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From Reconstruction to Development: The Early Years of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the Conceptualization of Rural Welfare, 1945–1955 从重建到发展:联合国粮食及农业组织(FAO)的早期和农村福利的概念化,1945-1955
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2018.1478873
Amalia Ribi Forclaz
ABSTRACT This paper examines the early years of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and its conceptualization of ‘rural welfare’, an approach that foresaw the modernization of agricultural societies and the alleviation of poverty through improvements in labor, housing, health, education of people working in agriculture. Based on the correspondence of FAO officials and experts, the paper shows how in the late 1940s, the Rural Welfare Division, under the leadership of its Director Horace Belshaw, promoted a low-modernist and local-sensitive approach to rural development that emphasized the subjectivity of welfare and that was skeptical of top-down development programs. As the paper argues, Belshaw's holistic understanding of rural communities was abandoned in the early 1950s in favor of an increasingly technical development consultancy, characterized by short-term interventions rather than by an intellectual and scientific debate about the larger implications of development.
本文考察了粮食及农业组织(粮农组织)的早期及其“农村福利”的概念,这种方法预见了农业社会的现代化,并通过改善劳动力、住房、健康和农业工作者的教育来减轻贫困。根据粮农组织官员和专家的通信,本文展示了20世纪40年代末,农村福利司在主任贺拉斯·贝尔肖(Horace Belshaw)的领导下,如何推广一种低现代主义和对地方敏感的农村发展方法,这种方法强调福利的主观性,并对自上而下的发展计划持怀疑态度。正如论文所指出的那样,贝尔肖对农村社区的整体理解在20世纪50年代初被抛弃,转而支持日益技术化的发展咨询,其特点是短期干预,而不是对发展的更大影响进行智力和科学辩论。
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引用次数: 7
C. Douglas Dillon, President Kennedy's Economic Envoy* 道格拉斯·狄龙,肯尼迪总统的经济特使*
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2017.1313297
Aurélie Basha i Novosejt
ABSTRACT This article focuses on President John F. Kennedy's Secretary of the Treasury, C. Douglas Dillon and contends that he played an important part in sustaining the political cooperation that underpinned the Bretton-Woods system during one of its first crisis points. Rather than focusing solely on structural, economic trends, the article suggests that individual actors mattered as well. As a bipartisan figure that was well regarded in Europe, Dillon was able to act effectively as an envoy to the private sector, principally Wall Street, and to France, which both threatened the stability of the dollar. The article explores Dillon's role in shaping Kennedy's economic policies in a more conservative direction than his successor, Lyndon B. Johnson, and in his external efforts to garner support for the Democratic administration.
本文主要关注约翰·f·肯尼迪总统的财政部长c·道格拉斯·狄龙,并认为他在维持政治合作方面发挥了重要作用,这种合作在布雷顿森林体系最初的危机点之一奠定了基础。这篇文章表明,个体行为者也很重要,而不是仅仅关注结构性的经济趋势。作为一个在欧洲颇受尊敬的两党人物,狄龙能够有效地充当特使,与私营部门(主要是华尔街)和法国打交道,这两个国家都威胁着美元的稳定。这篇文章探讨了狄龙在使肯尼迪的经济政策朝着比他的继任者林登·约翰逊更保守的方向发展,以及在为民主党政府争取支持的外部努力中所起的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Early Modern Peace and International Society: Using Disciplinary Hybridity to Question the Pax Hispanica (1598–1618) 近代早期和平与国际社会:用学科混杂性质疑西班牙和平(1598-1618)
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2016.1189953
B. de Ridder
ABSTRACT Between the academic fields of International Relations and History there currently exist few real crossovers, despite the fact that both disciplines would benefit from an improved working relationship. As this is especially the case with regard to the pre-modern past, this article offers a new perspective on the possibilities of increased interaction in the field of Early Modern peace-making. Rather than setting up an abstract debate on how the different methodologies of IR and History might be combined, the text provides a hands-on example of how such disciplinary hybridity could work. By analysing the specific historical case of the 1598–1618 Pax Hispanica through the analytical lens of Hedley Bull's International Society, it is highlighted what can be gained from such an experiment. By taking several steps that fuse the key elements of historical and IR research - including the contextualisation of Bull's theory, the categorisation of historical structures, and the re-assessment of the actual peace treaties - new elements about the occurrence of the Pax Hispanica and the mechanics of International Society are revealed. Nevertheless, these results form only a starting point for further discussion about the value of such increased interdisciplinary research.
国际关系和历史这两个学术领域之间目前几乎没有真正的交叉,尽管这两个学科都将从改善的工作关系中受益。由于前现代的过去尤其如此,本文提供了一种新的观点,探讨在早期现代缔造和平领域中增加相互作用的可能性。本书没有就如何将国际关系和历史的不同方法结合起来进行抽象的辩论,而是提供了一个亲身实践的例子,说明这种学科混合如何发挥作用。通过海德利·布尔的《国际社会》的分析视角,分析1598-1618年西班牙和平的具体历史案例,强调了从这样一个实验中可以得到什么。通过采取几个步骤,融合了历史和国际关系研究的关键要素——包括布尔理论的背景化、历史结构的分类和对实际和平条约的重新评估——揭示了关于西班牙和平和国际社会机制的新元素。然而,这些结果只是进一步讨论这种增加的跨学科研究价值的一个起点。
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引用次数: 1
The suppression of the Congo rebellions and the rise of Mobutu, 1963–5 刚果叛乱的镇压和蒙博托的崛起(1963-5年)
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2016.1189951
L. De Witte
ABSTRACT The first years of the Congo as an independent state were marked by instability and rebellion as local nationalist struggles became embroiled in what NATO powers feared could lead to the loss of hegemony over the country and its vast mineral wealth, if not into a theatre of Cold War politics. This article focuses on the series of rebellions, including the Mulelist revolt and the Simba uprising, that took place in the Congo from late 1963 into 1965. Belgian, British, and US diplomatic and Congolese military sources are used to analyse the intervention of the West against the Congolese rebels, in support of the Congo government in Léopoldville headed by Prime Minister Tshombe and President Kasa Vubu. Belgian, US, and Congolese sources on this military campaign led by Belgian officers, known as ‘the Ommegang’, allow a detailed analysis of the planning and execution of the assault on the rebel stronghold Stanleyville by Belgian officers, white mercenaries and the forces of the Congo Army, including the decision to deploy Belgian parachutists, dropped by US aircraft. These events culminated in the coup that brought Mobutu to political power in Congo in November 1965, marking out the trajectory of the county's history for the next three decades.
刚果(金)作为一个独立国家的最初几年充满了动荡和叛乱,当地的民族主义斗争卷入了北约(NATO)大国的担忧之中,他们担心这可能会导致刚果(金)失去对该国及其丰富矿产资源的霸权,甚至成为冷战政治的舞台。这篇文章的重点是一系列的叛乱,包括穆列斯起义和辛巴起义,发生在刚果从1963年底到1965年。比利时、英国和美国的外交和刚果军事消息来源被用来分析西方对刚果叛军的干预,以支持由总理Tshombe和总统Kasa Vubu领导的lsamoopoldville政府。比利时、美国和刚果的消息来源对这次由比利时军官领导的军事行动(被称为“Ommegang”)进行了详细的分析,包括比利时军官、白人雇佣军和刚果军队对叛军据点斯坦利维尔的袭击的计划和执行,包括部署比利时伞兵的决定,由美国飞机空投。这些事件在1965年11月的政变中达到高潮,蒙博托在刚果掌权,标志着该国未来30年的历史轨迹。
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引用次数: 8
1914: What will the British do? The Irish Home Rule Crisis in the July Crisis 1914年:英国人会怎么做?七月危机中的爱尔兰地方自治危机
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2014.985331
Jérôme aan de Wiel
The Irish Home Rule crisis has never been fully explored as a factor in the chain of events leading to the outbreak of the First World War. Yet, as archives reveal, Germany and Austria-Hungary believed that the Irish question could or would paralyse British foreign policy. Contacts between the Central Powers and advanced Irish nationalists had taken place several years before the onset of the hostilities. France and Russia had doubts whether their British ally could be relied upon. During the final phase of the July Crisis, events in Ireland seemed to indicate that the British government would not be able to intervene in a possible war on the continent.
爱尔兰地方自治危机作为导致第一次世界大战爆发的一系列事件中的一个因素,从来没有得到充分的探讨。然而,正如档案显示的那样,德国和奥匈帝国认为,爱尔兰问题可能或将使英国的外交政策瘫痪。同盟国和先进的爱尔兰民族主义者之间的接触在战争爆发前几年就已经开始了。法国和俄国怀疑他们的盟友英国是否可靠。在七月危机的最后阶段,爱尔兰发生的事件似乎表明,英国政府将无力干预欧洲大陆可能发生的战争。
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引用次数: 3
The Long Rupture, 1870–1970: the Darker Side of Franco-Irish Relations 1870-1970年的长期决裂:法爱关系的阴暗面
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2014.882375
Jérôme aan de Wiel
Traditional and historic relations between France and Ireland have been the object of numerous fine studies at historic, cultural, and literary levels. They have also been much celebrated. However, the darker side of Franco-Irish relations has received far less attention. The present article aims to act as a corrective and shows that between 1870 and 1970, relations between the two countries were rather distant, strained on occasion even, and that much depended on the political and strategic evolution in Europe and as well on the Catholic question. The scope of the article ranges from the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 until Ireland's negotiations to enter the European Communities (EC) in 1970.
法国和爱尔兰之间的传统和历史关系一直是历史、文化和文学层面上许多优秀研究的对象。它们也备受赞誉。然而,法爱关系的阴暗面受到的关注要少得多。本文旨在作为一种纠正,并表明在1870年至1970年之间,两国之间的关系相当疏远,有时甚至紧张,这在很大程度上取决于欧洲的政治和战略演变,以及天主教问题。这篇文章的范围从1870年的普法战争到1970年爱尔兰加入欧共体的谈判。
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引用次数: 0
Brazil and the Origins of the Multilateral Trading System 巴西与多边贸易体制的起源
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2014.897248
Rogério de Souza Farias
This article examines Brazil's position in multilateral trade negotiations from 1946 to 1960. It is an original contribution, as the focus only on developed countries in the literature on the creation of the multilateral trading system portrays developing countries as a monolithic bloc and does not use non-English primary sources. It is argued that Brazil was far from being a free rider in tariff negotiations and the position the country had on this issue can be explained by domestic rather than international constraints. This period also shaped Brazil's belief about the international trade order, something that had great relevance in later periods.
本文考察了巴西在1946年至1960年多边贸易谈判中的地位。这是一个原创的贡献,因为在关于建立多边贸易体系的文献中,只关注发达国家,将发展中国家描绘成一个单一的集团,而没有使用非英语的主要来源。有人认为,巴西在关税谈判中远非搭便车,该国在这个问题上的立场可以用国内而不是国际限制来解释。这一时期也塑造了巴西对国际贸易秩序的信念,这在后来的时期有很大的相关性。
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引用次数: 9
International Relations in Africa before the Europeans 在欧洲人之前的非洲国际关系
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2013.879914
John Anthony Pella,
This article analyses the nature of international relations in West-Central Africa before the en masse arrival of Europeans in the late fifteenth century. Several different viewpoints are employed to describe these relations. Firstly, the different types of political units found in the region are discussed, and, secondly, regional trade, war, slavery, and norms and values are detailed to demonstrate the extent to which these practices connected African states. The argument is that these states made up a unique international system, one that was markedly different from other historical systems such as that in Western Europe. The case accordingly raises important issues about how we think about international systems, and about how international systems such as this one fit into the context of international history. In its entirety the study fills a significant void in the existing literature, which otherwise has very little to say about African international relations and its history.
本文分析了15世纪后期欧洲人大规模到达西非之前的中非国际关系的性质。几种不同的观点被用来描述这些关系。首先,讨论了该地区不同类型的政治单位,其次,详细介绍了区域贸易、战争、奴隶制以及规范和价值观,以展示这些实践在多大程度上连接了非洲国家。他们的论点是,这些国家组成了一个独特的国际体系,一个与西欧等其他历史体系明显不同的体系。因此,这个案例提出了一些重要的问题,即我们如何看待国际体系,以及像这样的国际体系如何适应国际历史的背景。总的来说,这项研究填补了现有文献中的一个重要空白,否则对非洲国际关系及其历史的研究就很少了。
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引用次数: 3
From Bridge to Divide: East–West Relations and Christianity during the Second World War and Early Cold War 从桥梁到分裂:第二次世界大战和冷战初期的东西方关系和基督教
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2014-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2013.852122
D. Kirby
This article explores the use made of Christianity during the Second World War and the dilemmas created for the Allies by Stalin's religious record. It is particularly concerned with the way in which Christianity appeared for a while to become a bridge between East and West, with the explicit promise of continued post-war co-operation. However, in the immediate aftermath of the war, Anglo-American policies in particular switched from using Christianity to rehabilitate the adverse image of the Soviet regime to what had been the inter-war policy of using religion to demonise it. Inter-war demonisation held up the Soviet Union as a model not to be emulated. Post-war demonisation pointed to the Soviet Union as an expansionist threat bent on world domination. The article examines Stalin's responses, and Allied perceptions of those responses, to the changes in Western religious policy and propaganda from the Second World War to the emergence of the cold war. The article seeks to show how both sides used religion for political purposes, but that in the final analysis Western reluctance to relinquish what was perhaps its most emotive means of indicting and containing Communism meant that Christianity, instead of becoming a bridge, became a divisive factor that contributed to both the onset of the cold war and public acceptance of it.
本文探讨了基督教在第二次世界大战中的应用,以及斯大林的宗教记录给盟军带来的困境。它特别关注基督教在一段时间内成为东西方之间桥梁的方式,并明确承诺继续战后合作。然而,在战争结束后不久,英美的政策就从利用基督教来恢复苏联政权的负面形象转变为利用宗教来妖魔化苏联政权的两次世界大战之间的政策。两次世界大战之间的妖魔化使苏联成为不可效仿的榜样。战后的妖魔化将苏联视为一心想统治世界的扩张主义威胁。本文考察了斯大林对西方宗教政策和宣传从第二次世界大战到冷战出现的变化的反应,以及盟国对这些反应的看法。这篇文章试图展示双方是如何利用宗教来达到政治目的的,但归根结底,西方不愿放弃可能是其最情绪化的起诉和遏制共产主义的手段,这意味着基督教不仅没有成为一座桥梁,反而成为了一个分裂因素,促成了冷战的爆发,也促成了公众对它的接受。
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引用次数: 1
Austria-Hungary, Unrestricted Submarine Warfare, and the United States' Entrance into the First World War 奥匈帝国、无限制潜艇战和美国加入第一次世界大战
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2012-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2011.626576
Václav Hor[cbreve]i[cbreve]ka
This study shows that Austro-Hungarian policy toward the United States of America was in winter 1917 not primarily dictated by its German ally but by the sober evaluation of its own interests. The separate peace, which was offered by the Wilson administration, was not a realistic foreign-policy option for the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Therefore, this article shows why Austria-Hungary did not accept US peace feelers. On the other hand, it also demonstrates that in the winter of 1917 Washington did not treat Germany and Austria-Hungary as equals, with the latter being in a better position. But the monarchy's acceptance of the German course in the submarine war strengthened the perception of the monarchy as an appendage of the stronger Germany in the United States, and finally caused great damage to its reputation across the Atlantic.
这项研究表明,奥匈帝国在1917年冬季对美国的政策主要不是由其盟友德国决定的,而是由对自身利益的清醒评估决定的。威尔逊政府提出的单独媾和对奥匈帝国来说不是一个现实的外交政策选择。因此,这篇文章说明了为什么奥匈帝国不接受美国的和平试探。另一方面,它也表明,在1917年冬天,华盛顿并没有平等对待德国和奥匈帝国,后者处于更有利的地位。但是,英国在潜艇战中接受了德国的路线,这加强了英国在美国作为强大的德国的附属物的看法,并最终对其在大西洋彼岸的声誉造成了巨大损害。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW
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