念主义有些重叠,但两者都不属于。卢奇承认,洛克的道德主义救赎论,以及他的其他一些基督教信仰,看起来像索吉尼派和阿民念派的教义。但他的许多其他信仰却没有,特别是Lucci说,那些关于原罪、满足和赎罪的信仰(96-105页)。这是因为洛克的神学信仰既不是由对任何特定教派的承诺或反对形成的,而是由他对福音书的仔细、清晰和简单的阅读形成的(50)。当神学家的立场是通过圣经揭示出来的时候,洛克对于接受他们的观点没有问题,当他们的立场不是通过圣经揭示出来的时候,他也没有问题。但是,因为洛克在形成自己的神学立场时并没有追随任何教派,所以给他贴上任何教派的标签都是误导的——换句话说,洛克的观点可能类似于索吉尼派或阿民念派,但他自己既不是,因为他的基督教信仰的基础独立于这两个教派。关于人,卢奇强调了洛克在审判日对身份的思考,这是他对道德救赎论的承诺的结果。根据Lucci的说法,由此产生了两个重要的结果。首先,洛克认为个人的同一性存在于精神和身体的结合中,而不仅仅存在于精神或身体中。其次,洛克认为意识只是道德责任的必要条件(被概念化为基于违背自然法则的行为的诅咒或拯救)。Lucci认为,这反驳了蒂尔和斯特劳森对洛克的道德救世论提出的普遍异议。关于宽容,Lucci强调了洛克“对生活和道德的明显的宗教观念”(175),并认为洛克的宽容是一种独特的基督教形式,而这种宽容是他世俗主义的一种表达。对洛克来说,激励因素是,当基督教在自由开放的环境中胜过其他形式的救赎时,它最好被视为真正的宗教,当自由选择信仰法则时,接受它是最好的。这意味着,只要不破坏人们对自然法则的承诺,宗教形式的生活是可以容忍的。Lucci接着讨论了洛克关于宽容的例外——天主教徒和无神论者——是如何与这种道德条件相冲突的,无神论者因为他们拒绝任何神圣的立法者,天主教徒因为他们致力于某些不道德的原则。因此,Lucci支持Goldie的观点,即洛克认为天主教的反律法主义是不可容忍的(而不是天主教本身),因为他认为反律法主义从根本上是不可容忍的(190)。Lucci不仅为洛克的基督教信仰提供了极好的描述,而且还展示了这些信仰是如何与解释和理解洛克的一些哲学立场相关的。Lucci的书将在未来几年被学者们阅读和讨论。他是西安大略大学的一名学生
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Temperament in Philosophical Inquiry: A Pragmatic Approach 气质在哲学探究中的作用:一种语用方法
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.0023
Neil W. Williams
abstract:In his Pragmatism lectures, William James argued that philosophers' temperaments partially determine the theories that they find satisfying, and that their influence explains persistent disagreement within the history of philosophy. Crucially, James was not only making a descriptive claim, but also a normative one: temperaments, he thought, could play a legitimate epistemic role in our philosophical inquiries. This paper aims to evaluate and defend this normative claim.There are three problems for James's view: (1) that allowing temperaments to play a role within inquiry replaces philosophical disagreement with psychological difference; (2) that including temperaments would allow arbitrary elements to influence the outcome of inquiry; and (3) that such a view assumes an implausible metaphysical picture. Through clarifying the nature of temperaments, and what counts as a satisfactory philosophical theory on a pragmatist account, this paper presents an interpretation of James's metaphilosophical claims that can provide satisfactory responses to these problems.
威廉·詹姆斯在他的实用主义讲座中指出,哲学家的性格在一定程度上决定了他们认为令人满意的理论,他们的影响解释了哲学史上持续存在的分歧。至关重要的是,詹姆斯不仅提出了一个描述性的主张,而且提出了一个规范性的主张:他认为,气质可以在我们的哲学探究中扮演合法的认知角色。本文旨在评价和捍卫这一规范性主张。詹姆斯的观点存在三个问题:(1)允许气质在探究中发挥作用,用心理差异取代了哲学上的分歧;(2)包括性格将允许任意因素影响调查结果;(3)这种观点假定了一种不可信的形而上学图景。本文通过澄清气质的本质,以及从实用主义的角度来看,什么是令人满意的哲学理论,提出了对詹姆斯的形而上学主张的解释,可以为这些问题提供令人满意的回答。
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引用次数: 0
Moses Mendelssohn's Original Modal Proof for the Existence of God 摩西·门德尔松关于上帝存在的原始模态证明
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.0020
Noam Hoffer
abstract:In Morning Hours (1785), Moses Mendelssohn presents a proof for the existence of God from the grounding of possibility. Although Mendelssohn claims that this proof is original, it has not received much attention in the secondary literature. In this paper, I analyze this proof and present its historical context. I show that although it resembles Leibniz's proof from eternal truths and Kant's precritical possibility proof, it has unique characteristics that can be regarded as responses to deficiencies Mendelssohn identified in these earlier proofs. I argue that by analyzing the semantics of judgments about dispositions, Mendelssohn provides a novel explanation for the basic premise shared by these proofs, namely that possibility is grounded in actuality. Additionally, this analysis simplifies the inference to a unique infinite mind grounding all possibility. Thus, the proof is worth studying both for historical reasons and for its original account of modal concepts.
摩西·门德尔松在1785年的《晨曦》中,从可能性的基础上,提出了上帝存在的证明。尽管门德尔松声称这一证明是独创的,但在二次文献中并没有得到太多关注。在本文中,我分析了这一证明,并介绍了它的历史背景。我表明,尽管它类似于莱布尼茨的永恒真理证明和康德的批判前可能性证明,但它具有独特的特征,可以被视为对门德尔松在这些早期证明中发现的缺陷的回应。我认为,通过分析关于倾向的判断的语义,门德尔松为这些证明所共有的基本前提提供了一个新颖的解释,即可能性是基于现实的。此外,这种分析将推理简化为一种独特的无限思维,将所有可能性都建立在基础上。因此,该证明值得研究,既有历史原因,也有其对模态概念的原始解释。
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引用次数: 0
To Shape a New World: Essays on the Political Philosophy of Martin Luther King, Jr. ed. by Tommie Shelby and Brandon M. Terry (review) 《塑造新世界:马丁·路德·金政治哲学随笔》,Tommie Shelby和Brandon M.Terry主编(评论)
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.0033
Erin R. Pineda
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引用次数: 0
Possibility and Necessity in the Time of Peter Abelard by Irene Binini (review) 《彼得·阿伯拉尔时代的可能性与必要性》艾琳·比尼尼著(书评)
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/hph.2023.0026
Wolfgang Lenzen
text is so rich and complex. A simple but careful look at this map confirms what Strobino makes clear and insists upon: Avicenna greatly develops, enriches, completes, and even outgrows some of Aristotle’s views. The Book of Demonstration is far more than a commentary on the Posterior Analytics ; it is a complete reworking of it. Strobino shows that Avicenna grounds his theory of demonstration and science on two basic notions—conception (tasawwur) and assertion (tasdı̄q, which some other scholars translate as “assent”)—and so gives a unified approach to his theory. Scientific conceptions require better understanding of definition and description. Avicenna builds definitions and descriptions on essentialism and, therefore, grounds them in metaphysics. As for scientific assertions, in contradistinction to nonscientific ones, they must be necessary and give the cause. Therefore, Avicenna places great importance on modality and develops modal syllogisms, whereas Aristotle focused on categorical syllogisms and neglected hypothetical and disjunctive syllogisms. Avicenna also elaborates a sophisticated account of modality and its metaphysical implications. Furthermore, he broadens and enriches the appreciation of causality and explanation. These developments, according to Strobino, lead Avicenna to set forth an intricate division and hierarchy of the sciences under metaphysics, which provides their ultimate principles and allows for a unified understanding of the sciences while respecting their particularities. According to Strobino, Avicenna is keen to develop a theory of science that gives a good account of science as it is practiced. Strobino carefully shows how Avicenna’s theory better reflects this practice than does Aristotle’s. Strobino does not simply highlight how much Avicenna distances himself from Aristotle and goes far beyond what the Posterior Analytics yields, but also shows how much Avicenna relies on points adumbrated by his predecessor al-Fārābı̄ in his own Book of Demonstration. The way Strobino through his analysis of demonstration links Avicenna’s understanding of logic, epistemology, and metaphysics underscores the coherence and unity of Avicenna’s philosophy. Scholars were aware of the importance of demonstration for Avicenna in various philosophical fields, but until the release of this book, they seemed not to have fully grasped the centrality and essential role played by the Avicennian understanding and focus on demonstration. Of course, Strobino does not limit himself to an analysis of passages in the Book of Demonstration. He has an encompassing knowledge of Avicenna’s texts and uses them well to flesh out and enrich what remains terse in the Book of Demonstration. He even takes into account the way one of his successors, al-Tūsı̄, reads him. He also shows an extensive and wide-ranging knowledge of Aristotle’s texts and of Aristotelian scholarship, as well as an interest in the Greek commentators and Galen and their relevance
文本是如此丰富和复杂。简单但仔细地看一看这张地图,就可以证实斯特罗比诺明确并坚持的观点:阿维森纳极大地发展、丰富、完善,甚至超越了亚里士多德的一些观点。《论证之书》远不止是对后验分析的评论;斯特罗比诺表明,阿维森纳的论证和科学理论基于两个基本概念——概念(tasawwur)和断言(tasdı̄q,其他一些学者将其翻译为“同意”),从而为他的理论提供了统一的方法。科学概念需要更好地理解定义和描述。阿维森纳建立了对本质主义的定义和描述,因此,将其建立在形而上学的基础上。至于科学断言,与非科学断言不同,它们必须是必要的,并给出原因。因此,阿维森纳非常重视模态,发展了模态三段论,而亚里士多德则专注于范畴三段论而忽略了假设三段论和析取三段论。阿维森纳还阐述了对情态及其形而上学含义的复杂描述。此外,他拓宽并丰富了对因果关系和解释的理解。斯特罗比诺认为,这些发展导致阿维森纳在形而上学下对科学进行了复杂的划分和分级,这提供了科学的终极原则,并允许在尊重其特殊性的同时对科学进行统一的理解。根据斯特罗比诺的说法,阿维森纳热衷于发展一种科学理论,在实践中对科学进行良好的描述。斯特罗比诺仔细地展示了阿维森纳的理论如何比亚里士多德的理论更好地反映了这一实践。斯特罗比诺不仅强调了阿维森纳与亚里士多德的距离有多大,远远超出了后验分析的结果,还表明阿维森纳在多大程度上依赖于他的前任al-Fārābı̄在他自己的《论证书》中所暗示的观点。斯特罗比诺通过对论证的分析,将阿维森纳对逻辑、认识论和形而上学的理解联系起来,强调了阿维森纳哲学的连贯性和统一性。学者们意识到论证在各个哲学领域对阿维森纳的重要性,但直到本书出版,他们似乎还没有完全掌握阿维森纳对论证的理解和关注所起的中心作用和本质作用。当然,斯特罗比诺并不局限于对《示范书》中段落的分析。他对阿维森纳的文本有着全面的了解,并很好地利用它们来充实和丰富《示范之书》中仍然简洁的内容。他甚至考虑到了他的继任者al-Túsı̄对他的解读。他还展示了对亚里士多德文本和亚里士多德学术的广泛而广泛的了解,以及对希腊评论家和盖伦及其对解读阿维森纳的相关性的兴趣。阿维森纳的《科学理论》不是一本容易阅读的书,因为它通常非常技术性,尤其是在处理纯粹的逻辑点或问题时,但如果一个人读得很慢,很有收获。事实上,作者阐明了困难的事情,但并不浪费文字。从现在起,任何关于阿维森纳的严肃工作都需要考虑到这本书。此外,这本书解释了为什么在阿维森纳之后,东方的哲学家不再对亚里士多德的后验分析进行过多反思,而是对阿维森纳的《论证之书》进行了评论或与之进行了辩论
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