INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW最新文献

英文中文

Modern Consciousness 现代意识

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781474204538.ch-004

引用次数: 0

Modernity in Crisis 危机中的现代性

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1057/9780230339194

Leonidas Donskis

引用次数: 4

Cultural Internationalism 文化国际主义

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2021-03-30 DOI: 10.4324/9781003170747

Guo Shuyong

引用次数: 1

Colonial Dreams and Nightmares: British and French Perceptions of Republican Policies in Spanish Morocco (1931–1936) 殖民梦与噩梦:英法对西班牙摩洛哥共和国政策的看法(1931-1936)

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2019-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2018.1459779

P. La Porte

ABSTRACT Historians’ continuing interest in the origins of the Spanish Civil War has recently extended to the colonial policies of the Spanish Second Republic in Morocco, a relatively unexplored issue in previous decades, which has informed new approaches to the military uprising of July 1936. Foreign sources and archives, however, have been generally overlooked in this context. This article claims that British and French delegates in Morocco made critical observations about republican reforms in Spanish Morocco, which have much to add to this debate. They raised questions regarding the continuity of republican policies in Morocco and the anti-republican attitudes within the Army of Africa. They also challenged conventional knowledge concerning the difficulties encountered by alternative colonial projects in Morocco. In the end, their reports not only questioned metropolitan options but also anticipated the attitudes of the British and French governments, vis-à-vis the military rebellion.

历史学家对西班牙内战起源的持续兴趣最近已经扩展到西班牙第二共和国在摩洛哥的殖民政策，这是一个在过去几十年中相对未被探索的问题，它为1936年7月的军事起义提供了新的方法。然而，在这方面，外国资料和档案通常被忽视。这篇文章声称，在摩洛哥的英国和法国代表对西班牙摩洛哥的共和改革提出了批评意见，这对这场辩论有很多补充。他们对摩洛哥共和政策的连续性和非洲军队内部的反共和态度提出了疑问。他们还对关于摩洛哥其他殖民项目所遇到的困难的传统认识提出质疑。最后，他们的报告不仅质疑了大都会的选择，而且预测了英国和法国政府对-à-vis军事叛乱的态度。

引用次数: 0

‘The Most Developed of the Underdeveloped Nations’. US Foreign Policy and Student Unrest in 1960s Spain “不发达国家中最发达的国家”。20世纪60年代美国外交政策与西班牙学生骚乱

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2018.1446999

Óscar J. Martín García

ABSTRACT Throughout the 1960s, Spanish students staged a strong opposition against the dictatorship of General Franco. Also during this decade, the U.S. Foreign Service in Spain began to pay great attention to these students for two key reasons. On the one hand, student protests posed a threat to US defensive interests in a country with a high strategic value during the Cold War in southern Europe. However, on the other hand, campus agitation could lead to positive effects for the United States if students’ expectations of social change were channeled toward national development in a context of order and political stability. So, how could student activism and idealism be directed toward a controlled modernization of Spain? This article attempts to answer this question by studying American programs aimed at disseminating the principles of modernization theory in Spanish universities as an instrument to (1) influence students’ political and intellectual socialization and to immunize them against radical ideologies and (2) channel students’ aspirations towards constructive and responsible reform of their country's socioeconomic structures.

在整个20世纪60年代，西班牙学生发起了一场反对佛朗哥将军独裁统治的运动。也是在这十年中，美国驻西班牙外交部门开始非常关注这些学生，主要有两个原因。一方面，学生抗议活动对美国在一个冷战时期具有很高战略价值的南欧国家的防御利益构成了威胁。然而，另一方面，如果学生对社会变革的期望在秩序和政治稳定的背景下被引导到国家发展，校园骚动可能会给美国带来积极影响。那么，学生的激进主义和理想主义是如何引导西班牙实现可控的现代化的呢?本文试图通过研究旨在在西班牙大学传播现代化理论原则的美国计划来回答这个问题，该计划旨在(1)影响学生的政治和智力社会化，并使他们免受激进意识形态的影响;(2)引导学生对其国家社会经济结构进行建设性和负责任的改革的愿望。

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引用次数: 1

Promoting health protection worldwide: The International Labour Organisation and health systems financing, 1952-2012. 促进全球健康保护:国际劳工组织和卫生系统筹资，1952-2012。

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2019-04-02 eCollection Date: 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2019.1582550

Christopher Sirrs

In recent years, universal health coverage (UHC) has returned with a vengeance to the international agenda, raising complex and highly political questions about how health systems should be organised and financed. Drawing upon an extensive analysis of archival material, this article examines the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) approach towards health systems financing in the second half of the twentieth century, exploring its evolving strategy towards social health protection in the context of international development, and its relationship with other international agencies, notably the World Health Organisation and World Bank. It argues that while the ILO's role in international development has come into question in recent decades, its officials have nevertheless made a meaningful contribution to the promotion of health protection worldwide. Despite the wider marginalisation of universalism in post-war international discourse, ILO officials continually shifted their strategy to ensure that mechanisms of health protection such as social health insurance were prioritised in health systems development. ILO support contributed to some notable successes, such as the achievement of UHC in Thailand in 2002.

近年来，全民健康覆盖以复仇的方式重新回到国际议程上，提出了如何组织和资助卫生系统的复杂和高度政治化的问题。通过对档案材料的广泛分析，本文考察了国际劳工组织(ILO)在20世纪下半叶对卫生系统融资的方法，探讨了其在国际发展背景下不断发展的社会健康保护战略，以及它与其他国际机构(特别是世界卫生组织和世界银行)的关系。它认为，尽管近几十年来劳工组织在国际发展中的作用受到质疑，但其官员仍为促进全世界的健康保护作出了有意义的贡献。尽管普遍主义在战后国际话语中被更广泛地边缘化，但国际劳工组织官员不断改变他们的战略，以确保社会健康保险等健康保护机制在卫生系统发展中得到优先考虑。劳工组织的支持促成了一些显著的成功，例如2002年在泰国实现了全民健康覆盖。

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引用次数: 2

Spain and the Partition Treaties (1697–1700) 西班牙与瓜分条约(1697-1700)

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2017.1371060

Julio Arroyo Vozmediano

ABSTRACT This study takes an analytical approach to the diplomatic strategy adopted by the Spanish monarchy in confronting the challenge it faced associated with the Partition Treaties that were signed by Louis XIV, William III and the United Provinces in 1698 and 1700. By consulting Spanish sources to complete the understanding of the diplomatic process, this study analyses the political action that Spain mobilized in its defence around 1700 and describes the evolution of Spain's foreign policy as the product of the mistrust that had developed between the main powers of Europe. This mistrust was politically answered by Madrid with Carlos II's last will and other planned measures to ensure the viability of the project that contained a turning point in the policy underlying the alliances of the monarchy. Although, like that of the other powers, Spain's manoeuvrability was restricted, this study concludes that Spain was able to create policy action plans and rationally implement them; moreover, the dynamics resulting from the negotiation and signing of the Partition Treaties led the monarchy to oppose them at all costs and naturally led to the choice of a French heir as its only solution.

本研究分析了西班牙王室在面对路易十四、威廉三世和联合各省于1698年和1700年签署的《分治条约》所带来的挑战时所采取的外交策略。通过查阅西班牙的资料来完成对外交过程的理解，本研究分析了西班牙在1700年左右的防御中动员的政治行动，并将西班牙外交政策的演变描述为欧洲主要大国之间互不信任的产物。这种不信任在政治上得到了马德里的回应，卡洛斯二世的最后遗嘱和其他计划措施，以确保该项目的可行性，该项目包含了君主制联盟政策的转折点。尽管与其他大国一样，西班牙的可操作性受到限制，但本研究得出的结论是，西班牙能够制定政策行动计划并合理实施;此外，谈判和签署分治条约所产生的动态导致君主制不惜一切代价反对他们，自然导致选择法国继承人作为唯一的解决方案。

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引用次数: 0

The Shots that Reverberated for a Long Time, 1916–1932: The Irish Revolution, the Bolsheviks and the European Left 回响许久的枪声，1916-1932:爱尔兰革命，布尔什维克和欧洲左翼

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2018-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2018.1527779

Jérôme aan de Wiel

Abstract This article explores the interaction between the Irish Revolution and the October Revolution within the wider context of the First World War and the Paris Peace Conference. From an Irish republican perspective, it was clear that neither Wilsonian principles nor Bolshevik theories and statements could be relied upon. Self-determination for Ireland became the object of heated debates among newspapers and leading personalities of the Left and far-Left in Europe while the Easter Rising and the execution of James Connolly were used to settle accounts between various factions of the European Left and far-Left well into the interwar period.

本文探讨了在第一次世界大战和巴黎和会的大背景下，爱尔兰革命和十月革命之间的相互作用。从爱尔兰共和派的角度来看，很明显，威尔逊的原则和布尔什维克的理论和声明都不可靠。爱尔兰的自决问题成为欧洲左翼和极左翼的报纸和主要人物之间激烈辩论的对象，而复活节起义和詹姆斯·康诺利的处决则被用来解决欧洲左翼和极左翼各派别之间的问题，一直持续到两次世界大战之间。

引用次数: 1

South African Nuclear Development in the 1970s: A Non-Proliferation Conundrum? 20世纪70年代南非的核发展:一个不扩散难题?

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2018-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2018.1428212

Anna-Mart Van Wyk

ABSTRACT The 1970s is often argued to be the era marking the beginning of the overall transformation of the international system and the nuclear order, following the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) entering into force in 1970. South Africa challenged this nuclear order from the outset. In addition to regarding the NPT as inherently discriminatory and hypocritical in allowing a difference between nuclear weapon ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’, the South African apartheid regime felt threatened by Soviet expansionism into Southern Africa. Facing international condemnation and isolation due to its repressive domestic politics of racial segregation, and gripped in a war against Soviet- and Cuban-backed forces in Angola, the apartheid regime was quick to move from a decision to build one peaceful nuclear explosive device in 1974, to a formal decision in 1978 to design and develop a secret strategic nuclear deterrent. Using knowledge and skills acquired during a period of techno-nationalism and Western collaboration during the 1960s, South Africa was able to cross this threshold in a relatively short space of time, thereby signaling a clear departure from the nuclear non-proliferation regime that the five nuclear powers of the NPT were trying to establish.

20世纪70年代通常被认为是1970年《不扩散核武器条约》(NPT)生效后国际体系和核秩序全面转型的开端。南非从一开始就挑战这一核秩序。除了将《不扩散核武器条约》视为固有的歧视性和伪善，因为它允许核武器“拥有”和“没有”之间存在差异，南非种族隔离政权还感到苏联向南部非洲扩张的威胁。由于国内种族隔离的压制性政治，面对国际社会的谴责和孤立，以及在安哥拉与苏联和古巴支持的军队的战争，种族隔离政权迅速从1974年决定制造一个和平的核爆炸装置，到1978年正式决定设计和发展一个秘密的战略核威慑力量。南非利用在1960年代技术民族主义和西方合作期间获得的知识和技能，能够在相对较短的时间内跨越这一门槛，从而标志着明确脱离《不扩散条约》五个核大国试图建立的核不扩散制度。

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引用次数: 1

A Social History of Trans-Imperial Diplomacy in a Crisis Context: Herbert von Rathkeal's Circles of Belonging in Pera, 1779–1802 危机背景下的跨帝国外交社会史:赫伯特·冯·拉斯基尔在佩拉的归属圈，1779-1802

IF 0.6 2区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW

Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2018.1482940

David Do Paço

ABSTRACT This article explores the multiple circles of diplomatic agents and their social belonging in the context of the international crisis in late eighteenth-century Istanbul, drawing upon the private papers of the imperial internuncio at Pera between 1779 and 1802. The son of an Irish Jacobite supporter who became a Jesuit and then a radical reformer in Vienna, Peter Herbert von Rathkeal was also a member of the Pera society in which he was born and raised. An agent of one of the most influential trans-imperial households established in Friuli, and a member of the Austrian and British nobilities, Herbert sought to become an eminent actor of the Ottoman diplomatic scene while remaining the patron of a cosmopolitan commercial-cum-political clientele. To study Herbert's actions is to question the model of diplomatie de type ancien in a cross-cultural and fast-changing context of crisis. Despite the collapse of the old diplomatic order with the breakdown of the French Revolution, and despite rising tensions generated by the increasingly sensitive ‘Eastern Question’, this article reveals how Herbert von Rathkeal managed to maintain a certain stability in Istanbul due to the economic and social resources, which his different circles of belonging opened up for him.

本文以1779年至1802年佩拉帝国大使的私人文件为基础，探讨了18世纪晚期伊斯坦布尔国际危机背景下外交代表的多个圈子及其社会归属。彼得·赫伯特·冯·拉斯基尔的父亲是一名爱尔兰詹姆斯二世党支持者，后来成为一名耶稣会士，后来成为维也纳的一名激进改革者。他也是佩拉社会的一员，在那里他出生并长大。赫伯特是在弗留利建立的最具影响力的跨帝国家族之一的代理人，也是奥地利和英国贵族的一员，他试图成为奥斯曼外交舞台上的杰出演员，同时仍然是一个世界性的商业和政治客户的赞助人。研究赫伯特的行为，就是在一个跨文化和快速变化的危机背景下质疑古老的外交模式。尽管旧的外交秩序随着法国大革命的破裂而崩溃，尽管日益敏感的“东方问题”引发了紧张局势，但本文揭示了赫伯特·冯·拉特凯尔是如何利用他所属的不同圈子为他打开的经济和社会资源，在伊斯坦布尔维持一定的稳定的。

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引用次数: 1

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