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The Brief History of a Very Big Book: The Making of the Tamil Encyclopaedia 一本大书的简史:泰米尔百科全书的制作
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2183626
Veena Naregal
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引用次数: 0
Inspectors of the Raj: A Pedagogy of Critical Conservatism in Odisha Raj的检查员:奥里萨邦批判保守主义的教育学
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2176596
Umasankar Patra
Abstract This essay investigates new articulations of belonging and community identity that emerged in Odisha, on the eastern coast of India, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century through the works of an inspector of schools. Largely taken in the historiography to be mere bureaucrats, inspectors of schools, especially in colonial Odisha, were an important component in the administration of the province, and emerged as arbiters of taste, doyens of Odia literature, and public intellectuals. This essay proposes that their negotiation with the colonial apparatus and prevalent Odia linguistic nationalist spirit was carried out through a novel cultural ideology, ‘critical conservatism’. Deploying a comparative framework with the development of conservatism in Bengal, this essay examines the uniqueness of the conservative impulse in Odisha, thereby suggesting a rethinking of conservatism as a cultural enterprise. Moving away from the focus on the literary works of Fakir Mohan Senapati, this article throws light on the works and lives of other figures of modernity such as Radhanath Ray, Nanda Kishore Bala, Madhusudan Rao, and the Satyabadi School, a unique intervention in pedagogy taken up in Odisha in the early twentieth century.
本文通过一位学校督察员的作品,研究了19世纪末和20世纪初在印度东海岸奥里萨邦出现的归属感和社区认同的新表达。在历史编纂中,学校督察员(尤其是在奥里萨邦的殖民地)在很大程度上被视为纯粹的官僚,是该省行政管理的重要组成部分,并成为品味的裁决者、奥里萨邦文学的数十人和公共知识分子。本文认为,他们与殖民机器和流行的欧迪亚语言民族主义精神的谈判是通过一种新颖的文化意识形态“批判保守主义”进行的。本文运用与孟加拉保守主义发展的比较框架,考察了奥里萨邦保守主义冲动的独特性,从而建议将保守主义作为一种文化事业进行重新思考。本文不再关注Fakir Mohan Senapati的文学作品,而是关注其他现代人物的作品和生活,如Radhanath Ray, Nanda Kishore Bala, Madhusudan Rao和Satyabadi学派,这是20世纪初在奥里萨邦兴起的一种独特的教学法干预。
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引用次数: 0
Famine in a Rice Economy: Natural Calamities, Grain Scarcity and the Company-State in Bengal, 1770–1803 水稻经济中的饥荒:孟加拉的自然灾害、粮食短缺和公司状态,1770–1803
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2178186
Baijayanti Chatterjee
Abstract This paper analyses the conjuncture of factors that led to famines in late eighteenth century Bengal, a province in which, due to the fluvial ecology and monsoonal climate, the cultivation of rice predominated. I demonstrate that the exclusive dependence on rice crops created conditions of agricultural insecurity, which in turn was taken advantage of by merchants and hoarders of grain in a bid to profit from artificially enhanced prices. The East India Company, acquiring political authority in Bengal in the mid eighteenth century, was unable to break through the monopolies of the grain dealers. In addition, its experiment with grain storage in large public granaries (golas), intended to overcome food shortages, also failed on account of mounting costs and the irrevocable tension between laissez-faire and state interventionism, which ultimately led to the abandonment of the granary system. I argue that a combination of rice monoculture, mercantile strategies, and lack of effective state intervention was ultimately responsible for transforming natural calamities and the ensuing food shortages into full-scale famines in Bengal in the eighteenth century.
摘要本文分析了导致18世纪末孟加拉饥荒的因素的结合,该省由于河流生态和季风气候,以水稻种植为主。我证明,对水稻作物的完全依赖创造了农业不安全的条件,而商人和粮食囤积者则利用这种条件,从人为提高的价格中获利。18世纪中期,东印度公司在孟加拉获得了政治权力,但未能突破粮食经销商的垄断。此外,其旨在克服粮食短缺的大型公共粮仓(golas)粮食储存试验也失败了,原因是成本不断上升,以及自由放任主义和国家干预主义之间不可挽回的紧张关系,最终导致了粮仓系统的放弃。我认为,水稻单一种植、商业战略和缺乏有效的国家干预,是18世纪孟加拉将自然灾害和随之而来的粮食短缺转变为全面饥荒的最终原因。
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引用次数: 0
Theorising Marginality: Discourses on the Making of Modern Adivasi Communities in Kerala 边缘化理论化:关于喀拉拉邦现代原住民社区形成的论述
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2177001
K. Rajesh
Abstract Despite the accepted usage of ‘marginality’ as a subcategory of subalternity, seldom has the meaning of marginality as a concept been expounded. This paper sets out to address this lack by conceiving of ‘marginality’ as a condition, by focusing on the lived experiences of Adivasis in Kerala through the discourses constructed by a contemporary social movement, the Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha (AGMS). Discourse analysis is the methodological frame that I have used in this paper to analyse the descriptions produced by the AGMS and the state of Kerala, and this is broadly situated within the post-colonial political-sociological approach. Premised on this, I argue that while marginality is an essential concept for looking at contemporary Adivasi movements in India, it is productive to interrogate and explore expanding the varied meanings attached to this concept.
尽管“边际性”作为次等性的一个子类被广泛使用,但边际性作为一个概念的含义却很少得到阐述。本文将“边缘化”视为一种条件,通过当代社会运动“Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha”(AGMS)构建的话语,关注喀拉拉邦阿迪瓦西人的生活经历,着手解决这一问题。话语分析是我在本文中用来分析AGMS和喀拉拉邦所产生的描述的方法论框架,它广泛地位于后殖民政治社会学方法中。在此前提下,我认为,虽然边缘化是审视当代印度原住民运动的一个基本概念,但询问和探索扩展附加在这个概念上的各种含义是富有成效的。
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引用次数: 0
Of Loss, Belonging and Remembrance: Indian Poetic Responses to World War I 失落、归属与纪念:印度对第一次世界大战的诗意回应
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2178754
A. Banerjee
Abstract This article undertakes a critical exploration of the Indian poetic responses to World War I. The most striking feature of this poetry was its uniquely diverse nature, which reflected in full the multicultural character of the Indian army at the Western Front and elsewhere in the world. The immense diversity of Indian soldiers triggered a wide range of emotions and ideas from combatants and civilians alike. While we have established writers like Rabindranath Tagore and Sarojini Naidu on the one hand, we have a poetic miscellany of lesser known creative voices on the other, some even documenting their first-hand experiences of the War. Poems, lyrical propaganda, folk-songs, epistolary verse, elegies and even verses accompanying posters make up the various modes of literary circulation during this time of unprecedented global turmoil. Making use of both original compositions and various other works in translation, this article argues that most of this poetic evidence often serves as crucial testimonies, chronicling not only the major historical events of the War years, but also assiduously recording the wide gamut of feelings and emotions associated with the conflict.
本文对印度诗歌对第一次世界大战的反应进行了批判性的探讨,其最显著的特点是其独特的多样性,这充分反映了印度军队在西线和世界其他地方的多元文化特征。印度士兵的巨大多样性引发了战斗人员和平民的广泛情绪和想法。一方面,我们有泰戈尔(Rabindranath Tagore)和奈杜(Sarojini Naidu)这样的知名作家,另一方面,我们也有一些不太知名的创作声音,其中一些甚至记录了他们对战争的第一手经历。在这个前所未有的全球动荡时期,诗歌、抒情宣传、民歌、书信体诗、挽歌,甚至附在海报上的诗,构成了文学流通的各种模式。本文利用原著和其他翻译作品,认为这些诗歌证据往往作为重要的证词,不仅记录了战争年代的重大历史事件,而且还努力记录了与冲突有关的广泛的感情和情绪。
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引用次数: 0
Leaving Comrades to Die: Shahadat, Soldiering and Accidental Death on the Siachen Glacier 离开同志去死:在锡亚琴冰川上的shahaat,当兵和意外死亡
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2180897
S. Khan
Abstract The Siachen glacier, one of the longest non-polar glaciers in the world, turned into the world’s highest battlefield in 1984, when both the neighbouring countries, India and Pakistan, deployed their troops for control over the glacier. The nature of warfare since then has changed from active operations to one of low-intensity warfare. In this changing nature of warfare, the article explores how meanings of death are reconfigured in personal recollections and public representations, when the terrain continues to inflict injuries, high-altitude illnesses and death in the absence of any direct enemy confrontation. The article compares personal experiences of death with media representations. While personal experiences of soldiers and officers who have served on the glacier show their grievances about having left comrades to die after they fell into deadly crevasses, media representations reinsert the Indian soldier and depict death in the company of comrades and family to justify the expensive and extremely difficult war over the glacier.
1984年,世界上最长的非极地冰川之一锡亚琴冰川成为世界上最高的战场,邻国印度和巴基斯坦都派兵控制了锡亚琴冰川。从那时起,战争的性质从主动作战转变为低强度战争。在这种战争性质的变化中,本文探讨了在没有任何直接敌人对抗的情况下,当地形继续造成伤害、高原疾病和死亡时,死亡的意义如何在个人回忆和公共表现中重新配置。这篇文章比较了个人的死亡经历和媒体的表现。虽然在冰川上服役的士兵和军官的个人经历显示了他们对战友陷入致命裂缝后死去的不满,但媒体再现了印度士兵,并描绘了战友和家人陪伴下的死亡,以证明在冰川上进行昂贵而极其艰难的战争是合理的。
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引用次数: 0
Leaving the Hindu Far Right 离开印度教极右翼
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2179817
Felix Pal, Neha Chaudhary
Abstract Why do people leave the world’s largest far-right organisation? In this article, we analyse six autobiographical defection accounts of ex-members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the apex organisation of the Indian Hindu nationalist movement. Compiled here for the first time, an analysis of these accounts reveals that even the most disciplined and ideologically coherent far-right organisations suffer from internal organisational messiness and attrition. These accounts challenge the unique mythology that surrounds the RSS and gesture towards the methodological possibilities of discarding the ideology-driven analyses of the far right in favour of material analyses of the lives of far-right organisational members.
摘要人们为什么要离开这个世界上最大的极右翼组织?在这篇文章中,我们分析了印度印度教民族主义运动的最高组织Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh(RSS)前成员的六个自传体叛逃故事。对这些账目的分析首次在这里汇编,揭示了即使是最有纪律和意识形态一致的极右翼组织也会遭受内部组织混乱和流失。这些叙述挑战了围绕RSS的独特神话,并表明了放弃对极右翼意识形态驱动的分析,转而对极右翼组织成员的生活进行物质分析的方法论可能性。
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引用次数: 0
From Communist Internationalism to a ‘New Humanism’: On M.N. Roy’s Confrontation with Fascism 从共产国际主义到“新人文主义”——论罗伊与法西斯主义的对抗
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2177806
Christopher Balcom
Abstract This paper investigates the thought of the Indian revolutionary and philosopher M.N. Roy (1887–1954). The essay argues that Roy’s pivot from Marxism to a liberal ‘New Humanism’ over the course of the 1930s and 1940s was shaped by his thinking about fascism and represents a broader turn away from a materialist reading of history and loss of confidence in the Indian working class. The paper begins with an analysis of Roy’s early communism, and considers his later critique, elaborated from the 1930s onwards, that ‘Gandhism’ represented an Indian form of fascism, and explores how these arguments led to his rejection of Marxism.
本文考察了印度革命家、哲学家M.N.罗伊(1887-1954)的思想。这篇文章认为,罗伊在20世纪30年代和40年代从马克思主义转向自由主义的“新人文主义”是由他对法西斯主义的思考形成的,这代表了他对历史的唯物主义解读和对印度工人阶级信心的丧失的更广泛的转向。本文首先分析罗伊的早期共产主义,并考虑他后来的批评,从20世纪30年代开始阐述,“甘地主义”代表了一种印度形式的法西斯主义,并探讨这些论点是如何导致他拒绝马克思主义的。
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引用次数: 0
New Lives in Anand: Building a Muslim Hub in Western India 阿南德的新生活:在印度西部建立一个穆斯林中心
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2184566
Aishani Khurana
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引用次数: 1
Populism in Pakistan: The Exclusionary-Inclusionary Divide in the Politics of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Imran Khan 巴基斯坦的民粹主义:祖勒菲卡尔·阿里·布托和伊姆兰·汗政治中的排斥-包容分歧
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2181535
F. Batool
Abstract Prior research on Latin American and European populism has used the inclusionary and exclusionary distinction to differentiate between Left- and Right-wing populism. As Right-wing populists demand exclusion of immigrants and foreigners and Left-wing populists demand inclusion of the lower social class in the political landscape, the former is described as exclusionary and the latter as inclusionary. In this paper, I test this typology, comparing the populism of two political leaders in Pakistan across two different eras: Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto during 1967–77 and Imran Khan during 1996–2022. I argue that in the absence of an overarching liberal discourse, the inclusionary-exclusionary distinction has no meaning because populists of illiberal democracies can rely upon a greater ideological malleability, swinging between inclusionary to exclusionary politics in accordance with the demands of the moment.
摘要先前对拉丁美洲和欧洲民粹主义的研究使用了包容性和排斥性的区分来区分左翼民粹主义和右翼民粹主义。右翼民粹主义者要求排斥移民和外国人,左翼民粹主义者要求将下层社会阶层纳入政治版图,前者被描述为排斥性的,后者被描述为包容性的。在这篇论文中,我测试了这种类型,比较了巴基斯坦两位不同时代的政治领导人的民粹主义:1967-77年的佐勒菲卡尔·阿里·布托和1996-2022年的伊姆兰·汗。我认为,在缺乏全面的自由主义话语的情况下,包容-排斥的区别没有意义,因为非自由民主国家的民粹主义者可以依靠更大的意识形态延展性,根据当前的要求在包容政治和排斥政治之间摇摆。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies
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