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Imagining India in Modern China: Literary Decolonization and the Imperial Unconscious, 1895–1962 想象现代中国的印度:文学的非殖民化和帝国无意识,1895-1962
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2250168
Jessica Sequeira
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引用次数: 3
Castoffs of Capital: Work and Love Among Garment Workers in Bangladesh 资本的丢弃:孟加拉服装工人的工作与爱情
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2249718
Dina M. Siddiqi
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引用次数: 0
A Precarious Trade: The English East India Company and Its Interventions in the Balasore Salt Trade 不稳定的贸易:英国东印度公司及其对巴拉索尔盐贸易的干预
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2241230
Arijita Manna
Abstract The salt trade in early colonial Orissa was shaped by its unique landscape with intersecting river valleys, forested plateaus, and a long coastline where salt was produced. In the late eighteenth century, the East India Company (EIC) followed a policy of escalating political interventions in the Orissa-Bengal salt trade. In this region, salt was not merely a commodity, but signified power and patronage with local elites actively participating in the trade. The EIC’s ignorance of geographical, social and political realities resulted in destabilising salt production and trade in the region. This article explores the conflicts and collusions among local elites, EIC officials, salt traders and producers to trace a history of salt trade in early colonial Orissa.
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引用次数: 0
Salt and the National Imaginary: The Photojournalism of the Dandi Satyagraha 盐与国家想象:丹迪·萨蒂亚格拉哈的摄影新闻
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2237304
Elisa deCourcy, Miles Taylor
Abstract This article looks at how Gandhi used the Dandi Salt Satyagraha as a site for imagining anti-colonial nationalism. We focus on the visual dimensions of the Salt March and the divergent ways in which it was reported in the illustrated press in 1930. Developing Sumathi Ramaswamy’s idea of the ‘ambulatory aesthetic’ (2020), we highlight how Gandhi created a personified protest. Moreover, he chose salt as a talismanic object, ubiquitous both temporally, back through India’s colonial and pre-colonial past, and laterally, bridging religious identities but also illuminating class distinctions. We also describe how Gandhi’s curated defiance was deliberately mutated and muted by the British, initially by way of censorship, but mostly through using biased visual newspaper and magazine reportage of their own in order to marginalise Gandhi and the salt marchers.
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引用次数: 0
Securitization Theory in South Asia and Kartarpur Border: A Peace Initiative or a Conflict? 南亚与卡尔塔普尔边境的证券化理论:和平倡议还是冲突?
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4568
Nabeila Akbar, Asma Shabbir
South Asia has been a special geographical region where all of its member states have common interests in sociocultural, political, and economic spheres. South Asia is regarded as a single geographical entity where security issues have a cross-border impact due to this region's singularity. Pakistan has opened the Kartarpur border between Pakistan and India for the Sikh community. It is a positive step toward regional peace, but the security of the region has also been called into question, including whether or not the tension between Pakistan and India will decrease or worsen. Would it threaten regional security or bring about peace? In the new situation, how would India and the Sikh community act? How may a sovereign state develop relations with a religious community (resented group) of a nearby sovereign state by passing it? How would it change the way that states interact with one another, both internationally and regionally? The focus of the research article is primarily an effort to respond to these questions. The qualitative research has approached, and the historical and correlational methodology has opted to find out how the opening of the Kartarpur border affects Indo-Pak security and how South Asia has to face its after-effects.
南亚是一个特殊的地理区域,所有成员国在社会、文化、政治和经济领域都有共同的利益。南亚被视为一个单一的地理实体,由于该地区的独特性,安全问题具有跨界影响。巴基斯坦向锡克教社区开放了巴基斯坦和印度之间的卡尔塔普尔边界。这是朝着地区和平迈出的积极一步,但该地区的安全也受到了质疑,包括巴基斯坦和印度之间的紧张局势是否会缓解或恶化。它会威胁地区安全还是带来和平?在新形势下,印度和锡克教社区将如何行动?一个主权国家如何通过与邻近主权国家的宗教团体(仇恨团体)发展关系?它将如何改变国家之间的互动方式,无论是在国际上还是在地区上?这篇研究文章的重点主要是努力回答这些问题。定性研究已经接近,历史和相关方法选择找出卡尔塔普尔边界的开放如何影响印巴安全以及南亚如何面对其后果。
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引用次数: 0
Reintegrating Vulnerable Youth in Jammu and Kashmir: A deradicalization process model by Maharashtra Police in India 查谟和克什米尔弱势青年重新融入社会:印度马哈拉施特拉邦警方的去激进化进程模式
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4612
Deepali Khaire
Amidst the debate about India’s population dividend and India’s capability to harness it. The possible radicalization of youth in India can pose a significant challenge for India. The failure to achieve any durable peace in Jammu and Kashmir over three decades after the inception of the conflict has made it a multilayered complex issue. The unilateral action of the central government of removing Article 370 and bifurcating the former state of Jammu and Kashmir into two union territories will have long-term effects. Such development is juxtaposed with the surfacing trend of radicalization among youth in India and Jammu and Kashmir and joining ISIS. It becomes essential to suggest a more proactive rather than reactionary approach. The paper tries to draw on the insights from the Maharashtra Police Deradicalisation model and its utility for youth in Jammu and Kashmir.
在关于印度人口红利和印度利用它的能力的辩论中。印度青年可能出现的激进化可能对印度构成重大挑战。在冲突开始30多年后未能在查谟和克什米尔实现任何持久和平,使其成为一个多层次的复杂问题。中央政府单方面取消第370条并将前查谟和克什米尔邦划分为两个联邦领土的行动将产生长期影响。与此同时,印度、查谟和克什米尔青年激进化、加入ISIS的趋势正在浮出水面。提出一种更主动而非被动的方法变得至关重要。本文试图借鉴马哈拉施特拉邦警察去激进化模式及其对查谟和克什米尔青年的效用。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining the Role of Domestic Factors in Shaping Foreign Policies: India and Pakistan in Comparative Perspective (2014-2020) 解释国内因素在形成外交政策中的作用:比较视角下的印度和巴基斯坦(2014-2020)
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4818
Muhammad Adeel Khan, Manzoor Ahmad Naazer
Since 2014, India's domestic and foreign policies have reflected violent religious fanaticism and hyper-nationalism. If elected to power, Modi often stated that India would pursue a tough stance against Pakistan and would put Indian Occupied Kashmir (IOK) directly under the control of the Indian central government. This did not paint a positive picture. Since 2014, India's primary goal in foreign policy has remained to encircle Pakistan on all of its borders and isolate it from the rest of the world. Nearly all of the world's superpowers and the Muslim nations have encouraged diplomatic relations with India. India strategically employs all of the regional nations and global powers it has close ties to fight Pakistan. Without any regional or international pressure, it unilaterally changed the special constitutional status of Indian-occupied Kashmir. The reactionary foreign policy of Pakistan, on the other hand, did not rely on pre-emptive measures to fight India's foreign policy, which is primarily built on plotting against Pakistan. India consistently takes advantage of Pakistan's weak and nebulous international policies. This study aims to give a detailed analysis of the elements, in particular the internal or domestic ones that were responsible for influencing foreign policy decision-making in India and Pakistan between 2014 and 2020. Using Allison’s models of foreign policy has identified the factors accountable for Pakistan's unproductive and responsive external policy in contrast to India's proactive and forceful external strategy. One of the crucial findings that this study identified is that the democratic system and political continuity in India are the significant elements providing a strong base for effective policy making and building strong institutions as compared to Pakistan where the absence of both these elements are contributing to institutional crisis as well as weak and passive decision making.
自2014年以来,印度的内外政策反映了暴力的宗教狂热和极端民族主义。莫迪经常表示,如果当选,印度将对巴基斯坦采取强硬立场,并将印控克什米尔(IOK)直接置于印度中央政府的控制之下。这并没有描绘出一幅积极的画面。自2014年以来,印度外交政策的主要目标仍然是在其所有边界上包围巴基斯坦,并将其与世界其他地区隔离开来。世界上几乎所有超级大国和穆斯林国家都鼓励与印度建立外交关系。印度战略性地利用所有与它关系密切的地区国家和全球大国来对抗巴基斯坦。在没有任何区域或国际压力的情况下,它单方面改变了印控克什米尔的特殊宪法地位。另一方面,巴基斯坦的反动外交政策并不依靠先发制人的措施来对抗印度的外交政策,印度的外交政策主要建立在对巴基斯坦的阴谋之上。印度一直在利用巴基斯坦软弱而模糊的国际政策。本研究旨在详细分析2014年至2020年期间影响印度和巴基斯坦外交政策决策的因素,特别是内部或国内因素。利用艾利森的外交政策模型,他发现了导致巴基斯坦的非生产性和响应性对外政策与印度积极有力的对外战略形成鲜明对比的因素。本研究确定的一个重要发现是,与巴基斯坦相比,印度的民主制度和政治连续性是为有效的政策制定和建立强有力的制度提供坚实基础的重要因素,而巴基斯坦缺乏这两个因素会导致制度危机以及软弱和被动的决策。
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引用次数: 0
Assessing the Ability of a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” Strategy: To Maintain the Status-Quo in the Western Pacific and Indian Oceans 评估“自由开放的印太”战略的能力:维持西太平洋和印度洋的现状
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4286
Gaurav Raja Dahal
China’s rising power and challenge to the status quo of the rules-based international order had led several nations, primarily Japan and the United States, to pursue a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” strategy. However, such a strategy was predicated upon multilateral support. Was such a strategy viable? The research focuses on this fundamental question, applying various IR theories to the strategy. This paper hypothesizes that if multilateralism was successful, the FOIP strategy was viable. The significance of this research is that it may suggest necessary changes to the existing FOIP strategy or may validate its trajectory. Either way, the research provides both academic and policy significance.
中国实力的崛起和对基于规则的国际秩序现状的挑战,促使以日本和美国为首的几个国家采取了“自由开放的印度-太平洋”战略。但是,这种战略是以多边支持为基础的。这样的策略可行吗?本研究聚焦于这一基本问题,将各种IR理论应用于该战略。本文假设,如果多边主义是成功的,FOIP战略是可行的。这项研究的意义在于,它可能建议对现有的FOIP策略进行必要的改变,或者可能验证其轨迹。无论哪种方式,该研究都具有学术和政策意义。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Climate Change on Agricultural Employment, Evidence from South Asian Countries based on Pooled Mean Group Estimation of Dynamic Heterogeneous Panel 气候变化对农业就业的影响——来自南亚国家的证据——基于动态异质性面板的混合平均组估计
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4172
Md. Nadim Uddin, Abdullah Al Mamun
Being the most populous region, South Asia is home to one-fourth of the population in the world. Along with the aforementioned feature, South Asia is becoming one of the most climatic-hazard-prone regions on the planet. Hence, this study attempts to analyse empirically how economic performance and climate change affect employment in the agriculture sector. The study includes seven South Asian countries’ data, excluding the Maldives, from 1992 to 2021 by applying the most widely used Panel ARDL, which involved pooled mean group (PMG) estimation. In the short run, the effect of past-year employment and temperature is positive, whereas GDP per capita is negatively related to agricultural employment and rainfall is insignificant. However, in the long run, the error correction coefficient is significant, and overall data has been able to establish a long-run relationship. The study concludes that, with the long-run impact for each country, agricultural employment is negatively affected by GDP per capita and temperature. Lastly, the effect of temperature in the long run reveals that climate change has long-term impacts on agriculture employment. We believe that the findings of the study have important implications for policymakers in the future.
南亚是人口最多的地区,占世界人口的四分之一。除了上述特点外,南亚正在成为地球上最容易发生气候灾害的地区之一。因此,本研究试图实证分析经济绩效和气候变化如何影响农业部门的就业。该研究包括七个南亚国家(不包括马尔代夫)从1992年到2021年的数据,采用了最广泛使用的Panel ARDL,其中涉及汇总平均组(PMG)估计。在短期内,过去一年的就业和温度的影响是正的,而人均GDP与农业就业负相关,降雨量不显著。但从长期来看,误差修正系数显著,总体数据已经能够建立长期关系。该研究的结论是,就各国的长期影响而言,农业就业受到人均GDP和气温的负面影响。最后,温度的长期影响揭示了气候变化对农业就业的长期影响。我们相信,这项研究的结果对未来的政策制定者具有重要的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Nature of Democracy in the Political Leadership of Muhammad ﷺ: In the Context of Pakistan and Iqbal 穆罕默德政治领导中的民主性质:在巴基斯坦和伊克巴尔的背景下
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4692
Bushra Rasheed
The concept of democracy, as we understand it today, did not exist during the time of Muhammad (peace be upon him), the prophet[1] of Muslims, but evolved over time and is rooted in the principles of equality, participation, consultation, social contracts, and justice. Muhammad ﷺ has established these principles, and in this study, it is to be argued that the principles are democratic in nature. His leadership qualities have a significant link with the politics in Pakistan[2] and with the dreamer of this country, Iqbal. It is a descriptive study; the primary objective is to focus on exploring the democratic thoughts of Prophet Muhammad ﷺ through historical incidents from his life. The secondary objective is to explore Allama Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy[3], which are influenced by the political thought of Muhammad (PBUH). It is also argued that Iqbal, the spiritual father of the East, through his poetry, has emphasized the importance of social justice, individual freedom, and education; these are also the basic principles of democracy. The books and literature used for this research depict the political leadership qualities of the Prophet Muhammad and their impact on Pakistan. So, being the most influential leader of Muslims, the “thoughts” of Muhammad ﷺ are explored, which have the potential to bring positive changes to democracy in a country. For promoting democratic values in Pakistan specifically and in Asia in general, this study can play an authentic role. It will provide insights into the potential for democracy to create just and prosperous societies. It can be inspiring for individuals and institutions and would be a new piece of creation incorporating the leadership qualities of Muhammad (PBUH) and Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy and democracy in Pakistan. A triangle needs to be understood.[1] Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, lived in the 7th century in a different historical and cultural context, where the concept of democracy, did not exist as the political and social structures of that time were different, and decision-making processes were not necessarily based on democratic principles.[2] A country in South Asia, gained independence from British colonial rule in 1947 and adopted a constitution in 1956, which provided for a parliamentary form of government.[3] Allama Iqbal was a prominent philosopher and poet who lived in the 20th century and wrote extensively on a wide range of topics, including democracy, who also dreamt of Pakistan.
我们今天所理解的民主概念,在穆斯林先知穆罕默德(愿主赐福于他)[1]的时代并不存在,而是随着时间的推移而演变,植根于平等、参与、协商、社会契约和正义的原则。穆罕默德建立了这些原则,在本研究中,我们认为这些原则本质上是民主的。他的领导才能与巴基斯坦的政治[2]以及这个国家的梦想家伊克巴尔有着重要的联系。这是一项描述性研究;主要目的是通过先知穆罕默德生平的历史事件来探讨他的民主思想。第二个目的是探讨受穆罕默德政治思想影响的Allama Iqbal的民主思想[3]。也有人认为,伊克巴尔,东方的精神之父,通过他的诗歌,强调了社会正义,个人自由和教育的重要性;这些也是民主的基本原则。本研究使用的书籍和文献描述了先知穆罕默德的政治领导素质及其对巴基斯坦的影响。因此,作为最有影响力的穆斯林领袖,穆罕默德的“思想”被探索,这有可能给一个国家的民主带来积极的变化。对于促进巴基斯坦乃至整个亚洲的民主价值观,本研究可以发挥真实的作用。它将使人们深入了解民主创造公正和繁荣社会的潜力。它可以鼓舞个人和机构,将是一个新的创造结合穆罕默德(愿主福安之)的领导素质和伊克巴尔的思想在巴基斯坦的民主和民主。一个三角形需要被理解。[1]穆罕默德,伊斯兰教的先知,生活在7世纪的一个不同的历史和文化背景下,在那里,民主的概念并不存在,因为当时的政治和社会结构是不同的,决策过程不一定基于民主原则。[2]孟加拉国:南亚的一个国家,1947年从英国殖民统治中获得独立,并于1956年通过宪法,规定议会形式的政府。[3]阿拉玛·伊克巴尔是一位杰出的哲学家和诗人,他生活在20世纪,在包括民主在内的广泛主题上写了大量文章,他也梦想着巴基斯坦。
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引用次数: 0
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South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies
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