Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2101535
A. Rothermel, Laura J. Shepherd
ABSTRACT Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans, and at the level of civil society programming, have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, aspects of our own research have turned in the past years to explore how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism, and how this development has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policymaking and implementation. We were inspired by the growing literature on gender and CT/CVE, and critical scholarship on terrorism and political violence, to bring together a collection of new research addressing these questions.
{"title":"Introduction: gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism","authors":"A. Rothermel, Laura J. Shepherd","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2022.2101535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2022.2101535","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans, and at the level of civil society programming, have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, aspects of our own research have turned in the past years to explore how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism, and how this development has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policymaking and implementation. We were inspired by the growing literature on gender and CT/CVE, and critical scholarship on terrorism and political violence, to bring together a collection of new research addressing these questions.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"19 1","pages":"523 - 532"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74461574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2100576
Dr Penny Griffin, Dr Maryam Khalid
ABSTRACT In this article, we investigate two complementary elements of the Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) agenda. The first concerns the ways in which race and gender structure the logics of the multilateral counterterrorism landscape that has taken form since the adoption of UNSC Resolution 2178 in September 2014. The second traces how this global discourse in turn shapes local dynamics, specifically in relation to the reproduction of P/CVE discourse in Australian national P/CVE strategy. We argue that the ways in which the governance of terrorism and violent extremism can be imagined discursively, in practical, material form, is shaped by co-constitutive racialised and gendered assumptions, logics, and representations. We pay particular reference, at the global level, to the post-2014 landscape at the United Nations, and its implications for the reproduction of gendered, racialised and orientalist governance logics at the local level, in the Australian context. We demonstrate that race and gender together mould the governance of terrorism and violent extremism and its range of practices. We work, especially, to extend the knowledge base of critical research on race and gender in the governance of terrorism and violent extremism, and to contribute to decolonising neoliberal global governance.
{"title":"Gender, race and Orientalism: The governance of terrorism and violent extremism in global and local perspective","authors":"Dr Penny Griffin, Dr Maryam Khalid","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2022.2100576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2022.2100576","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, we investigate two complementary elements of the Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) agenda. The first concerns the ways in which race and gender structure the logics of the multilateral counterterrorism landscape that has taken form since the adoption of UNSC Resolution 2178 in September 2014. The second traces how this global discourse in turn shapes local dynamics, specifically in relation to the reproduction of P/CVE discourse in Australian national P/CVE strategy. We argue that the ways in which the governance of terrorism and violent extremism can be imagined discursively, in practical, material form, is shaped by co-constitutive racialised and gendered assumptions, logics, and representations. We pay particular reference, at the global level, to the post-2014 landscape at the United Nations, and its implications for the reproduction of gendered, racialised and orientalist governance logics at the local level, in the Australian context. We demonstrate that race and gender together mould the governance of terrorism and violent extremism and its range of practices. We work, especially, to extend the knowledge base of critical research on race and gender in the governance of terrorism and violent extremism, and to contribute to decolonising neoliberal global governance.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"27 1","pages":"559 - 584"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75837871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2101536
Laura Berlingozzi
ABSTRACT Where and how are women present in preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) in Mali? The article contributes to the scholarship on gender in P/CVE policies by shedding light on the misalignments between societal dynamics and the discursive framework adopted in the security strategies implemented. It investigates how the European Union as a security-oriented actor, (re)produces practices of exclusion rather than inclusion. Relying on a large set of semi-structured interviews gathered during extensive fieldwork, it aims at understanding the conceptualisation – and the gaps therein – of gender mainstreaming by asking: how does the EU translate gender mainstreaming and WPS into practice in the context of P/CVE practice? And, in turn, how do local actors perceive these efforts? The article finds that the implementation of gender mainstreaming has two main sets of limitations which overall reinforce inequalities: first, it homogenises women’s identities and fails at meaningfully reaching rural areas; second, while including some gender considerations about restrictions of women’s agency, it falls short of achieving its overarching aim, which should be truly empowering women by subverting patriarchal structures and systems of inequal power-sharing. In doing so, this study intends to contribute to feminist security studies literature by exploring centre-periphery gaps and differences in the framing of women’s empowerment within P/CVE.
{"title":"O sister, where art thou? Assessing the limits of gender mainstreaming in preventing and countering violent extremism in Mali","authors":"Laura Berlingozzi","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2022.2101536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2022.2101536","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Where and how are women present in preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) in Mali? The article contributes to the scholarship on gender in P/CVE policies by shedding light on the misalignments between societal dynamics and the discursive framework adopted in the security strategies implemented. It investigates how the European Union as a security-oriented actor, (re)produces practices of exclusion rather than inclusion. Relying on a large set of semi-structured interviews gathered during extensive fieldwork, it aims at understanding the conceptualisation – and the gaps therein – of gender mainstreaming by asking: how does the EU translate gender mainstreaming and WPS into practice in the context of P/CVE practice? And, in turn, how do local actors perceive these efforts? The article finds that the implementation of gender mainstreaming has two main sets of limitations which overall reinforce inequalities: first, it homogenises women’s identities and fails at meaningfully reaching rural areas; second, while including some gender considerations about restrictions of women’s agency, it falls short of achieving its overarching aim, which should be truly empowering women by subverting patriarchal structures and systems of inequal power-sharing. In doing so, this study intends to contribute to feminist security studies literature by exploring centre-periphery gaps and differences in the framing of women’s empowerment within P/CVE.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"7 1","pages":"659 - 680"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79018828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-26DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2093885
Anastassiya Mahon
The editors open the first chapter of this book with a catchy heading: “Uncertain Times for Freedom of Expression”. Indeed, we can see the tendency for freedom of expression to be sacrificed for assumed security, stability, and safety. Counter-terrorism Law and Freedom of Expression challenges such attitudes, presenting well-researched and meticulously laid out case studies of countries and counterterrorism approaches that make the reader wonder if the sacrifice we make to feel safe is too great. The book starts with a necessary discussion of the definitional problems of terrorism and goes on to present various legal approaches to counterterrorism envisioned and enacted around the world. Counter-terrorism Law and Freedom of Expression goes further in its arguments than some preceding scholarships, as the authors argue that terrorism can (and should) be seen as communication. Workneh and Haridakis see terrorism as “an act performed, consumed, and conducted primarily through mediated com-munication” (11). This approach allows the authors to employ a constructivist take on terrorism, adding to the growing body of critical security literature. The book represents a methodically curated account of global perspectives on counterterrorism laws and freedom of expression that impact journalism, political activism and dissent, and citizenry in different political systems. The book will be of particular interest to scholars seeking to broaden their knowledge of counterterrorism legislation and their respec-tive problems around the world, especially in non-Western settings. The editors have chosen to be transparent in reflecting on biases in terrorism and counterterrorism studies, as well as in the field of media and communication, by challenging the mainstream counterterrorism scholarship and dominant western approaches, which makes this a refreshing read. The reader will find the book taking a critical look at several fundamental concepts of counterterrorism, such as national security, the nature of the terrorist threat, and the process of creating and maintaining marginalised communities as part of the counterterrorism agenda.
{"title":"Counter-terrorism laws and freedom of expression: global perspectives","authors":"Anastassiya Mahon","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2022.2093885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2022.2093885","url":null,"abstract":"The editors open the first chapter of this book with a catchy heading: “Uncertain Times for Freedom of Expression”. Indeed, we can see the tendency for freedom of expression to be sacrificed for assumed security, stability, and safety. Counter-terrorism Law and Freedom of Expression challenges such attitudes, presenting well-researched and meticulously laid out case studies of countries and counterterrorism approaches that make the reader wonder if the sacrifice we make to feel safe is too great. The book starts with a necessary discussion of the definitional problems of terrorism and goes on to present various legal approaches to counterterrorism envisioned and enacted around the world. Counter-terrorism Law and Freedom of Expression goes further in its arguments than some preceding scholarships, as the authors argue that terrorism can (and should) be seen as communication. Workneh and Haridakis see terrorism as “an act performed, consumed, and conducted primarily through mediated com-munication” (11). This approach allows the authors to employ a constructivist take on terrorism, adding to the growing body of critical security literature. The book represents a methodically curated account of global perspectives on counterterrorism laws and freedom of expression that impact journalism, political activism and dissent, and citizenry in different political systems. The book will be of particular interest to scholars seeking to broaden their knowledge of counterterrorism legislation and their respec-tive problems around the world, especially in non-Western settings. The editors have chosen to be transparent in reflecting on biases in terrorism and counterterrorism studies, as well as in the field of media and communication, by challenging the mainstream counterterrorism scholarship and dominant western approaches, which makes this a refreshing read. The reader will find the book taking a critical look at several fundamental concepts of counterterrorism, such as national security, the nature of the terrorist threat, and the process of creating and maintaining marginalised communities as part of the counterterrorism agenda.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"2 7-8 1","pages":"757 - 758"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85774811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-26DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2089398
Megan Price
ABSTRACT This article explores how the war on terror influenced the politics of international legitimacy and domestic military action in the case of Indonesia’s armed conflict with separatist group, Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM, 2003–05). It does so by examining how the Indonesian government justified their military operation to Australian and US audiences. I offer two findings on the role of the war on terror in the politics of international legitimacy. First, context mediated how Indonesian leaders used the language of terror to legitimise their conflict to foreign audiences. Indonesian leaders were not able to hail GAM into the role of “terrorist”, but they were able to invoke the spectre of terrorist hotspots by portraying GAM as a threat to regional stability. Second, Indonesia’s justifications show that they perceived an obligation to other rules and norms. While the war on terror was influential, it did not monopolise the politics of international legitimacy. The article adopts a constructivist approach to legitimacy to provide a theoretically informed account of these dynamics.
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Pub Date : 2022-06-20DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2089401
Laura J. Shepherd
ABSTRACT Initiatives to prevent and counter “violent extremism” (P/CVE) are often highly individualised and individualising, and function to reinforce negative racialised and gendered stereotypes. Recently, some feminist and other critical scholars have argued that sexist and misogynistic beliefs are inter-related with other drivers of “radicalisation” and “extremism”, which may lead to the securitisation of forms of sexist and misogynistic violence. There has not yet been, however, a systematic examination of the ways in which even some of these critical and feminist interventions are complicit in the reproduction of the logics of gender and race that structure the oppression and violence they take as their target. In this paper I argue that there is a powerful brand of governance feminism informing P/CVE global governance initiatives that has little consideration of the distributed effects of this move on the operation of racialised and gendered power. I position governance feminism as a sub-category of white feminism and show that it is specifically white feminism that is dominant in the institutions of liberal governance relevant to P/CVE. I draw on Black, decolonial, and intersectional feminist theory to show how the gendered subjects of P/CVE governance are often presented as race-neutral, in deeply problematic and limiting ways.
{"title":"White feminism and the governance of violent extremism","authors":"Laura J. Shepherd","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2022.2089401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2022.2089401","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Initiatives to prevent and counter “violent extremism” (P/CVE) are often highly individualised and individualising, and function to reinforce negative racialised and gendered stereotypes. Recently, some feminist and other critical scholars have argued that sexist and misogynistic beliefs are inter-related with other drivers of “radicalisation” and “extremism”, which may lead to the securitisation of forms of sexist and misogynistic violence. There has not yet been, however, a systematic examination of the ways in which even some of these critical and feminist interventions are complicit in the reproduction of the logics of gender and race that structure the oppression and violence they take as their target. In this paper I argue that there is a powerful brand of governance feminism informing P/CVE global governance initiatives that has little consideration of the distributed effects of this move on the operation of racialised and gendered power. I position governance feminism as a sub-category of white feminism and show that it is specifically white feminism that is dominant in the institutions of liberal governance relevant to P/CVE. I draw on Black, decolonial, and intersectional feminist theory to show how the gendered subjects of P/CVE governance are often presented as race-neutral, in deeply problematic and limiting ways.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"79 1","pages":"727 - 749"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74829335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-16DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2089399
L. Schlegel
ABSTRACT The P/CVE sector is a growing and increasingly professionalised field in many countries affected by “homegrown” extremism. While opinions of individuals working and researching in the P/CVE sector have informed many studies, little is known about these professionals as people. This is problematic, because P/CVE employees are not black boxes; they have personal motivations, opinions, and experiences, which potentially influence their work and therefore the development and implementation of prevention and counter-extremism efforts. The present study offers a preliminary glimpse into P/CVE professionals as individuals by reporting the analysis of 27 experts interviews with academics and practitioners working in P/CVE, who describe their personal motivation for working in this particular field. These motivational factors range from childhood experiences to personal interest in the topic, anger, the wish for a positive personal impact, the desire to use research to improve social ills, and personalised responsibility to protect democracy
{"title":"“At least I tried, God damnit” and “Even a drop in the ocean is still more than nothing”: In their own words, what motivates people to work in P/CVE?","authors":"L. Schlegel","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2022.2089399","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2022.2089399","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The P/CVE sector is a growing and increasingly professionalised field in many countries affected by “homegrown” extremism. While opinions of individuals working and researching in the P/CVE sector have informed many studies, little is known about these professionals as people. This is problematic, because P/CVE employees are not black boxes; they have personal motivations, opinions, and experiences, which potentially influence their work and therefore the development and implementation of prevention and counter-extremism efforts. The present study offers a preliminary glimpse into P/CVE professionals as individuals by reporting the analysis of 27 experts interviews with academics and practitioners working in P/CVE, who describe their personal motivation for working in this particular field. These motivational factors range from childhood experiences to personal interest in the topic, anger, the wish for a positive personal impact, the desire to use research to improve social ills, and personalised responsibility to protect democracy","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"35 1","pages":"945 - 962"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84882959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-10DOI: 10.1080/09603123.2022.2084275
A. Sanders
ABSTRACT This article seeks to draw together two major themes in studies of political violence, namely, decapitation and factionalism, using examples from the Irish republican paramilitary groups that emerged during the period of conflict in Northern Ireland commonly known as the Troubles. I seek to complement the extensive literature across these areas by offering analysis of the behaviour of Irish republican paramilitary groups during internecine feuds that took place between the 1969 split in the Irish Republican Army and the 1992 Provisional Irish Republican Army action against the Irish People’s Liberation Organisation. By comparing three inter-group feuds, this study will demonstrate the prevalence of decapitation attacks in the aftermath of factional splits and the serious consequences that they have for groups which suffer a decapitation attack.
{"title":"Decapitation and paramilitary feuds in Northern Ireland, 1969-1992","authors":"A. Sanders","doi":"10.1080/09603123.2022.2084275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09603123.2022.2084275","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article seeks to draw together two major themes in studies of political violence, namely, decapitation and factionalism, using examples from the Irish republican paramilitary groups that emerged during the period of conflict in Northern Ireland commonly known as the Troubles. I seek to complement the extensive literature across these areas by offering analysis of the behaviour of Irish republican paramilitary groups during internecine feuds that took place between the 1969 split in the Irish Republican Army and the 1992 Provisional Irish Republican Army action against the Irish People’s Liberation Organisation. By comparing three inter-group feuds, this study will demonstrate the prevalence of decapitation attacks in the aftermath of factional splits and the serious consequences that they have for groups which suffer a decapitation attack.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"37 1","pages":"805 - 822"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80992190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-10DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2082097
R. Peels
ABSTRACT This article reflects on the role of normativity in defining extremism and evaluates Cassam’s understanding of fundamentalism.
本文反思了规范性在定义极端主义中的作用，并评价了卡桑对原教旨主义的理解。
{"title":"Normativity in analysing extremism and fundamentalism: a reply to Quassim Cassam’s Extremism","authors":"R. Peels","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2022.2082097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2022.2082097","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article reflects on the role of normativity in defining extremism and evaluates Cassam’s understanding of fundamentalism.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"54 1","pages":"1038 - 1043"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82054645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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