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Review Article: A Friendship Imperilled? The United States and Japan 评论文章:友谊受到威胁?美国和日本
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640866
Warren I. Cohen
WALTER LAFEBER. The Clash: US-Japan Relations throughout History. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1997. Pp. xxii, 508. $29.95 (US); PATRICK SMITH. Japan: A Reinterpretation. New York: Pantheon Books, 1997. Pp. 385. $27.50 (US); MICHAEL SCHALLER. Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. 320. $44.50 (CDN); STEPHEN D. COHEN. An Ocean Apart: Explaining Three Decades of US-Japanese Trade Frictions. Westport: Praeger, 1998. Pp. xi, 256. $65.00 (US). Reviewed by Warren I. Cohen
沃尔特LAFEBER。冲突:历史上的美日关系。纽约:诺顿出版社,1997。第22页,508页。29.95美元(美国);帕特里克•史密斯。日本:重新诠释。纽约:万神殿图书公司,1997。385页。27.50美元(美国);迈克尔·夏勒。改变的国家:占领以来的美国和日本。纽约:牛津大学出版社,1997。320页。44.50美元(CDN);斯蒂芬·d·科恩。大洋之隔:解释三十年的美日贸易摩擦。Westport: Praeger, 1998。第11页,256页。65.00美元(美国)。沃伦·科恩(Warren I. Cohen)评论
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引用次数: 0
Review Article: The Crusader Kingdom and Its Guardians 评论文章:十字军王国和它的守护者
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854
B. Hamilton
JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH. The First Crusaders, 1095–1131. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. x, 300. $49.95 (US); PETER W. EDBURY. John of lbelin and the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997. Pp. x, 222. $71.00 (US); BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR, JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH, and RUDOLF HIESTAND, eds. Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer. Aldershot and Brookfield: Variorum, Ashgate, 1997. Pp. xx, 276. $76.95 (US). Reviewed by Bernard Hamilton
乔纳森·里莱·史密斯。第一次十字军东征,1095-1131年。纽约:剑桥大学出版社,1997年。第x页,300页$49.95(美国);彼得·W·埃德伯里。勒贝林的约翰和耶路撒冷王国。伍德布里奇:博伊德尔出版社,1997年。第x页,222$71.00(我们);BENJAMIN Z.KEDAR、JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH和RUDOLF HIESTAND编辑。Montjoie:纪念Hans Eberhard Mayer的十字军东征史研究。奥尔德肖特和布鲁克菲尔德:Variorum,阿什盖特,1997年。第xx276页$76.95(美国)。Bernard Hamilton审核
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引用次数: 0
Buttressing the West in the North: The Atlantic Alliance, Economic Warfare, and the Soviet Challenge in Iceland, 1956–1959 《在北方支持西方:大西洋联盟、经济战和苏联在冰岛的挑战,1956-1959》
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853
V. Ingimundarson
left-wing government in Iceland precipitated a crisis in NATO in 1956 by demanding the abrogation of Iceland's bilateral treaty of defence with the United States. Given Iceland's importance as a strategic outpost between North America and Western Europe, the decision shocked the Eisenhower administration and its European allies. Although the Icelandic government the so-called Leftist Government made it clear that Iceland's membership in NATO would not be affected by demilitarization, its foreign-policy agenda nonetheless represented the first political challenge to the presence of US troops in Iceland since their arrival, in 1951, as part of the Western military build-up following the outbreak of the Korean War. The decision was rooted in both domestic and international developments: the left-wing realignment in Icelandic politics, which strengthened the groups protesting against the US military base, and the growing popular perception that the thaw in SovietAmerican relations the Spirit of Geneva made US troops in Iceland unnecessary. The perception also reflected the disunity within the Western alliance as the United States and its Western European allies clashed over trade, NATO's nuclear strategy, and European neocolonialism. But the Icelandic case was unique in two ways: first, during the mid-1950s the Soviet Union suddenly became Iceland's biggest trading partner, and second, the Icelandic government included the pro-Soviet Socialist Party, which was adamantly opposed to Iceland's Western alignment. No other member of NATO came close to being economically dependent on the Eastern bloc or allowed Communists to join the government. Traditionally, historians have focused on the impact of the Suez debacle and the controversy over the nuclearization of NATO to explain the malaise that gripped the Western alliance in the mid-1950s.1 The purpose
1956年,冰岛左翼政府要求废除冰岛与美国的双边防御条约,从而加剧了北约的危机。鉴于冰岛作为北美和西欧之间战略前哨的重要性,这一决定震惊了艾森豪威尔政府及其欧洲盟友。尽管冰岛政府- - -所谓的左翼政府- - -明确表示,冰岛的北约成员国身份不会受到非军事化的影响,但其外交政策议程仍然是自1951年朝鲜战争爆发后西方军事集结的一部分美国军队抵达冰岛以来,对其存在的第一次政治挑战。这一决定源于国内和国际形势的发展:冰岛政治中的左翼重组,加强了抗议美国军事基地的团体,以及越来越多的人认为,苏美关系的解冻——日内瓦精神——使美国在冰岛的军队变得没有必要。这种看法也反映了西方联盟内部的不团结,因为美国及其西欧盟国在贸易、北约核战略和欧洲新殖民主义等问题上发生了冲突。但冰岛的情况在两个方面是独特的:第一,在20世纪50年代中期,苏联突然成为冰岛最大的贸易伙伴;第二,冰岛政府包括亲苏联的社会党,该党坚决反对冰岛与西方结盟。没有其他北约成员国在经济上接近依赖东欧集团,也没有允许共产党人加入政府。传统上,历史学家把重点放在苏伊士运河危机的影响和围绕北约核化的争议上,以解释20世纪50年代中期困扰西方联盟的不安目的
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引用次数: 6
Monarchs, Merchants, and Missionaries in Early Modern Asia: The Missions Étrangères in Siam, 1662–1684 近代早期亚洲的君主、商人和传教士:在暹罗的传教Étrangères, 1662-1684
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640850
R. Love
A letter from Ayutthaya, then the capital of Siam, dated 19 October 1667, Pierre Lambert de La Motte, bishop of Berythe, explained to his superior, Francois Pallu, bishop of Heliopolis, who was visiting Paris and Rome to raise support for their mission, how they might obtain the backing of King Phra Narai (r. 1656-88). The king's generosity to the French mission since their arrival in 1662 seemed to indicate an extraordinary receptiveness to Catholicism waiting to be exploited for the greater glory of God and their patron, Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715). 'Seeing the first fruits of divine grace stirring in the heart of this [Asian] king,' Lambert began reverently, if cautiously, 'I must share with you, Monseigneur, a thought that came to me, with which you may do whatever you think proper':
1667年10月19日,在一封来自当时暹罗首都大城府的信中,贝里特主教皮埃尔·兰伯特·德拉莫特(Pierre Lambert de La Motte)向他的上司、赫利奥波利斯主教弗朗索瓦·帕卢(Francois Pallu)解释了他们如何才能获得国王帕拉·纳莱(Phra Narai, 1656-88年)的支持。帕鲁当时正在巴黎和罗马访问,为他们的使命寻求支持。自1662年法国使团抵达以来,国王对他们的慷慨似乎表明了他对天主教的非凡接纳,等待着上帝和他们的赞助人路易十四(1643-1715)的更大荣耀。“看到神圣恩典的最初果实在这位(亚洲)国王的心中萌动,”兰伯特虔诚而谨慎地开始说,“我必须与您分享我的一个想法,主教大人,您可以用这个想法做任何您认为合适的事情。”
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引用次数: 6
Review Article: The Ways of the World 评论文章:世界之道
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855
A. P. Thornton
S. E. FINER. The History of Government from the Earliest Times: Volume I: Ancient Monarchies and Empires. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. xvii, 610; Volume II: The Intermediate Ages. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 613–1,061; Volume III: Empires, Monarchies, and the Modern State. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 1,065–1,701. $270.00 (CDN), for the three volumes. Reviewed by A. P. Thornton
更精细。《最早期的政府史》:第一卷:古代君主政体和帝国。纽约:牛津大学出版社,1997年。第xvii页,610;第二卷:中世纪。纽约:牛津大学出版社,1997年。第七页,613–1061;第三卷:帝国、君主政体和现代国家。纽约:牛津大学出版社,1997年。第七页,1065-1701$三卷270.00加元。A.P.Thornton审核
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引用次数: 0
Review Article: War and War Plans in the Far East 评论文章:远东的战争和战争计划
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640856
P. Lowe
ONG CHIT CHUNG. Operation Matador: Britain's War Plans against the Japanese, 1918–1941. Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1997; dist. Portland, Oreg.: ISBS.Pp. xiv, 314. $25.00 (US), paper; PETER ELPHICK. Far Eastern File: The Intelligence War in the Far East, 1930–1945. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1997. Pp. xvii, 510. £20.00; GUNTER BISCHOF and ROBERT L. DUPONT, eds. The Pacific War Revisited. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1997; dist. Toronto: Scholarly Book Services. Pp. xiii, 220. $38.75 (CDN). Reviewed by Peter Lowe
王志忠。《斗牛士行动:1918-1941年英国对日战争计划》。新加坡:时代学术出版社,1997;俄勒冈州波特兰市: ISBS.Pp。十四,314年。$25.00(美元),纸;彼得居然。远东档案:远东情报战,1930-1945。伦敦:霍德和斯托顿出版社,1997。第17页,510页£20.00;甘特·比肖夫和罗伯特·l·杜邦编。重访太平洋战争。巴吞鲁日和伦敦:路易斯安那州立大学出版社,1997;多伦多区:学术图书服务。页十三,220。38.75美元(CDN)。Peter Lowe评论
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引用次数: 1
Inventing the Status Quo: Ottoman Land-Law during the Palestine Mandate, 1917–1936 创造现状:1917-1936年巴勒斯坦托管期间的奥斯曼土地法
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640851
Martin Bunton
British tions into their management of Palestine's land regime shed light on important though largely neglected features of colonial rule in the Middle East between the World Wars. Although laws and legal procedures played an integral part in the British establishment of a new political and economic order in Palestine, their role has yet to be studied in its historical context. The literature on Palestine is predisposed to view the role played by Ottoman land-law under British rule as axiomatic: it followed naturally from the imposition of the British pattern of indirect rule and, more specifically, from the order-in-council of September 1922 which set out the composition and organization of the government of Palestine. Such presumptions are helped by the prevailing conception of Ottoman land-law as codified. But historians must not take at face value the picture drawn by British apologists at the time who, like the 1937 Peel Commission report, complained that ;the Ottoman Land Code has been retained, with all the difficulties involved in its various forms of ownership and tenure of land; several new laws have been passed to amend it, but it remains in essence the same complicated system, one which is not calculated to promote close settlement and intensive cultivation. Even with the amendments which it has been found possible to introduce, it cannot be deemed to be a satisfactory system in these respects.'1 In attributing the land-law in force during the mandate to the written Ottoman codes dating from 1858, British officials often wished to characterize it as bewildering and antiquated, a barrier to modernization and progress. Missing from the literature is an attempt to problematize and contextual ize the Ottoman law in force during the mandate. In fact, Ottoman law in mandatory Palestine should not be studied as though it were a detached arbiter with fixed rules waiting to be administered by colonial officials. The historical study of land-law is better served by recognizing it as
英国对巴勒斯坦土地政权的管理,揭示了两次世界大战之间中东殖民统治的重要特征,尽管这些特征在很大程度上被忽视了。尽管法律和法律程序在英国在巴勒斯坦建立新的政治和经济秩序中发挥了不可或缺的作用,但它们的作用还有待在其历史背景下进行研究。关于巴勒斯坦的文献倾向于认为奥斯曼土地法在英国统治下所扮演的角色是不言自明的:它自然地遵循了英国间接统治模式的强加,更具体地说,是1922年9月的会议命令,该命令规定了巴勒斯坦政府的组成和组织。这样的假设得到了奥斯曼土地法已被编纂的普遍观念的帮助。但是历史学家不能只看英国当时的辩护者所描绘的画面,他们就像1937年皮尔委员会的报告一样,抱怨说:“奥斯曼土地法被保留了下来,尽管它的各种形式的所有权和土地使用权涉及到所有的困难;已经通过了几项新的法律对其进行修改,但它本质上仍然是同一个复杂的系统,一个不是为了促进密集定居和集约种植而设计的系统。即使有了可能提出的修正,在这些方面,它也不能被认为是一个令人满意的制度。在将委任统治期间的有效土地法归因于1858年的书面奥斯曼法典时,英国官员经常希望将其描述为令人困惑和过时的,是现代化和进步的障碍。文献中缺少的是试图将托管期间有效的奥斯曼法律问题化和上下文化。事实上,在强制统治的巴勒斯坦,奥斯曼法律不应该被视为一个独立的仲裁者,有着固定的规则,等待着殖民地官员的管理。将土地法的历史研究看作是一种历史现象,将有助于土地法的历史研究
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引用次数: 18
Roots of ‘Liberation’: American Images of the Future of Russia in the Early Cold War, 1948–1953 “解放”的根源:冷战早期美国人对俄罗斯未来的想象,1948-1953
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640852
D. Foglesong
the early cold war, psychological warfare was the vogue. From the escalation of tension with the Soviet Union in 1948 to the crushing of the East German revolt in 1953, an array of American intellectuals, journalists, politicians, officials, and military officers demanded aggressive propaganda campaigns and vigorous covert action to free Eastern Europe from Stalinist domination.1 'Liberation' was more than a daydream of anti-Communist philosophers and a campaign slogan for Republican critics of containment.2 With the adoption of National Security Council (NSC) paper 68 in 1950, the administration of Harry S. Truman officially committed itself to fostering 'fundamental change in the nature of the Soviet system' through programmes designed to 'make the Russian people our allies'. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States spent large sums on psychological warfare.3 Congress tripled the appropriation for the US Information and Educational Exchange (USIE) programme to over $100 million; Radio Free Europe, which spent $3 million in 1950, its first year, received more than four times that amount from the
冷战初期,心理战很流行。从1948年与苏联的紧张关系升级到1953年东德起义的镇压,一大批美国知识分子、记者、政治家、官员和军官要求进行积极的宣传运动和积极的秘密行动,以将东欧从斯大林主义的统治中解放出来。“解放”不仅仅是反共哲学家的白日梦,也不仅仅是反对遏制政策的共和党人的竞选口号1950年,随着国家安全委员会(NSC)第68号文件的通过,哈里·s·杜鲁门(Harry S. Truman)政府正式承诺通过旨在“使俄罗斯人民成为我们的盟友”的计划,促进“苏联体制本质的根本改变”。朝鲜战争爆发后,美国在心理战上投入了大量资金国会将美国信息与教育交流项目的拨款增加了两倍,达到1亿多美元;自由欧洲电台在1950年的第一年花费了300万美元,从美国政府那里得到了4倍多的资金
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引用次数: 39
‘Mixed Up’ and ‘Contact’: Culture and Emotion among the Allies in the Second World War “混淆”与“接触”:第二次世界大战中盟军的文化与情感
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1998-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1998.9640840
F. Costigliola
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引用次数: 9
Prostitution as Privilege: The ‘American Girl’ of Treaty-Port Shanghai, 1860–1937 卖淫作为特权:通商口岸上海的“美国女孩”,1860-1937
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1998-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1998.9640843
E. Scully
prostitutes transplanted to the colonial periphery in Asia staked out a unique and enduring place in the sexual economy of modern empires. As early as the mid-nineteenth century, hundreds of these women made their way from Europe, Russia, and the United States to coastal China, Japan, the Straits Settlements, and India. Until the massive influx into the region of White Russians after 1917, colonial demographics and racial attitudes generally afforded these women a good living, privileged status, and control over their working conditions. Having survived both periodic municipal reform campaigns in the colonies and various political and economic vicissitudes, Western prostitutes were ultimately driven out of the region in the late 1930s by the League of Nations campaign against 'white slavery' and Japanese territorial expansion. Western European and American prostitutes were ubiquitous in the colonies, as was the struggle among resident foreigners to control prostitution among their own nationals. Although League of Nations surveys give detailed figures for the 1920s and 1930s, little quantitative information is available for earlier periods; police records typically give figures in the tens, while missionary and anti-vice groups report hundreds. The significance of the white colonial prostitute owed less, however, to numbers than to race. Throughout the colonial era, 'respectable' men and women living in the colonies as well as in the metropolis viewed what the Singapore Straits Times described in 1862 as 'the unwholesome immigration' of Western prostitutes as undermining white prestige and moral authority, inasmuch as the 'native mind cannot well distinguish the broad line that in our communities separates this one class from all others'.1 Like other types of white riff-raff, prostitutes in the colonies were given the ambiguous status of privileged pariah in a society in which race
移植到亚洲殖民地边缘的妓女在现代帝国的性经济中占据了独特而持久的地位。早在19世纪中期,就有数百名妇女从欧洲、俄罗斯和美国来到中国沿海、日本、海峡殖民地和印度。直到1917年后白俄人大量涌入该地区,殖民地的人口结构和种族态度通常为这些妇女提供了良好的生活、特权地位和对工作条件的控制。西方妓女在殖民地周期性的市政改革运动和各种政治和经济变迁中幸存下来,最终在20世纪30年代末被国际联盟反对“白奴”和日本领土扩张的运动赶出了该地区。西欧和美国的妓女在殖民地无处不在,居住在那里的外国人也在为控制本国人的卖淫活动而斗争。虽然国际联盟的调查提供了20世纪20年代和30年代的详细数字,但较早时期的数量资料却很少;警方的记录通常给出数十人的数字,而传教士和反恶习组织则报告数百人。然而,白人殖民地妓女的重要性与其说是由于人数,不如说是由于种族。在整个殖民时代,生活在殖民地和大都市的“受人尊敬的”男人和女人都认为,1862年《新加坡海峡时报》(Singapore Straits Times)所描述的西方妓女“不健康的移民”破坏了白人的声望和道德权威,因为“本地人的头脑无法很好地区分我们社区中将这一阶级与所有其他阶级区分开来的广泛界限”与其他类型的白人下层阶级一样,殖民地的妓女在一个种族歧视的社会中被赋予了特权贱民的模糊地位
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引用次数: 11
期刊
INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW
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