Pub Date : 2023-09-12DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2250168
Jessica Sequeira
{"title":"Imagining India in Modern China: Literary Decolonization and the Imperial Unconscious, 1895–1962","authors":"Jessica Sequeira","doi":"10.1080/00856401.2023.2250168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2023.2250168","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135877936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-12DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2249718
Dina M. Siddiqi
{"title":"Castoffs of Capital: Work and Love Among Garment Workers in Bangladesh","authors":"Dina M. Siddiqi","doi":"10.1080/00856401.2023.2249718","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2023.2249718","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135878496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-07DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2241230
Arijita Manna
Abstract The salt trade in early colonial Orissa was shaped by its unique landscape with intersecting river valleys, forested plateaus, and a long coastline where salt was produced. In the late eighteenth century, the East India Company (EIC) followed a policy of escalating political interventions in the Orissa-Bengal salt trade. In this region, salt was not merely a commodity, but signified power and patronage with local elites actively participating in the trade. The EIC’s ignorance of geographical, social and political realities resulted in destabilising salt production and trade in the region. This article explores the conflicts and collusions among local elites, EIC officials, salt traders and producers to trace a history of salt trade in early colonial Orissa.
{"title":"A Precarious Trade: The English East India Company and Its Interventions in the Balasore Salt Trade","authors":"Arijita Manna","doi":"10.1080/00856401.2023.2241230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2023.2241230","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The salt trade in early colonial Orissa was shaped by its unique landscape with intersecting river valleys, forested plateaus, and a long coastline where salt was produced. In the late eighteenth century, the East India Company (EIC) followed a policy of escalating political interventions in the Orissa-Bengal salt trade. In this region, salt was not merely a commodity, but signified power and patronage with local elites actively participating in the trade. The EIC’s ignorance of geographical, social and political realities resulted in destabilising salt production and trade in the region. This article explores the conflicts and collusions among local elites, EIC officials, salt traders and producers to trace a history of salt trade in early colonial Orissa.","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42889851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2237304
Elisa deCourcy, Miles Taylor
Abstract This article looks at how Gandhi used the Dandi Salt Satyagraha as a site for imagining anti-colonial nationalism. We focus on the visual dimensions of the Salt March and the divergent ways in which it was reported in the illustrated press in 1930. Developing Sumathi Ramaswamy’s idea of the ‘ambulatory aesthetic’ (2020), we highlight how Gandhi created a personified protest. Moreover, he chose salt as a talismanic object, ubiquitous both temporally, back through India’s colonial and pre-colonial past, and laterally, bridging religious identities but also illuminating class distinctions. We also describe how Gandhi’s curated defiance was deliberately mutated and muted by the British, initially by way of censorship, but mostly through using biased visual newspaper and magazine reportage of their own in order to marginalise Gandhi and the salt marchers.
{"title":"Salt and the National Imaginary: The Photojournalism of the Dandi Satyagraha","authors":"Elisa deCourcy, Miles Taylor","doi":"10.1080/00856401.2023.2237304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2023.2237304","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article looks at how Gandhi used the Dandi Salt Satyagraha as a site for imagining anti-colonial nationalism. We focus on the visual dimensions of the Salt March and the divergent ways in which it was reported in the illustrated press in 1930. Developing Sumathi Ramaswamy’s idea of the ‘ambulatory aesthetic’ (2020), we highlight how Gandhi created a personified protest. Moreover, he chose salt as a talismanic object, ubiquitous both temporally, back through India’s colonial and pre-colonial past, and laterally, bridging religious identities but also illuminating class distinctions. We also describe how Gandhi’s curated defiance was deliberately mutated and muted by the British, initially by way of censorship, but mostly through using biased visual newspaper and magazine reportage of their own in order to marginalise Gandhi and the salt marchers.","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46405385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4568
Nabeila Akbar, Asma Shabbir
South Asia has been a special geographical region where all of its member states have common interests in sociocultural, political, and economic spheres. South Asia is regarded as a single geographical entity where security issues have a cross-border impact due to this region's singularity. Pakistan has opened the Kartarpur border between Pakistan and India for the Sikh community. It is a positive step toward regional peace, but the security of the region has also been called into question, including whether or not the tension between Pakistan and India will decrease or worsen. Would it threaten regional security or bring about peace? In the new situation, how would India and the Sikh community act? How may a sovereign state develop relations with a religious community (resented group) of a nearby sovereign state by passing it? How would it change the way that states interact with one another, both internationally and regionally? The focus of the research article is primarily an effort to respond to these questions. The qualitative research has approached, and the historical and correlational methodology has opted to find out how the opening of the Kartarpur border affects Indo-Pak security and how South Asia has to face its after-effects.
{"title":"Securitization Theory in South Asia and Kartarpur Border: A Peace Initiative or a Conflict?","authors":"Nabeila Akbar, Asma Shabbir","doi":"10.33687/jsas.011.02.4568","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33687/jsas.011.02.4568","url":null,"abstract":"South Asia has been a special geographical region where all of its member states have common interests in sociocultural, political, and economic spheres. South Asia is regarded as a single geographical entity where security issues have a cross-border impact due to this region's singularity. Pakistan has opened the Kartarpur border between Pakistan and India for the Sikh community. It is a positive step toward regional peace, but the security of the region has also been called into question, including whether or not the tension between Pakistan and India will decrease or worsen. Would it threaten regional security or bring about peace? In the new situation, how would India and the Sikh community act? How may a sovereign state develop relations with a religious community (resented group) of a nearby sovereign state by passing it? How would it change the way that states interact with one another, both internationally and regionally? The focus of the research article is primarily an effort to respond to these questions. The qualitative research has approached, and the historical and correlational methodology has opted to find out how the opening of the Kartarpur border affects Indo-Pak security and how South Asia has to face its after-effects.","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136242719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4612
Deepali Khaire
Amidst the debate about India’s population dividend and India’s capability to harness it. The possible radicalization of youth in India can pose a significant challenge for India. The failure to achieve any durable peace in Jammu and Kashmir over three decades after the inception of the conflict has made it a multilayered complex issue. The unilateral action of the central government of removing Article 370 and bifurcating the former state of Jammu and Kashmir into two union territories will have long-term effects. Such development is juxtaposed with the surfacing trend of radicalization among youth in India and Jammu and Kashmir and joining ISIS. It becomes essential to suggest a more proactive rather than reactionary approach. The paper tries to draw on the insights from the Maharashtra Police Deradicalisation model and its utility for youth in Jammu and Kashmir.
{"title":"Reintegrating Vulnerable Youth in Jammu and Kashmir: A deradicalization process model by Maharashtra Police in India","authors":"Deepali Khaire","doi":"10.33687/jsas.011.02.4612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33687/jsas.011.02.4612","url":null,"abstract":"Amidst the debate about India’s population dividend and India’s capability to harness it. The possible radicalization of youth in India can pose a significant challenge for India. The failure to achieve any durable peace in Jammu and Kashmir over three decades after the inception of the conflict has made it a multilayered complex issue. The unilateral action of the central government of removing Article 370 and bifurcating the former state of Jammu and Kashmir into two union territories will have long-term effects. Such development is juxtaposed with the surfacing trend of radicalization among youth in India and Jammu and Kashmir and joining ISIS. It becomes essential to suggest a more proactive rather than reactionary approach. The paper tries to draw on the insights from the Maharashtra Police Deradicalisation model and its utility for youth in Jammu and Kashmir.","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"173 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136242720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4818
Muhammad Adeel Khan, Manzoor Ahmad Naazer
Since 2014, India's domestic and foreign policies have reflected violent religious fanaticism and hyper-nationalism. If elected to power, Modi often stated that India would pursue a tough stance against Pakistan and would put Indian Occupied Kashmir (IOK) directly under the control of the Indian central government. This did not paint a positive picture. Since 2014, India's primary goal in foreign policy has remained to encircle Pakistan on all of its borders and isolate it from the rest of the world. Nearly all of the world's superpowers and the Muslim nations have encouraged diplomatic relations with India. India strategically employs all of the regional nations and global powers it has close ties to fight Pakistan. Without any regional or international pressure, it unilaterally changed the special constitutional status of Indian-occupied Kashmir. The reactionary foreign policy of Pakistan, on the other hand, did not rely on pre-emptive measures to fight India's foreign policy, which is primarily built on plotting against Pakistan. India consistently takes advantage of Pakistan's weak and nebulous international policies. This study aims to give a detailed analysis of the elements, in particular the internal or domestic ones that were responsible for influencing foreign policy decision-making in India and Pakistan between 2014 and 2020. Using Allison’s models of foreign policy has identified the factors accountable for Pakistan's unproductive and responsive external policy in contrast to India's proactive and forceful external strategy. One of the crucial findings that this study identified is that the democratic system and political continuity in India are the significant elements providing a strong base for effective policy making and building strong institutions as compared to Pakistan where the absence of both these elements are contributing to institutional crisis as well as weak and passive decision making.
{"title":"Explaining the Role of Domestic Factors in Shaping Foreign Policies: India and Pakistan in Comparative Perspective (2014-2020)","authors":"Muhammad Adeel Khan, Manzoor Ahmad Naazer","doi":"10.33687/jsas.011.02.4818","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33687/jsas.011.02.4818","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2014, India's domestic and foreign policies have reflected violent religious fanaticism and hyper-nationalism. If elected to power, Modi often stated that India would pursue a tough stance against Pakistan and would put Indian Occupied Kashmir (IOK) directly under the control of the Indian central government. This did not paint a positive picture. Since 2014, India's primary goal in foreign policy has remained to encircle Pakistan on all of its borders and isolate it from the rest of the world. Nearly all of the world's superpowers and the Muslim nations have encouraged diplomatic relations with India. India strategically employs all of the regional nations and global powers it has close ties to fight Pakistan. Without any regional or international pressure, it unilaterally changed the special constitutional status of Indian-occupied Kashmir. The reactionary foreign policy of Pakistan, on the other hand, did not rely on pre-emptive measures to fight India's foreign policy, which is primarily built on plotting against Pakistan. India consistently takes advantage of Pakistan's weak and nebulous international policies. This study aims to give a detailed analysis of the elements, in particular the internal or domestic ones that were responsible for influencing foreign policy decision-making in India and Pakistan between 2014 and 2020. Using Allison’s models of foreign policy has identified the factors accountable for Pakistan's unproductive and responsive external policy in contrast to India's proactive and forceful external strategy. One of the crucial findings that this study identified is that the democratic system and political continuity in India are the significant elements providing a strong base for effective policy making and building strong institutions as compared to Pakistan where the absence of both these elements are contributing to institutional crisis as well as weak and passive decision making.","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136241739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4286
Gaurav Raja Dahal
China’s rising power and challenge to the status quo of the rules-based international order had led several nations, primarily Japan and the United States, to pursue a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” strategy. However, such a strategy was predicated upon multilateral support. Was such a strategy viable? The research focuses on this fundamental question, applying various IR theories to the strategy. This paper hypothesizes that if multilateralism was successful, the FOIP strategy was viable. The significance of this research is that it may suggest necessary changes to the existing FOIP strategy or may validate its trajectory. Either way, the research provides both academic and policy significance.
{"title":"Assessing the Ability of a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” Strategy: To Maintain the Status-Quo in the Western Pacific and Indian Oceans","authors":"Gaurav Raja Dahal","doi":"10.33687/jsas.011.02.4286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33687/jsas.011.02.4286","url":null,"abstract":"China’s rising power and challenge to the status quo of the rules-based international order had led several nations, primarily Japan and the United States, to pursue a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” strategy. However, such a strategy was predicated upon multilateral support. Was such a strategy viable? The research focuses on this fundamental question, applying various IR theories to the strategy. This paper hypothesizes that if multilateralism was successful, the FOIP strategy was viable. The significance of this research is that it may suggest necessary changes to the existing FOIP strategy or may validate its trajectory. Either way, the research provides both academic and policy significance.","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"115 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136241740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4172
Md. Nadim Uddin, Abdullah Al Mamun
Being the most populous region, South Asia is home to one-fourth of the population in the world. Along with the aforementioned feature, South Asia is becoming one of the most climatic-hazard-prone regions on the planet. Hence, this study attempts to analyse empirically how economic performance and climate change affect employment in the agriculture sector. The study includes seven South Asian countries’ data, excluding the Maldives, from 1992 to 2021 by applying the most widely used Panel ARDL, which involved pooled mean group (PMG) estimation. In the short run, the effect of past-year employment and temperature is positive, whereas GDP per capita is negatively related to agricultural employment and rainfall is insignificant. However, in the long run, the error correction coefficient is significant, and overall data has been able to establish a long-run relationship. The study concludes that, with the long-run impact for each country, agricultural employment is negatively affected by GDP per capita and temperature. Lastly, the effect of temperature in the long run reveals that climate change has long-term impacts on agriculture employment. We believe that the findings of the study have important implications for policymakers in the future.
{"title":"The Impact of Climate Change on Agricultural Employment, Evidence from South Asian Countries based on Pooled Mean Group Estimation of Dynamic Heterogeneous Panel","authors":"Md. Nadim Uddin, Abdullah Al Mamun","doi":"10.33687/jsas.011.02.4172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33687/jsas.011.02.4172","url":null,"abstract":"Being the most populous region, South Asia is home to one-fourth of the population in the world. Along with the aforementioned feature, South Asia is becoming one of the most climatic-hazard-prone regions on the planet. Hence, this study attempts to analyse empirically how economic performance and climate change affect employment in the agriculture sector. The study includes seven South Asian countries’ data, excluding the Maldives, from 1992 to 2021 by applying the most widely used Panel ARDL, which involved pooled mean group (PMG) estimation. In the short run, the effect of past-year employment and temperature is positive, whereas GDP per capita is negatively related to agricultural employment and rainfall is insignificant. However, in the long run, the error correction coefficient is significant, and overall data has been able to establish a long-run relationship. The study concludes that, with the long-run impact for each country, agricultural employment is negatively affected by GDP per capita and temperature. Lastly, the effect of temperature in the long run reveals that climate change has long-term impacts on agriculture employment. We believe that the findings of the study have important implications for policymakers in the future.","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136242604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.33687/jsas.011.02.4692
Bushra Rasheed
The concept of democracy, as we understand it today, did not exist during the time of Muhammad (peace be upon him), the prophet[1] of Muslims, but evolved over time and is rooted in the principles of equality, participation, consultation, social contracts, and justice. Muhammad ﷺ has established these principles, and in this study, it is to be argued that the principles are democratic in nature. His leadership qualities have a significant link with the politics in Pakistan[2] and with the dreamer of this country, Iqbal. It is a descriptive study; the primary objective is to focus on exploring the democratic thoughts of Prophet Muhammad ﷺ through historical incidents from his life. The secondary objective is to explore Allama Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy[3], which are influenced by the political thought of Muhammad (PBUH). It is also argued that Iqbal, the spiritual father of the East, through his poetry, has emphasized the importance of social justice, individual freedom, and education; these are also the basic principles of democracy. The books and literature used for this research depict the political leadership qualities of the Prophet Muhammad and their impact on Pakistan. So, being the most influential leader of Muslims, the “thoughts” of Muhammad ﷺ are explored, which have the potential to bring positive changes to democracy in a country. For promoting democratic values in Pakistan specifically and in Asia in general, this study can play an authentic role. It will provide insights into the potential for democracy to create just and prosperous societies. It can be inspiring for individuals and institutions and would be a new piece of creation incorporating the leadership qualities of Muhammad (PBUH) and Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy and democracy in Pakistan. A triangle needs to be understood.[1] Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, lived in the 7th century in a different historical and cultural context, where the concept of democracy, did not exist as the political and social structures of that time were different, and decision-making processes were not necessarily based on democratic principles.[2] A country in South Asia, gained independence from British colonial rule in 1947 and adopted a constitution in 1956, which provided for a parliamentary form of government.[3] Allama Iqbal was a prominent philosopher and poet who lived in the 20th century and wrote extensively on a wide range of topics, including democracy, who also dreamt of Pakistan.
{"title":"Nature of Democracy in the Political Leadership of Muhammad ﷺ: In the Context of Pakistan and Iqbal","authors":"Bushra Rasheed","doi":"10.33687/jsas.011.02.4692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33687/jsas.011.02.4692","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of democracy, as we understand it today, did not exist during the time of Muhammad (peace be upon him), the prophet[1] of Muslims, but evolved over time and is rooted in the principles of equality, participation, consultation, social contracts, and justice. Muhammad ﷺ has established these principles, and in this study, it is to be argued that the principles are democratic in nature. His leadership qualities have a significant link with the politics in Pakistan[2] and with the dreamer of this country, Iqbal. It is a descriptive study; the primary objective is to focus on exploring the democratic thoughts of Prophet Muhammad ﷺ through historical incidents from his life. The secondary objective is to explore Allama Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy[3], which are influenced by the political thought of Muhammad (PBUH). It is also argued that Iqbal, the spiritual father of the East, through his poetry, has emphasized the importance of social justice, individual freedom, and education; these are also the basic principles of democracy. The books and literature used for this research depict the political leadership qualities of the Prophet Muhammad and their impact on Pakistan. So, being the most influential leader of Muslims, the “thoughts” of Muhammad ﷺ are explored, which have the potential to bring positive changes to democracy in a country. For promoting democratic values in Pakistan specifically and in Asia in general, this study can play an authentic role. It will provide insights into the potential for democracy to create just and prosperous societies. It can be inspiring for individuals and institutions and would be a new piece of creation incorporating the leadership qualities of Muhammad (PBUH) and Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy and democracy in Pakistan. A triangle needs to be understood.[1] Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, lived in the 7th century in a different historical and cultural context, where the concept of democracy, did not exist as the political and social structures of that time were different, and decision-making processes were not necessarily based on democratic principles.[2] A country in South Asia, gained independence from British colonial rule in 1947 and adopted a constitution in 1956, which provided for a parliamentary form of government.[3] Allama Iqbal was a prominent philosopher and poet who lived in the 20th century and wrote extensively on a wide range of topics, including democracy, who also dreamt of Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136242721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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