Pub Date : 1999-06-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640866
Warren I. Cohen
WALTER LAFEBER. The Clash: US-Japan Relations throughout History. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1997. Pp. xxii, 508. $29.95 (US); PATRICK SMITH. Japan: A Reinterpretation. New York: Pantheon Books, 1997. Pp. 385. $27.50 (US); MICHAEL SCHALLER. Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. 320. $44.50 (CDN); STEPHEN D. COHEN. An Ocean Apart: Explaining Three Decades of US-Japanese Trade Frictions. Westport: Praeger, 1998. Pp. xi, 256. $65.00 (US). Reviewed by Warren I. Cohen
沃尔特LAFEBER。冲突:历史上的美日关系。纽约:诺顿出版社,1997。第22页,508页。29.95美元(美国);帕特里克•史密斯。日本:重新诠释。纽约:万神殿图书公司,1997。385页。27.50美元(美国);迈克尔·夏勒。改变的国家:占领以来的美国和日本。纽约:牛津大学出版社,1997。320页。44.50美元(CDN);斯蒂芬·d·科恩。大洋之隔:解释三十年的美日贸易摩擦。Westport: Praeger, 1998。第11页,256页。65.00美元(美国)。沃伦·科恩(Warren I. Cohen)评论
{"title":"Review Article: A Friendship Imperilled? The United States and Japan","authors":"Warren I. Cohen","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640866","url":null,"abstract":"WALTER LAFEBER. The Clash: US-Japan Relations throughout History. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1997. Pp. xxii, 508. $29.95 (US); PATRICK SMITH. Japan: A Reinterpretation. New York: Pantheon Books, 1997. Pp. 385. $27.50 (US); MICHAEL SCHALLER. Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. 320. $44.50 (CDN); STEPHEN D. COHEN. An Ocean Apart: Explaining Three Decades of US-Japanese Trade Frictions. Westport: Praeger, 1998. Pp. xi, 256. $65.00 (US). Reviewed by Warren I. Cohen","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"443-451"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640866","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854
B. Hamilton
JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH. The First Crusaders, 1095–1131. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. x, 300. $49.95 (US); PETER W. EDBURY. John of lbelin and the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997. Pp. x, 222. $71.00 (US); BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR, JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH, and RUDOLF HIESTAND, eds. Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer. Aldershot and Brookfield: Variorum, Ashgate, 1997. Pp. xx, 276. $76.95 (US). Reviewed by Bernard Hamilton
{"title":"Review Article: The Crusader Kingdom and Its Guardians","authors":"B. Hamilton","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854","url":null,"abstract":"JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH. The First Crusaders, 1095–1131. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. x, 300. $49.95 (US); PETER W. EDBURY. John of lbelin and the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997. Pp. x, 222. $71.00 (US); BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR, JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH, and RUDOLF HIESTAND, eds. Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer. Aldershot and Brookfield: Variorum, Ashgate, 1997. Pp. xx, 276. $76.95 (US). Reviewed by Bernard Hamilton","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"104-116"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853
V. Ingimundarson
left-wing government in Iceland precipitated a crisis in NATO in 1956 by demanding the abrogation of Iceland's bilateral treaty of defence with the United States. Given Iceland's importance as a strategic outpost between North America and Western Europe, the decision shocked the Eisenhower administration and its European allies. Although the Icelandic government the so-called Leftist Government made it clear that Iceland's membership in NATO would not be affected by demilitarization, its foreign-policy agenda nonetheless represented the first political challenge to the presence of US troops in Iceland since their arrival, in 1951, as part of the Western military build-up following the outbreak of the Korean War. The decision was rooted in both domestic and international developments: the left-wing realignment in Icelandic politics, which strengthened the groups protesting against the US military base, and the growing popular perception that the thaw in SovietAmerican relations the Spirit of Geneva made US troops in Iceland unnecessary. The perception also reflected the disunity within the Western alliance as the United States and its Western European allies clashed over trade, NATO's nuclear strategy, and European neocolonialism. But the Icelandic case was unique in two ways: first, during the mid-1950s the Soviet Union suddenly became Iceland's biggest trading partner, and second, the Icelandic government included the pro-Soviet Socialist Party, which was adamantly opposed to Iceland's Western alignment. No other member of NATO came close to being economically dependent on the Eastern bloc or allowed Communists to join the government. Traditionally, historians have focused on the impact of the Suez debacle and the controversy over the nuclearization of NATO to explain the malaise that gripped the Western alliance in the mid-1950s.1 The purpose
{"title":"Buttressing the West in the North: The Atlantic Alliance, Economic Warfare, and the Soviet Challenge in Iceland, 1956–1959","authors":"V. Ingimundarson","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853","url":null,"abstract":"left-wing government in Iceland precipitated a crisis in NATO in 1956 by demanding the abrogation of Iceland's bilateral treaty of defence with the United States. Given Iceland's importance as a strategic outpost between North America and Western Europe, the decision shocked the Eisenhower administration and its European allies. Although the Icelandic government the so-called Leftist Government made it clear that Iceland's membership in NATO would not be affected by demilitarization, its foreign-policy agenda nonetheless represented the first political challenge to the presence of US troops in Iceland since their arrival, in 1951, as part of the Western military build-up following the outbreak of the Korean War. The decision was rooted in both domestic and international developments: the left-wing realignment in Icelandic politics, which strengthened the groups protesting against the US military base, and the growing popular perception that the thaw in SovietAmerican relations the Spirit of Geneva made US troops in Iceland unnecessary. The perception also reflected the disunity within the Western alliance as the United States and its Western European allies clashed over trade, NATO's nuclear strategy, and European neocolonialism. But the Icelandic case was unique in two ways: first, during the mid-1950s the Soviet Union suddenly became Iceland's biggest trading partner, and second, the Icelandic government included the pro-Soviet Socialist Party, which was adamantly opposed to Iceland's Western alignment. No other member of NATO came close to being economically dependent on the Eastern bloc or allowed Communists to join the government. Traditionally, historians have focused on the impact of the Suez debacle and the controversy over the nuclearization of NATO to explain the malaise that gripped the Western alliance in the mid-1950s.1 The purpose","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"45 1","pages":"80-103"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640850
R. Love
A letter from Ayutthaya, then the capital of Siam, dated 19 October 1667, Pierre Lambert de La Motte, bishop of Berythe, explained to his superior, Francois Pallu, bishop of Heliopolis, who was visiting Paris and Rome to raise support for their mission, how they might obtain the backing of King Phra Narai (r. 1656-88). The king's generosity to the French mission since their arrival in 1662 seemed to indicate an extraordinary receptiveness to Catholicism waiting to be exploited for the greater glory of God and their patron, Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715). 'Seeing the first fruits of divine grace stirring in the heart of this [Asian] king,' Lambert began reverently, if cautiously, 'I must share with you, Monseigneur, a thought that came to me, with which you may do whatever you think proper':
1667年10月19日,在一封来自当时暹罗首都大城府的信中,贝里特主教皮埃尔·兰伯特·德拉莫特(Pierre Lambert de La Motte)向他的上司、赫利奥波利斯主教弗朗索瓦·帕卢(Francois Pallu)解释了他们如何才能获得国王帕拉·纳莱(Phra Narai, 1656-88年)的支持。帕鲁当时正在巴黎和罗马访问,为他们的使命寻求支持。自1662年法国使团抵达以来,国王对他们的慷慨似乎表明了他对天主教的非凡接纳,等待着上帝和他们的赞助人路易十四(1643-1715)的更大荣耀。“看到神圣恩典的最初果实在这位(亚洲)国王的心中萌动,”兰伯特虔诚而谨慎地开始说,“我必须与您分享我的一个想法,主教大人,您可以用这个想法做任何您认为合适的事情。”
{"title":"Monarchs, Merchants, and Missionaries in Early Modern Asia: The Missions Étrangères in Siam, 1662–1684","authors":"R. Love","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640850","url":null,"abstract":"A letter from Ayutthaya, then the capital of Siam, dated 19 October 1667, Pierre Lambert de La Motte, bishop of Berythe, explained to his superior, Francois Pallu, bishop of Heliopolis, who was visiting Paris and Rome to raise support for their mission, how they might obtain the backing of King Phra Narai (r. 1656-88). The king's generosity to the French mission since their arrival in 1662 seemed to indicate an extraordinary receptiveness to Catholicism waiting to be exploited for the greater glory of God and their patron, Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715). 'Seeing the first fruits of divine grace stirring in the heart of this [Asian] king,' Lambert began reverently, if cautiously, 'I must share with you, Monseigneur, a thought that came to me, with which you may do whatever you think proper':","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"1-27"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640850","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855
A. P. Thornton
S. E. FINER. The History of Government from the Earliest Times: Volume I: Ancient Monarchies and Empires. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. xvii, 610; Volume II: The Intermediate Ages. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 613–1,061; Volume III: Empires, Monarchies, and the Modern State. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 1,065–1,701. $270.00 (CDN), for the three volumes. Reviewed by A. P. Thornton
{"title":"Review Article: The Ways of the World","authors":"A. P. Thornton","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855","url":null,"abstract":"S. E. FINER. The History of Government from the Earliest Times: Volume I: Ancient Monarchies and Empires. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. xvii, 610; Volume II: The Intermediate Ages. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 613–1,061; Volume III: Empires, Monarchies, and the Modern State. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 1,065–1,701. $270.00 (CDN), for the three volumes. Reviewed by A. P. Thornton","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"117-123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640856
P. Lowe
ONG CHIT CHUNG. Operation Matador: Britain's War Plans against the Japanese, 1918–1941. Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1997; dist. Portland, Oreg.: ISBS.Pp. xiv, 314. $25.00 (US), paper; PETER ELPHICK. Far Eastern File: The Intelligence War in the Far East, 1930–1945. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1997. Pp. xvii, 510. £20.00; GUNTER BISCHOF and ROBERT L. DUPONT, eds. The Pacific War Revisited. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1997; dist. Toronto: Scholarly Book Services. Pp. xiii, 220. $38.75 (CDN). Reviewed by Peter Lowe
{"title":"Review Article: War and War Plans in the Far East","authors":"P. Lowe","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640856","url":null,"abstract":"ONG CHIT CHUNG. Operation Matador: Britain's War Plans against the Japanese, 1918–1941. Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1997; dist. Portland, Oreg.: ISBS.Pp. xiv, 314. $25.00 (US), paper; PETER ELPHICK. Far Eastern File: The Intelligence War in the Far East, 1930–1945. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1997. Pp. xvii, 510. £20.00; GUNTER BISCHOF and ROBERT L. DUPONT, eds. The Pacific War Revisited. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1997; dist. Toronto: Scholarly Book Services. Pp. xiii, 220. $38.75 (CDN). Reviewed by Peter Lowe","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"124-133"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640856","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640851
Martin Bunton
British tions into their management of Palestine's land regime shed light on important though largely neglected features of colonial rule in the Middle East between the World Wars. Although laws and legal procedures played an integral part in the British establishment of a new political and economic order in Palestine, their role has yet to be studied in its historical context. The literature on Palestine is predisposed to view the role played by Ottoman land-law under British rule as axiomatic: it followed naturally from the imposition of the British pattern of indirect rule and, more specifically, from the order-in-council of September 1922 which set out the composition and organization of the government of Palestine. Such presumptions are helped by the prevailing conception of Ottoman land-law as codified. But historians must not take at face value the picture drawn by British apologists at the time who, like the 1937 Peel Commission report, complained that ;the Ottoman Land Code has been retained, with all the difficulties involved in its various forms of ownership and tenure of land; several new laws have been passed to amend it, but it remains in essence the same complicated system, one which is not calculated to promote close settlement and intensive cultivation. Even with the amendments which it has been found possible to introduce, it cannot be deemed to be a satisfactory system in these respects.'1 In attributing the land-law in force during the mandate to the written Ottoman codes dating from 1858, British officials often wished to characterize it as bewildering and antiquated, a barrier to modernization and progress. Missing from the literature is an attempt to problematize and contextual ize the Ottoman law in force during the mandate. In fact, Ottoman law in mandatory Palestine should not be studied as though it were a detached arbiter with fixed rules waiting to be administered by colonial officials. The historical study of land-law is better served by recognizing it as
{"title":"Inventing the Status Quo: Ottoman Land-Law during the Palestine Mandate, 1917–1936","authors":"Martin Bunton","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640851","url":null,"abstract":"British tions into their management of Palestine's land regime shed light on important though largely neglected features of colonial rule in the Middle East between the World Wars. Although laws and legal procedures played an integral part in the British establishment of a new political and economic order in Palestine, their role has yet to be studied in its historical context. The literature on Palestine is predisposed to view the role played by Ottoman land-law under British rule as axiomatic: it followed naturally from the imposition of the British pattern of indirect rule and, more specifically, from the order-in-council of September 1922 which set out the composition and organization of the government of Palestine. Such presumptions are helped by the prevailing conception of Ottoman land-law as codified. But historians must not take at face value the picture drawn by British apologists at the time who, like the 1937 Peel Commission report, complained that ;the Ottoman Land Code has been retained, with all the difficulties involved in its various forms of ownership and tenure of land; several new laws have been passed to amend it, but it remains in essence the same complicated system, one which is not calculated to promote close settlement and intensive cultivation. Even with the amendments which it has been found possible to introduce, it cannot be deemed to be a satisfactory system in these respects.'1 In attributing the land-law in force during the mandate to the written Ottoman codes dating from 1858, British officials often wished to characterize it as bewildering and antiquated, a barrier to modernization and progress. Missing from the literature is an attempt to problematize and contextual ize the Ottoman law in force during the mandate. In fact, Ottoman law in mandatory Palestine should not be studied as though it were a detached arbiter with fixed rules waiting to be administered by colonial officials. The historical study of land-law is better served by recognizing it as","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"28-56"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640851","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-01-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640852
D. Foglesong
the early cold war, psychological warfare was the vogue. From the escalation of tension with the Soviet Union in 1948 to the crushing of the East German revolt in 1953, an array of American intellectuals, journalists, politicians, officials, and military officers demanded aggressive propaganda campaigns and vigorous covert action to free Eastern Europe from Stalinist domination.1 'Liberation' was more than a daydream of anti-Communist philosophers and a campaign slogan for Republican critics of containment.2 With the adoption of National Security Council (NSC) paper 68 in 1950, the administration of Harry S. Truman officially committed itself to fostering 'fundamental change in the nature of the Soviet system' through programmes designed to 'make the Russian people our allies'. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States spent large sums on psychological warfare.3 Congress tripled the appropriation for the US Information and Educational Exchange (USIE) programme to over $100 million; Radio Free Europe, which spent $3 million in 1950, its first year, received more than four times that amount from the
冷战初期,心理战很流行。从1948年与苏联的紧张关系升级到1953年东德起义的镇压,一大批美国知识分子、记者、政治家、官员和军官要求进行积极的宣传运动和积极的秘密行动,以将东欧从斯大林主义的统治中解放出来。“解放”不仅仅是反共哲学家的白日梦,也不仅仅是反对遏制政策的共和党人的竞选口号1950年,随着国家安全委员会(NSC)第68号文件的通过,哈里·s·杜鲁门(Harry S. Truman)政府正式承诺通过旨在“使俄罗斯人民成为我们的盟友”的计划,促进“苏联体制本质的根本改变”。朝鲜战争爆发后,美国在心理战上投入了大量资金国会将美国信息与教育交流项目的拨款增加了两倍,达到1亿多美元;自由欧洲电台在1950年的第一年花费了300万美元,从美国政府那里得到了4倍多的资金
{"title":"Roots of ‘Liberation’: American Images of the Future of Russia in the Early Cold War, 1948–1953","authors":"D. Foglesong","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640852","url":null,"abstract":"the early cold war, psychological warfare was the vogue. From the escalation of tension with the Soviet Union in 1948 to the crushing of the East German revolt in 1953, an array of American intellectuals, journalists, politicians, officials, and military officers demanded aggressive propaganda campaigns and vigorous covert action to free Eastern Europe from Stalinist domination.1 'Liberation' was more than a daydream of anti-Communist philosophers and a campaign slogan for Republican critics of containment.2 With the adoption of National Security Council (NSC) paper 68 in 1950, the administration of Harry S. Truman officially committed itself to fostering 'fundamental change in the nature of the Soviet system' through programmes designed to 'make the Russian people our allies'. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States spent large sums on psychological warfare.3 Congress tripled the appropriation for the US Information and Educational Exchange (USIE) programme to over $100 million; Radio Free Europe, which spent $3 million in 1950, its first year, received more than four times that amount from the","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"57-79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640852","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1998-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1998.9640840
F. Costigliola
{"title":"‘Mixed Up’ and ‘Contact’: Culture and Emotion among the Allies in the Second World War","authors":"F. Costigliola","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1998.9640840","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1998.9640840","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"20 1","pages":"791-805"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1998-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1998.9640840","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1998-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1998.9640843
E. Scully
prostitutes transplanted to the colonial periphery in Asia staked out a unique and enduring place in the sexual economy of modern empires. As early as the mid-nineteenth century, hundreds of these women made their way from Europe, Russia, and the United States to coastal China, Japan, the Straits Settlements, and India. Until the massive influx into the region of White Russians after 1917, colonial demographics and racial attitudes generally afforded these women a good living, privileged status, and control over their working conditions. Having survived both periodic municipal reform campaigns in the colonies and various political and economic vicissitudes, Western prostitutes were ultimately driven out of the region in the late 1930s by the League of Nations campaign against 'white slavery' and Japanese territorial expansion. Western European and American prostitutes were ubiquitous in the colonies, as was the struggle among resident foreigners to control prostitution among their own nationals. Although League of Nations surveys give detailed figures for the 1920s and 1930s, little quantitative information is available for earlier periods; police records typically give figures in the tens, while missionary and anti-vice groups report hundreds. The significance of the white colonial prostitute owed less, however, to numbers than to race. Throughout the colonial era, 'respectable' men and women living in the colonies as well as in the metropolis viewed what the Singapore Straits Times described in 1862 as 'the unwholesome immigration' of Western prostitutes as undermining white prestige and moral authority, inasmuch as the 'native mind cannot well distinguish the broad line that in our communities separates this one class from all others'.1 Like other types of white riff-raff, prostitutes in the colonies were given the ambiguous status of privileged pariah in a society in which race
{"title":"Prostitution as Privilege: The ‘American Girl’ of Treaty-Port Shanghai, 1860–1937","authors":"E. Scully","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1998.9640843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1998.9640843","url":null,"abstract":"prostitutes transplanted to the colonial periphery in Asia staked out a unique and enduring place in the sexual economy of modern empires. As early as the mid-nineteenth century, hundreds of these women made their way from Europe, Russia, and the United States to coastal China, Japan, the Straits Settlements, and India. Until the massive influx into the region of White Russians after 1917, colonial demographics and racial attitudes generally afforded these women a good living, privileged status, and control over their working conditions. Having survived both periodic municipal reform campaigns in the colonies and various political and economic vicissitudes, Western prostitutes were ultimately driven out of the region in the late 1930s by the League of Nations campaign against 'white slavery' and Japanese territorial expansion. Western European and American prostitutes were ubiquitous in the colonies, as was the struggle among resident foreigners to control prostitution among their own nationals. Although League of Nations surveys give detailed figures for the 1920s and 1930s, little quantitative information is available for earlier periods; police records typically give figures in the tens, while missionary and anti-vice groups report hundreds. The significance of the white colonial prostitute owed less, however, to numbers than to race. Throughout the colonial era, 'respectable' men and women living in the colonies as well as in the metropolis viewed what the Singapore Straits Times described in 1862 as 'the unwholesome immigration' of Western prostitutes as undermining white prestige and moral authority, inasmuch as the 'native mind cannot well distinguish the broad line that in our communities separates this one class from all others'.1 Like other types of white riff-raff, prostitutes in the colonies were given the ambiguous status of privileged pariah in a society in which race","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"20 1","pages":"855-883"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1998-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1998.9640843","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}