Pub Date : 1999-06-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640864
S. Streeter
than A year after the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) toppled the nationalist regime in Guatemala of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmdn, the vice-president of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, announced to the National Security Council in March 1955 that 'the United States was now provided with an opportunity to accomplish in two years in Guatemala what the Communists had completely failed to accomplish in ten years.'1 A few months later, in July 1955, a special study mission from the US house of representatives called Guatemala 'the showcase of Latin America', and declared that, with the victory of Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas over Arbenz, Guatemala ;has become a political, social, and economic laboratory . . . The success or failure of this experiment by the first country in the world to overthrow the Communist yoke will be a major factor in determining the future course of Latin American affairs.'2 The 'showcase' metaphor invoked by Nixon and other US officials was an important component of a counter-revolution against 'Communism' that began with the resignation of Arbenz on 27 June 1954. Washington sought to establish an anti-Communist government in Guatemala that would return expropriated land to the United Fruit Company, lift trade barriers, eliminate restrictions on foreign investment, supply inexpensive strategic raw materials, realign Guatemala's foreign policy positions with those of the United States in the Organization of American States and the United Nations, and welcome US military training and assistance. US officials also hoped to blunt Guatemalan nationalism by sponsoring an economic development assistance programme that would create prosperity while promoting free trade and private investment. Thus, between 1954
1955年3月，在美国中央情报局(CIA)推翻了危地马拉的雅各博·阿本斯·古兹曼登的民族主义政权一年多之后，美国副总统理查德·m·尼克松(Richard M. Nixon)向国家安全委员会宣布，“美国现在有机会在危地马拉用两年时间完成共产党人用十年时间完全未能完成的任务。”1几个月后，即1955年7月，美国众议院的一个特别研究代表团称危地马拉为“拉丁美洲的展示橱窗”，并宣布，随着卡洛斯·卡斯蒂略·阿马斯上校对阿本斯的胜利，危地马拉已成为一个政治、社会和经济实验室……世界上第一个推翻共产主义枷锁的国家的这一试验的成功或失败将是决定拉丁美洲事务未来走向的一个主要因素。尼克松和其他美国官员引用的“展示”隐喻是1954年6月27日阿本斯辞职后开始的反革命“共产主义”的重要组成部分。华盛顿试图在危地马拉建立一个反共政府，将被征收的土地归还给联合水果公司，取消贸易壁垒，消除对外国投资的限制，提供廉价的战略原材料，重新调整危地马拉在美洲国家组织和联合国中的外交政策立场，并欢迎美国的军事训练和援助。美国官员还希望通过赞助一项经济发展援助计划来削弱危地马拉的民族主义，该计划将在促进自由贸易和私人投资的同时创造繁荣。因此，在1954年
{"title":"The Failure of ‘Liberal Developmentalism’: The United States's Anti-Communist Showcase in Guatemala, 1954–1960","authors":"S. Streeter","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640864","url":null,"abstract":"than A year after the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) toppled the nationalist regime in Guatemala of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmdn, the vice-president of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, announced to the National Security Council in March 1955 that 'the United States was now provided with an opportunity to accomplish in two years in Guatemala what the Communists had completely failed to accomplish in ten years.'1 A few months later, in July 1955, a special study mission from the US house of representatives called Guatemala 'the showcase of Latin America', and declared that, with the victory of Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas over Arbenz, Guatemala ;has become a political, social, and economic laboratory . . . The success or failure of this experiment by the first country in the world to overthrow the Communist yoke will be a major factor in determining the future course of Latin American affairs.'2 The 'showcase' metaphor invoked by Nixon and other US officials was an important component of a counter-revolution against 'Communism' that began with the resignation of Arbenz on 27 June 1954. Washington sought to establish an anti-Communist government in Guatemala that would return expropriated land to the United Fruit Company, lift trade barriers, eliminate restrictions on foreign investment, supply inexpensive strategic raw materials, realign Guatemala's foreign policy positions with those of the United States in the Organization of American States and the United Nations, and welcome US military training and assistance. US officials also hoped to blunt Guatemalan nationalism by sponsoring an economic development assistance programme that would create prosperity while promoting free trade and private investment. Thus, between 1954","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640864","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-06-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640861
Tyler Priest
Valentim Getulio Vargas, explained to him in 1942 that 'there are two currents of [US] economic policy. The most prominent one is the Good Neighbor policy ... a departure from that antiquated policy of domination and subjugation.' The other is 'based on commercial and industrial profits, with the same old mentality of exploiting raw materials, which leaves us with holes in the ground and no industries'.1 After the Second World War, the administration led by Harry S. Truman dismantled the Good Neighbor policy, redirected aid elsewhere in the world, and rigidly opposed Communism in the hemisphere, as historians of interAmerican affairs have amply demonstrated.2 The scholarly focus on the demise of the Good Neighbor, however, has deflected attention from the persistence of the current in US policy that so troubled Boucas. Although the new global priorities of the United States during the cold war altered hemispheric political relations, they also intensified the US search for strategic minerals in Latin America. The completion in the 1940s of the United States's long transition from relative self-sufficiency in natural resources to becoming the world's greatest importer3 had a profound effect on the Truman administration's approach to Latin American economic development. In the quest to carry out global designs while accommodating particular national interests, Truman officials made compromises in foreign economic policy which are well covered by the historical literature.4 Yet few scholars appreciate how
{"title":"Banking on Development: Brazil in the United States's Search for Strategic Minerals, 1945–1953","authors":"Tyler Priest","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640861","url":null,"abstract":"Valentim Getulio Vargas, explained to him in 1942 that 'there are two currents of [US] economic policy. The most prominent one is the Good Neighbor policy ... a departure from that antiquated policy of domination and subjugation.' The other is 'based on commercial and industrial profits, with the same old mentality of exploiting raw materials, which leaves us with holes in the ground and no industries'.1 After the Second World War, the administration led by Harry S. Truman dismantled the Good Neighbor policy, redirected aid elsewhere in the world, and rigidly opposed Communism in the hemisphere, as historians of interAmerican affairs have amply demonstrated.2 The scholarly focus on the demise of the Good Neighbor, however, has deflected attention from the persistence of the current in US policy that so troubled Boucas. Although the new global priorities of the United States during the cold war altered hemispheric political relations, they also intensified the US search for strategic minerals in Latin America. The completion in the 1940s of the United States's long transition from relative self-sufficiency in natural resources to becoming the world's greatest importer3 had a profound effect on the Truman administration's approach to Latin American economic development. In the quest to carry out global designs while accommodating particular national interests, Truman officials made compromises in foreign economic policy which are well covered by the historical literature.4 Yet few scholars appreciate how","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640861","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-06-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640862
Glenn J. Dorn
United States' s charge d'affaires at Buenos Aires, John Moors Cabot, remarked in 1946 of the Argentine presidential candidate Colonel Juan Domingo Peron: 'Whenever we look around for a really good stick with which to beat a certain gent, we never seem to be able to find one handy.'1 The statement illustrates how Good Neighbor pledges of non-intervention in the internal affairs of the Latin American states handcuffed the administration of Harry S. Truman as it sought to combat the Peronist movement in the late 1940s. Although Carlos Escude and C. A. MacDonald show how the United States and Britain used economic boycott and political manipulation to lever Peronist Argentina away from a statist economic programme,2 the Truman administration, which wished to draw all of the Latin American states in its train, saw that an open attack on or condemnation of Peron would backfire and tried to hide its leverage behind the facade of non-intervention. Peron won the Argentine election of February 1946 by advocating 'social justice' for working people and national development through 'populist' statism.3 At the heart of his economic programme was the Instituto
1946年，美国驻布宜诺斯艾利斯临时代办约翰·摩尔·卡博特(John Moors Cabot)在谈到阿根廷总统候选人胡安·多明戈·庇隆上校时说:“每当我们四处寻找一根真正好用的棍子来打击某个绅士时，我们似乎永远找不到随手可得的。”这份声明说明了“好邻居”不干涉拉美国家内政的承诺如何束缚了哈里·s·杜鲁门(Harry S. Truman)政府在20世纪40年代末打击庇隆主义运动的努力。尽管卡洛斯·埃斯库德和c·a·麦克唐纳展示了美国和英国是如何利用经济抵制和政治操纵来迫使庇隆主义的阿根廷放弃中央集权的经济计划的，2但杜鲁门政府希望吸引所有拉美国家加入自己的计划，他们看到公开攻击或谴责庇隆会适得其反，并试图在不干涉的表象下隐藏自己的影响力。庇隆在1946年2月的阿根廷大选中赢得了胜利，他主张通过“民粹主义”的统计主义为劳动人民争取“社会正义”和国家发展他的经济计划的核心是研究所
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Pub Date : 1999-06-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640863
J. V. Kofas
{"title":"Stabilization and Class Conflict: The State Department, the IMF, and the IBRD in Chile, 1952–1958","authors":"J. V. Kofas","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640863","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640863","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-06-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640866
Warren I. Cohen
WALTER LAFEBER. The Clash: US-Japan Relations throughout History. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1997. Pp. xxii, 508. $29.95 (US); PATRICK SMITH. Japan: A Reinterpretation. New York: Pantheon Books, 1997. Pp. 385. $27.50 (US); MICHAEL SCHALLER. Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. 320. $44.50 (CDN); STEPHEN D. COHEN. An Ocean Apart: Explaining Three Decades of US-Japanese Trade Frictions. Westport: Praeger, 1998. Pp. xi, 256. $65.00 (US). Reviewed by Warren I. Cohen
沃尔特LAFEBER。冲突:历史上的美日关系。纽约:诺顿出版社，1997。第22页，508页。29.95美元(美国);帕特里克•史密斯。日本:重新诠释。纽约:万神殿图书公司，1997。385页。27.50美元(美国);迈克尔·夏勒。改变的国家:占领以来的美国和日本。纽约:牛津大学出版社，1997。320页。44.50美元(CDN);斯蒂芬·d·科恩。大洋之隔:解释三十年的美日贸易摩擦。Westport: Praeger, 1998。第11页，256页。65.00美元(美国)。沃伦·科恩(Warren I. Cohen)评论
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Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854
B. Hamilton
JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH. The First Crusaders, 1095–1131. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. x, 300. $49.95 (US); PETER W. EDBURY. John of lbelin and the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997. Pp. x, 222. $71.00 (US); BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR, JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH, and RUDOLF HIESTAND, eds. Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer. Aldershot and Brookfield: Variorum, Ashgate, 1997. Pp. xx, 276. $76.95 (US). Reviewed by Bernard Hamilton
{"title":"Review Article: The Crusader Kingdom and Its Guardians","authors":"B. Hamilton","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854","url":null,"abstract":"JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH. The First Crusaders, 1095–1131. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. x, 300. $49.95 (US); PETER W. EDBURY. John of lbelin and the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997. Pp. x, 222. $71.00 (US); BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR, JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH, and RUDOLF HIESTAND, eds. Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer. Aldershot and Brookfield: Variorum, Ashgate, 1997. Pp. xx, 276. $76.95 (US). Reviewed by Bernard Hamilton","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640854","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853
V. Ingimundarson
left-wing government in Iceland precipitated a crisis in NATO in 1956 by demanding the abrogation of Iceland's bilateral treaty of defence with the United States. Given Iceland's importance as a strategic outpost between North America and Western Europe, the decision shocked the Eisenhower administration and its European allies. Although the Icelandic government the so-called Leftist Government made it clear that Iceland's membership in NATO would not be affected by demilitarization, its foreign-policy agenda nonetheless represented the first political challenge to the presence of US troops in Iceland since their arrival, in 1951, as part of the Western military build-up following the outbreak of the Korean War. The decision was rooted in both domestic and international developments: the left-wing realignment in Icelandic politics, which strengthened the groups protesting against the US military base, and the growing popular perception that the thaw in SovietAmerican relations the Spirit of Geneva made US troops in Iceland unnecessary. The perception also reflected the disunity within the Western alliance as the United States and its Western European allies clashed over trade, NATO's nuclear strategy, and European neocolonialism. But the Icelandic case was unique in two ways: first, during the mid-1950s the Soviet Union suddenly became Iceland's biggest trading partner, and second, the Icelandic government included the pro-Soviet Socialist Party, which was adamantly opposed to Iceland's Western alignment. No other member of NATO came close to being economically dependent on the Eastern bloc or allowed Communists to join the government. Traditionally, historians have focused on the impact of the Suez debacle and the controversy over the nuclearization of NATO to explain the malaise that gripped the Western alliance in the mid-1950s.1 The purpose
{"title":"Buttressing the West in the North: The Atlantic Alliance, Economic Warfare, and the Soviet Challenge in Iceland, 1956–1959","authors":"V. Ingimundarson","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853","url":null,"abstract":"left-wing government in Iceland precipitated a crisis in NATO in 1956 by demanding the abrogation of Iceland's bilateral treaty of defence with the United States. Given Iceland's importance as a strategic outpost between North America and Western Europe, the decision shocked the Eisenhower administration and its European allies. Although the Icelandic government the so-called Leftist Government made it clear that Iceland's membership in NATO would not be affected by demilitarization, its foreign-policy agenda nonetheless represented the first political challenge to the presence of US troops in Iceland since their arrival, in 1951, as part of the Western military build-up following the outbreak of the Korean War. The decision was rooted in both domestic and international developments: the left-wing realignment in Icelandic politics, which strengthened the groups protesting against the US military base, and the growing popular perception that the thaw in SovietAmerican relations the Spirit of Geneva made US troops in Iceland unnecessary. The perception also reflected the disunity within the Western alliance as the United States and its Western European allies clashed over trade, NATO's nuclear strategy, and European neocolonialism. But the Icelandic case was unique in two ways: first, during the mid-1950s the Soviet Union suddenly became Iceland's biggest trading partner, and second, the Icelandic government included the pro-Soviet Socialist Party, which was adamantly opposed to Iceland's Western alignment. No other member of NATO came close to being economically dependent on the Eastern bloc or allowed Communists to join the government. Traditionally, historians have focused on the impact of the Suez debacle and the controversy over the nuclearization of NATO to explain the malaise that gripped the Western alliance in the mid-1950s.1 The purpose","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640853","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640850
R. Love
A letter from Ayutthaya, then the capital of Siam, dated 19 October 1667, Pierre Lambert de La Motte, bishop of Berythe, explained to his superior, Francois Pallu, bishop of Heliopolis, who was visiting Paris and Rome to raise support for their mission, how they might obtain the backing of King Phra Narai (r. 1656-88). The king's generosity to the French mission since their arrival in 1662 seemed to indicate an extraordinary receptiveness to Catholicism waiting to be exploited for the greater glory of God and their patron, Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715). 'Seeing the first fruits of divine grace stirring in the heart of this [Asian] king,' Lambert began reverently, if cautiously, 'I must share with you, Monseigneur, a thought that came to me, with which you may do whatever you think proper':
1667年10月19日，在一封来自当时暹罗首都大城府的信中，贝里特主教皮埃尔·兰伯特·德拉莫特(Pierre Lambert de La Motte)向他的上司、赫利奥波利斯主教弗朗索瓦·帕卢(Francois Pallu)解释了他们如何才能获得国王帕拉·纳莱(Phra Narai, 1656-88年)的支持。帕鲁当时正在巴黎和罗马访问，为他们的使命寻求支持。自1662年法国使团抵达以来，国王对他们的慷慨似乎表明了他对天主教的非凡接纳，等待着上帝和他们的赞助人路易十四(1643-1715)的更大荣耀。“看到神圣恩典的最初果实在这位(亚洲)国王的心中萌动，”兰伯特虔诚而谨慎地开始说，“我必须与您分享我的一个想法，主教大人，您可以用这个想法做任何您认为合适的事情。”
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Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855
A. P. Thornton
S. E. FINER. The History of Government from the Earliest Times: Volume I: Ancient Monarchies and Empires. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. xvii, 610; Volume II: The Intermediate Ages. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 613–1,061; Volume III: Empires, Monarchies, and the Modern State. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 1,065–1,701. $270.00 (CDN), for the three volumes. Reviewed by A. P. Thornton
{"title":"Review Article: The Ways of the World","authors":"A. P. Thornton","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855","url":null,"abstract":"S. E. FINER. The History of Government from the Earliest Times: Volume I: Ancient Monarchies and Empires. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. xvii, 610; Volume II: The Intermediate Ages. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 613–1,061; Volume III: Empires, Monarchies, and the Modern State. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. vii, 1,065–1,701. $270.00 (CDN), for the three volumes. Reviewed by A. P. Thornton","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640855","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-03-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640856
P. Lowe
ONG CHIT CHUNG. Operation Matador: Britain's War Plans against the Japanese, 1918–1941. Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1997; dist. Portland, Oreg.: ISBS.Pp. xiv, 314. $25.00 (US), paper; PETER ELPHICK. Far Eastern File: The Intelligence War in the Far East, 1930–1945. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1997. Pp. xvii, 510. £20.00; GUNTER BISCHOF and ROBERT L. DUPONT, eds. The Pacific War Revisited. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1997; dist. Toronto: Scholarly Book Services. Pp. xiii, 220. $38.75 (CDN). Reviewed by Peter Lowe
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