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Reply to Tahir Abbas, Naomi Kloosterboer, and Rik Peels 回复Tahir Abbas, Naomi Kloosterboer和Rik Peels
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-05-29 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2082093
Quassim Cassam
ABSTRACT A reply to Tahir Abbas, Naomi Kloosterboer, and Rik Peels, focusing on the issues of radicalisation, normativity, and fundamentalism
对Tahir Abbas、Naomi Kloosterboer和Rik Peels聚焦于激进化、规范性和原教旨主义问题的回复
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引用次数: 0
‘Radicalizing her: why women choose violence’ “激进化她:为什么女性选择暴力”
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-05-24 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2080973
Maiyoraa Jeyabraba
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引用次数: 2
“Is this terrorism?” The Italian media and the Macerata shooting “这是恐怖主义吗?”意大利媒体和马切拉塔枪击案
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-08 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2049946
M. Colombo, F. Quassoli
ABSTRACT “Media events” and, even more, “contested media events” offer a unique opportunity to analyse how specific interpretative frames come to dominate public debate within a hybrid media system through complex transmedia processes. In this article, we look into how mainstream media and, in particular, daily newspapers, reported on and re-contextualised the fierce debate concerning the “Macerata shooting” that had exploded on Twitter and contributed to obscure the interpretative frame initially proposed by the writer Roberto Saviano, qualifying it as an act of “terrorism”. An analysis conducted on a corpus of 143 articles shows that newspapers helped to both spread a mitigated and reassuring picture of the attack, and reaffirm the hegemonic vision of terrorism that sees terrorists, by definition, as alien to the community of victims.
“媒体事件”,甚至更多的“争议媒体事件”提供了一个独特的机会来分析特定的解释框架是如何通过复杂的跨媒体过程在混合媒体系统中主导公共辩论的。在这篇文章中,我们研究了主流媒体,特别是日报,是如何报道和重新语境化关于“马切拉塔枪击案”的激烈辩论的,这场辩论在Twitter上爆发,并有助于模糊作家罗伯托·萨维亚诺最初提出的解释框架,将其定性为“恐怖主义”行为。一项对143篇文章的分析表明,报纸既帮助传播了一种缓和的、令人安心的袭击画面,又重申了恐怖主义的霸权观点,即恐怖分子被定义为受害者群体的异类。
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引用次数: 2
Book review of battle for allegiance: governments, terrorist groups, and constituencies in conflict 书评:效忠之战:政府、恐怖组织和冲突中的选区
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2062099
Jack V. Kalpakian, Georgi Asatryan
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引用次数: 1
Book Review of: Terrorism, Violent Radicalisation and Mental Health 书评:恐怖主义,暴力激进化和心理健康
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2062100
Nichola E. J. Rew
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引用次数: 0
Book review of Terror, Love and Brainwashing: Attachment in Cults and Totalitarian Systems, 2nd ed 《恐怖、爱与洗脑:邪教与极权制度中的依附》第二版书评
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2062101
Linnea Vidger
In Terror, Love and Brainwashing: Attachment in Cults and Totalitarian Systems , Alexandra Stein draws on her own experience living in a cult, interviews with other former cult followers, and psychological theories of attachment to explain why individuals fall under the complete control of totalist systems. Mapping out the steps of totalist control from recruitment to indoctrination, Stein sheds light on how average individuals can be radically manipulated by extreme groups to completely submit their lives and even perform acts of violence. In the second edition of this book, Stein builds on her research by including recent insights on political extremism and totalitarian states. She explores a range of totalist systems, from political cults like the Newman Tendency, to totalitarian regimes, such as Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge and Mao’s Communist Party in China. While these totalist systems operate at different scales, Stein points out their commonalities in brainwashing and isolating subjects. Stein
在《恐怖、爱和洗脑:邪教和极权主义体系中的依恋》一书中,亚历山德拉·斯坦利用自己在邪教中的生活经历、对其他前邪教追随者的采访以及依恋的心理学理论来解释为什么个人会完全受到极权主义体系的控制。斯坦描绘了从招募到灌输的极权主义控制的步骤,揭示了极端组织如何从根本上操纵普通人,使他们完全放弃自己的生命,甚至实施暴力行为。在这本书的第二版中,斯坦在她的研究基础上,加入了最近对政治极端主义和极权主义国家的见解。她探讨了一系列极权主义制度,从纽曼倾向这样的政治邪教,到波尔布特的红色高棉和中国毛的共产党这样的极权主义政权。虽然这些极权主义体系的运作规模不同,但斯坦指出了它们在洗脑和孤立主体方面的共同点。斯坦
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引用次数: 0
The emergence of “extremism”: exposing the violent discourse and language of “radicalization” “极端主义”的出现:揭露“激进化”的暴力话语和语言
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2056959
Claudia Radiven
wealth of materials placed in the footnotes. Frédéric Lenoir’s film Le cri étouffé (2017), along with the documented fact collected from websites such as www.syriauntold.com, will shake the unconvinced to take Haj-Saleh’s theoretical grappling less as an intellectual luxury and more of an undertaking with life-or-death consequences. The first part simply ushers unprepared readers into the monster’s snares or Dante’s Inferno. For once galvanised, no reader can emerge seeing the world with his former anesthetised self. The second part is more technical but no less ambitious. Representation is presumed to open what otherwise will remain a closed temporality. The latter finds comfort in clichés and truisms. The author provides solid evidence as to how the Arabic language, through affinities with the patrimonial, has incarcerated authentic human experience. Indeed, it is the trust in representation where readers note Haj-Saleh’s penchant for the palliative. He notes a quagmire, but he fails to see it for what it is: a mode production. The Atrocious becomes an immanent logic whereby value (not just profit) can be extorted through the industrialisation of chaos. Forgoing the Hegelian law of necessity, the one that tips the balance of Assadism in transitioning from possibility to actuality, results in a narcissistic approach that blinds us to the obligation of reversing, never reforming that immanent logic.
在脚注中放置了丰富的材料。弗雷姆·莱努瓦的电影《Le cri》(2017),以及从www.syriauntold.com等网站上收集的记录事实,将动摇那些不相信哈吉·萨利赫理论的人,让他们不再把哈吉·萨利赫的理论斗争视为一种智力上的奢侈,而更多地将其视为一项关乎生死的事业。第一部分只是把毫无准备的读者带进魔鬼的陷阱或但丁的地狱。一旦被激发,没有一个读者可以用以前麻醉的自己来看待这个世界。第二部分技术性更强,但同样雄心勃勃。表象被假定为打开了封闭的时间性。后者在陈词滥调和老生常谈中找到安慰。作者提供了确凿的证据,说明阿拉伯语如何通过与世袭的亲缘关系,禁锢了真实的人类经验。事实上,正是由于对代表的信任,读者才注意到哈吉-萨利赫喜欢采取缓和手段。他注意到了一个困境,但他没有看到它的本质:一种模式生产。“残暴”成为一种内在逻辑,通过这种逻辑,可以通过混乱的工业化来勒索价值(不仅仅是利润)。黑格尔必然性法则在从可能性到现实的过渡中打破了阿萨德主义的平衡,放弃了它,导致了一种自恋的方法,使我们看不到逆转的义务,永远不会改革内在的逻辑。
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引用次数: 5
Beyond instrumentalisation: gender and agency in the prevention of extreme violence in Kenya 超越工具化:性别和机构在肯尼亚预防极端暴力
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-21 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2036422
Elizabeth Mesok
ABSTRACT Since the adoption of UNSCR 2242, which calls for the integration of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) and the Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) agendas, feminist scholars and activists have cautioned that such a move instrumentalises and securitises the WPS agenda and its objectives of gender equality and women’s empowerment. Based on over 80 interviews with civil society actors involved in P/CVE in Kenya – specifically, Mombasa, Isiolo and Nairobi – this article argues that both the calls for empowerment and the critiques of instrumentalization similarly draw on racialised constructions of women’s agency, or lack thereof, in the global south. Further, the instrumentalised/empowered binary is premised on a liberal feminist conceptualisation of agency only as resistance, which does not accurately capture the complex ways in which WPS actors and feminist peace activists negotiate with and work to transform security agendas. While recognising the harms caused by state and donor-led P/CVE approaches, this article centres the perspectives and experiences of men and women who work in daily violence prevention within and beyond the frame of P/CVE to theorise the agentive capacities that emerge from securitised spaces.
自联合国安理会通过第2242号决议,呼吁将妇女、和平与安全(WPS)议程与预防和打击暴力极端主义(P/CVE)议程整合以来,女权主义学者和活动家警告称,此举将使妇女、和平与安全议程及其性别平等和赋予妇女权力的目标变得工具化和安全化。基于对肯尼亚(特别是蒙巴萨、伊西奥洛和内罗毕)80多名参与P/CVE的公民社会行动者的采访,本文认为,无论是对赋权的呼吁,还是对工具化的批评,都类似地利用了全球南方国家女性机构的种族化结构,或者缺乏这种结构。此外,工具化/授权化的二元论的前提是自由主义女权主义者将代理视为抵抗的概念,这并没有准确地捕捉到WPS行动者和女权主义和平活动家谈判和努力改变安全议程的复杂方式。在认识到国家和捐助者主导的P/CVE方法所造成的危害的同时,本文以在P/CVE框架内外从事日常暴力预防工作的男性和女性的观点和经验为中心,对从安全空间中产生的代理能力进行了理论化。
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引用次数: 4
Kurdish “patriotic” families: an incentive or an impediment to joining the PKK through the generations and according to gender 库尔德人的“爱国”家庭:世世代代、按性别划分,是加入库尔德工人党的动力还是障碍
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-16 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2049947
Barış Tuğrul, C. Lafaye
ABSTRACT Participation in national liberation struggles is often considered to be a “family tradition”. The academic literature has taken up the idea that every Kurdish family should “give a child” to the guerrilla movement. These assertions have rarely been based on qualitative data. To examine the role of family traditions on the militant trajectories of the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK), we met 64 of its guerrilla fighters from three consecutive generations, encompassing a broad militancy period from the mid-1980s until today. This article highlights the variable impact of primary socialisation processes, in particular, the patriotic family, according to the generations and gender, suggesting that retrospective narratives made by PKK militants themselves reflect reluctance among their family members towards their engagement in the clandestine struggle.
参与民族解放斗争通常被认为是一种“家族传统”。学术文献采纳了这样一种观点:每个库尔德家庭都应该给游击队运动“送一个孩子”。这些断言很少是基于定性数据的。为了研究家庭传统在Karkerên库尔德工人党(PKK)的战斗轨迹中所起的作用,我们会见了64位连续三代的游击战士,涵盖了从20世纪80年代中期到今天的广泛战斗时期。这篇文章强调了主要社会化过程的可变影响,特别是爱国家庭,根据代际和性别,表明库尔德工人党武装分子自己的回顾性叙述反映了他们的家庭成员对参与秘密斗争的不情愿。
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引用次数: 0
An evaluation of factors pushing youth from Majengo, Mombasa Kenya into al-Shabaab: a methodological and theoretical analysis 对促使肯尼亚蒙巴萨马金戈青年加入青年党的因素的评估:方法和理论分析
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2048989
J. Githigaro, A. Kabia
ABSTRACT This study examines factors influencing youth from Majengo in Mombasa County in Kenya to join the Al-Shabaab violent extremist group. Drawing on empirical data and social movement theory, the study finds several contextual factors, including religious ideology, social media, and texts, as aiding the radicalisation process. The study findings are consistent with the existing literature in the sub-field of terrorism studies indicating the non-linearity of the radicalisation journey. The study is informed by insights from 30 in-depth qualitative interviews carried out between 2016 and 2019 in Mombasa with religious leaders, academic experts, community members and various government agencies. Purposive and convenience sampling techniques were used to collect qualitative data, which were analysed thematically. Secondary data was collected from books, academic journals, newspapers and grey literature. The study contributes to noted gaps in terrorism studies on the value of primary data in the analysis of political violence.
摘要本研究探讨了影响肯尼亚蒙巴萨县马金戈青年加入青年党暴力极端组织的因素。根据经验数据和社会运动理论,该研究发现了几个背景因素,包括宗教意识形态、社交媒体和文本,有助于激进化进程。研究结果与恐怖主义研究子领域的现有文献一致,表明激进化过程的非线性。该研究基于2016年至2019年在蒙巴萨对宗教领袖、学术专家、社区成员和各政府机构进行的30次深入定性访谈的见解。采用目的性和便捷性抽样技术收集定性数据,并对其进行专题分析。次要数据收集自书籍、学术期刊、报纸和灰色文献。这项研究有助于填补恐怖主义研究中关于分析政治暴力的原始数据价值的空白。
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Critical Studies on Terrorism
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