Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1943917
Ksenija Hanaček, J. Martínez-Alier
ABSTRACT This article addresses and contributes to the discussion on nuclear supply chain socio-environmental conflicts in Soviet and post-Soviet contexts by bringing it together with nuclear peripheralization and environmental justice approaches. Descriptive statistics and qualitative coding were applied to 14 cases identified in the Global Atlas of Environmental Justice. Visible protests were first detected in 1976. The cases analysed comprise the whole nuclear supply chain; uranium mining bans, stopping nuclear reactors, and nuclear testing bans. Seven of the conflictive projects have been suspended by neighbours, citizens and communities, women, industrial workers, and Indigenous groups. However, nuclear projects remain of ongoing concern related to nuclear waste and potential nuclear accidents. Military violence intrinsic to nuclear power domination encounters anti-nuclear resistance in areas where nuclear socio-environmental legacies and current injustices are lived.
{"title":"Nuclear supply chain and environmental justice struggles in Soviet and Post-Soviet countries","authors":"Ksenija Hanaček, J. Martínez-Alier","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1943917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1943917","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article addresses and contributes to the discussion on nuclear supply chain socio-environmental conflicts in Soviet and post-Soviet contexts by bringing it together with nuclear peripheralization and environmental justice approaches. Descriptive statistics and qualitative coding were applied to 14 cases identified in the Global Atlas of Environmental Justice. Visible protests were first detected in 1976. The cases analysed comprise the whole nuclear supply chain; uranium mining bans, stopping nuclear reactors, and nuclear testing bans. Seven of the conflictive projects have been suspended by neighbours, citizens and communities, women, industrial workers, and Indigenous groups. However, nuclear projects remain of ongoing concern related to nuclear waste and potential nuclear accidents. Military violence intrinsic to nuclear power domination encounters anti-nuclear resistance in areas where nuclear socio-environmental legacies and current injustices are lived.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"966 - 994"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48775860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1965360
Raufhon Salahodjaev, A. Isaeva
ABSTRACT Natural resource abundance, growth-oriented strategies and low environmental concern of post-Soviet states may exacerbate the consequences of climate change significantly. This study considers the relationship between CO2 emissions, economic development, foreign investment inflows, trade and energy use in 20 post-Soviet states between 1995 and 2017. A panel cointegration test reveals the long-term cointegrating relationship between the variables. Long-term elasticities are reported using Dynamic Ordinary Least Squares and Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares regressions, which yield quite similar results: GDP per capita, foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, trade and energy use positively related to CO2 emissions per capita in the long term. A panel causality test, however, identifies unidirectional causality running from CO2 emissions to energy use at p<0.01. In other words, greater economic activity in terms of foreign capital inflows, larger trade shares, extensive energy use and economic development, harm the environment through increasing CO2 emissions and strengthen the need for greater environmental and climate change concerns. The study aims to contribute to this Special Issue through accounting for the role of foreign direct investment and foreign trade in the sustainable development of post-Soviet states.
{"title":"Post-Soviet states and CO2 emissions: the role of foreign direct investment","authors":"Raufhon Salahodjaev, A. Isaeva","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1965360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1965360","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Natural resource abundance, growth-oriented strategies and low environmental concern of post-Soviet states may exacerbate the consequences of climate change significantly. This study considers the relationship between CO2 emissions, economic development, foreign investment inflows, trade and energy use in 20 post-Soviet states between 1995 and 2017. A panel cointegration test reveals the long-term cointegrating relationship between the variables. Long-term elasticities are reported using Dynamic Ordinary Least Squares and Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares regressions, which yield quite similar results: GDP per capita, foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, trade and energy use positively related to CO2 emissions per capita in the long term. A panel causality test, however, identifies unidirectional causality running from CO2 emissions to energy use at p<0.01. In other words, greater economic activity in terms of foreign capital inflows, larger trade shares, extensive energy use and economic development, harm the environment through increasing CO2 emissions and strengthen the need for greater environmental and climate change concerns. The study aims to contribute to this Special Issue through accounting for the role of foreign direct investment and foreign trade in the sustainable development of post-Soviet states.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"944 - 965"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41849580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-20DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1964742
J. Tosun, Karina Shyrokykh
ABSTRACT This study investigates the participation of China and Russia in the Clean Energy Ministerial (CEM). In which policy initiatives have these two countries participated? In which initiatives have they taken the lead? Building on the club theory and international relations literature, we approach the research questions by offering an in-depth analysis of the policy dynamics inside the CEM. From a theoretical viewpoint, we posit that China has been more active in the CEM than Russia, which our empirical analysis confirms. However, Russia has also been involved in several CEM initiatives. Concerning leadership, China has demonstrated a greater interest in playing that role than Russia. We conclude that, overall, China makes a better strategic use of the CEM in terms of gathering information and developing networks with other member states as well as private actors in order to implement measures for overcoming the challenges of clean energy transition.
{"title":"Leadership in high-level forums on energy governance: China and Russia compared","authors":"J. Tosun, Karina Shyrokykh","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1964742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1964742","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study investigates the participation of China and Russia in the Clean Energy Ministerial (CEM). In which policy initiatives have these two countries participated? In which initiatives have they taken the lead? Building on the club theory and international relations literature, we approach the research questions by offering an in-depth analysis of the policy dynamics inside the CEM. From a theoretical viewpoint, we posit that China has been more active in the CEM than Russia, which our empirical analysis confirms. However, Russia has also been involved in several CEM initiatives. Concerning leadership, China has demonstrated a greater interest in playing that role than Russia. We conclude that, overall, China makes a better strategic use of the CEM in terms of gathering information and developing networks with other member states as well as private actors in order to implement measures for overcoming the challenges of clean energy transition.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"847 - 870"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46583234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-20DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1965362
D. Ha, Phuong Nguyen, D. K. Nguyen, A. Sensoy
ABSTRACT This paper introduces a new early warning system (EWS) for currency and systemic banking crises in emerging and frontier emerging markets, which combines the methods of Signal, Logit/Probit, BMA, and 2SLS. We apply this framework to the case of Vietnam, a fast-growing and leading frontier emerging market. Using data covering the period from January 2002 to December 2016, our EWS suggests a low crisis probability for the 2017–2018 period. The empirical results also reveal the importance of eight key indicators, namely securities index, real effective exchange rate, exports, M2/reserves, bank deposits, reserves, M2 multiplier and the impact of the 2008–2009 global financial crisis in the success of the new EWS. Our results support the earlier findings on i) the impact of dollarisation on currency crises and ii) the impact of the global financial crisis on both currency and systemic banking crises in Vietnam.
{"title":"Early warning systems for currency and systemic banking crises in Vietnam","authors":"D. Ha, Phuong Nguyen, D. K. Nguyen, A. Sensoy","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1965362","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1965362","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper introduces a new early warning system (EWS) for currency and systemic banking crises in emerging and frontier emerging markets, which combines the methods of Signal, Logit/Probit, BMA, and 2SLS. We apply this framework to the case of Vietnam, a fast-growing and leading frontier emerging market. Using data covering the period from January 2002 to December 2016, our EWS suggests a low crisis probability for the 2017–2018 period. The empirical results also reveal the importance of eight key indicators, namely securities index, real effective exchange rate, exports, M2/reserves, bank deposits, reserves, M2 multiplier and the impact of the 2008–2009 global financial crisis in the success of the new EWS. Our results support the earlier findings on i) the impact of dollarisation on currency crises and ii) the impact of the global financial crisis on both currency and systemic banking crises in Vietnam.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"350 - 375"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42186935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-18DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1965361
A. Buzogány, B. Cotta
ABSTRACT An environmental frontrunner in the Central and Eastern European regions since the late 1990s, Hungary followed a gradual but steady approximation progress to the EU environmental legislation. Previous research established an important role of the participation of economic and societal stakeholders in the decision-making and implementation process based on EU environmental legislation in Hungary. With the victory of the FIDESZ party in the parliamentary elections of 2010, the new government started to change the ‘rules of the game’ by nationalising infrastructures and weakening market access to foreign stakeholders. Focusing on the water and waste management sectors, the article analyzes the stages that brought Hungary to the recent governments’ policy changes. We argue that these changes have departed from the environmental policy practices established during the EU accession process and represent a challenge and a potential backsliding in the implementation of the EU environmental legislation in Hungary. Such changes in policy policies need to be seen in the context of the recent transformation of the political order and of the state–market relations in Hungary.
{"title":"Post-accession backsliding and European Union environmental policies","authors":"A. Buzogány, B. Cotta","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1965361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1965361","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT An environmental frontrunner in the Central and Eastern European regions since the late 1990s, Hungary followed a gradual but steady approximation progress to the EU environmental legislation. Previous research established an important role of the participation of economic and societal stakeholders in the decision-making and implementation process based on EU environmental legislation in Hungary. With the victory of the FIDESZ party in the parliamentary elections of 2010, the new government started to change the ‘rules of the game’ by nationalising infrastructures and weakening market access to foreign stakeholders. Focusing on the water and waste management sectors, the article analyzes the stages that brought Hungary to the recent governments’ policy changes. We argue that these changes have departed from the environmental policy practices established during the EU accession process and represent a challenge and a potential backsliding in the implementation of the EU environmental legislation in Hungary. Such changes in policy policies need to be seen in the context of the recent transformation of the political order and of the state–market relations in Hungary.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"647 - 665"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42538781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-17DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1954825
Anastassia V. Obydenkova, Vinícius G. Rodrigues Vieira, J. Tosun
ABSTRACT Since its inception in 1991, the EBRD has had a strong environmental agenda, which it ‘exported’ to post-Communist Europe and Asia. We posit that the post-Soviet states have decreased their carbon emissions more than the average states borrowing from the EBRD as they were more affected by the economic crisis associated with the end of the Soviet Union. However, the post-Soviet states have also been approached by China through a number of regional initiatives launched across Eurasia. Therefore, we further hypothesise that states borrowing from the EBRD that have been aligned with China have higher carbon emissions. We employ a sample of 32 states that borrowed from the EBRD between 1991 and 2015. Through panel-data linear regressions with heteroscedasticity-corrected robust standard errors, we corroborate our hypotheses. This study contributes to a better understanding of new actors in global environmental politics and their role in sustainable development in Eurasia and beyond.
{"title":"The impact of new actors in global environmental politics: the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development meets China","authors":"Anastassia V. Obydenkova, Vinícius G. Rodrigues Vieira, J. Tosun","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1954825","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1954825","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since its inception in 1991, the EBRD has had a strong environmental agenda, which it ‘exported’ to post-Communist Europe and Asia. We posit that the post-Soviet states have decreased their carbon emissions more than the average states borrowing from the EBRD as they were more affected by the economic crisis associated with the end of the Soviet Union. However, the post-Soviet states have also been approached by China through a number of regional initiatives launched across Eurasia. Therefore, we further hypothesise that states borrowing from the EBRD that have been aligned with China have higher carbon emissions. We employ a sample of 32 states that borrowed from the EBRD between 1991 and 2015. Through panel-data linear regressions with heteroscedasticity-corrected robust standard errors, we corroborate our hypotheses. This study contributes to a better understanding of new actors in global environmental politics and their role in sustainable development in Eurasia and beyond.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"603 - 623"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48692050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-17DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1954824
Stephen G. F. Hall, Tobias Lenz, Anastassia V. Obydenkova
ABSTRACT How do international organisations (IOs) legitimise their right to rule in times of a Pandemic? Where are their previously made environmental commitments on their agenda during a crisis? What are the differences in self-legitimation, if any, across different types of IOs? These questions have gathered renewed urgency during the ongoing COVID-19 and climate change crises posing a threat to the legitimacy not only of national governments but also of IOs. The paper aims to address these questions through the analysis of environmental commitments made in legal documents of three IOs (the EU, the EAEU, and the AIIB) and through the analysis of their respective social media between 2017 and 2021. Among other issues, we find significant differences in self-legitimation strategies of these three IOs as reflected by their social media and some evidence of mimicry across these IOs that should remain on the agenda for further studies.
{"title":"Environmental commitments and rhetoric over the Pandemic crisis: social media and legitimation of the AIIB, the EAEU, and the EU","authors":"Stephen G. F. Hall, Tobias Lenz, Anastassia V. Obydenkova","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1954824","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1954824","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do international organisations (IOs) legitimise their right to rule in times of a Pandemic? Where are their previously made environmental commitments on their agenda during a crisis? What are the differences in self-legitimation, if any, across different types of IOs? These questions have gathered renewed urgency during the ongoing COVID-19 and climate change crises posing a threat to the legitimacy not only of national governments but also of IOs. The paper aims to address these questions through the analysis of environmental commitments made in legal documents of three IOs (the EU, the EAEU, and the AIIB) and through the analysis of their respective social media between 2017 and 2021. Among other issues, we find significant differences in self-legitimation strategies of these three IOs as reflected by their social media and some evidence of mimicry across these IOs that should remain on the agenda for further studies.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"577 - 602"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44497232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-14DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1943928
M. Misic, Anastassia V. Obydenkova
ABSTRACT Small hydropower plants (SHPs), despite being a renewable energy source, could have negative environmental effects. Nonetheless, many countries have promoted and subsidised them, leading to a rise in the number of environmental conflicts. How was the issue of SHPs framed in Serbia by the proponents and the opponents? How did the framing strategy change over time and why? And which factors increased attention to the topic, eventually leading a change of governmental policy? To address these questions, we analyse the Serbian mass media’s environmental framing of SHPs and conduct a content analysis of 359 articles written between 2000–2020 and published by major national online newspapers and news portals. We use the Discourse Network Analyser to demonstrate changes in framing strategies that, together with increased public pressure, contributed to a re-evaluation of the impact of SHPs and ultimately changed the government’s and the public’s standing on this issue.
{"title":"Environmental conflict, renewable energy, or both? Public opinion on small hydropower plants in Serbia","authors":"M. Misic, Anastassia V. Obydenkova","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1943928","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1943928","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Small hydropower plants (SHPs), despite being a renewable energy source, could have negative environmental effects. Nonetheless, many countries have promoted and subsidised them, leading to a rise in the number of environmental conflicts. How was the issue of SHPs framed in Serbia by the proponents and the opponents? How did the framing strategy change over time and why? And which factors increased attention to the topic, eventually leading a change of governmental policy? To address these questions, we analyse the Serbian mass media’s environmental framing of SHPs and conduct a content analysis of 359 articles written between 2000–2020 and published by major national online newspapers and news portals. We use the Discourse Network Analyser to demonstrate changes in framing strategies that, together with increased public pressure, contributed to a re-evaluation of the impact of SHPs and ultimately changed the government’s and the public’s standing on this issue.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"684 - 713"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49655773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-11DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1965358
Jānis Brizga, Māris Jurušs, Baiba Šmite-Roķe
ABSTRACT Transport has a significant contribution to climate change and many post-Soviet republics, including Latvia, struggle to decrease these emissions to reach carbon neutrality by 2050. In this paper, we have focused on the assessment of environmental taxes (energy, transport) as the most important economic instrument used in Latvia’s environmental policy to reduce transport-related emissions and predict road transport decarbonisation pathways using the regression analyses. The results show that existing environmental taxes in Latvia reduce transport emissions and also have a significant fiscal impact. The research confirms that fuel consumption has the most significant effect on transport emissions. To achieve a decarbonisation target, a significant reduction in fossil fuel consumption is required. This can be achieved by increasing taxes on fuel, supporting environmentally friendly infrastructure as well as increasing motivation for electric car use and social innovation (e.g. modal shift, car-pooling, teleconferencing) to decrease the demand for mobility.
{"title":"Impact of the environmental taxes on reduction of emission from transport in Latvia","authors":"Jānis Brizga, Māris Jurušs, Baiba Šmite-Roķe","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1965358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1965358","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Transport has a significant contribution to climate change and many post-Soviet republics, including Latvia, struggle to decrease these emissions to reach carbon neutrality by 2050. In this paper, we have focused on the assessment of environmental taxes (energy, transport) as the most important economic instrument used in Latvia’s environmental policy to reduce transport-related emissions and predict road transport decarbonisation pathways using the regression analyses. The results show that existing environmental taxes in Latvia reduce transport emissions and also have a significant fiscal impact. The research confirms that fuel consumption has the most significant effect on transport emissions. To achieve a decarbonisation target, a significant reduction in fossil fuel consumption is required. This can be achieved by increasing taxes on fuel, supporting environmentally friendly infrastructure as well as increasing motivation for electric car use and social innovation (e.g. modal shift, car-pooling, teleconferencing) to decrease the demand for mobility.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"666 - 683"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48872427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-09DOI: 10.1080/14631377.2021.1943912
M. Fritsch, M. Greve, Michael Wyrwich
ABSTRACT We investigate the reasons for the pronounced regional differences of new business formation after the transformation from a centrally planned system to a market economy in East Germany. Relatively high start-up rates are found in regions that had a well-qualified workforce and a relatively high share of self-employment left over at the end of the communist period. This also holds for high-tech manufacturing start-ups. Based on our conclusion that policy should account for these initial regional conditions, we use a measure of the regional knowledge base and self-employment at the end of the communist period to introduce a classification of regions.
{"title":"One transition story does not fit them all: initial regional conditions and new business formation after communism","authors":"M. Fritsch, M. Greve, Michael Wyrwich","doi":"10.1080/14631377.2021.1943912","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2021.1943912","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We investigate the reasons for the pronounced regional differences of new business formation after the transformation from a centrally planned system to a market economy in East Germany. Relatively high start-up rates are found in regions that had a well-qualified workforce and a relatively high share of self-employment left over at the end of the communist period. This also holds for high-tech manufacturing start-ups. Based on our conclusion that policy should account for these initial regional conditions, we use a measure of the regional knowledge base and self-employment at the end of the communist period to introduce a classification of regions.","PeriodicalId":46517,"journal":{"name":"Post-Communist Economies","volume":"34 1","pages":"1001 - 1028"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46840581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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