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Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2277975
"Notes on Contributors." The International History Review, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“投稿人说明”。《国际历史评论》,印刷前1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Fascist Cultural Diplomacy and Italian Foreign Policy in Norway from the 1930s until the Second World War 法西斯文化外交和意大利外交政策在挪威从20世纪30年代至第二次世界大战
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2278610
Monica Miscali
This article aims to highlight the diplomatic relations between Italy and Norway during the fascist period, until the regime collapsed at the end of the Second World War. In particular, the paper seeks to reconstruct the main features of Mussolini’s foreign policy, how it was perceived in Norway, how and how the propaganda machine of the Italian authorities tried to influence the image of fascism in Norway. The analysis of the relations between these two states will follow the constraints of foreign policy, which was characterized by alternating phases of openness and secrecy. Consequently, rather than a single phase, there were many stages in the diplomatic relations between the two countries. Cultural diplomacy played a significant role in the two countries’ relations; these included numerous events and trips to Italy, organized by the fascist regime, for Norwegian intellectuals. These served to overcome the geographical distance, and showed a new face for Italy, which was more cultured and linked to its cultural heritage.
本文旨在突出意大利和挪威在法西斯时期的外交关系,直到第二次世界大战结束时政权崩溃。特别是,本文试图重建墨索里尼外交政策的主要特点,它在挪威是如何被理解的,意大利当局的宣传机器是如何以及如何试图影响法西斯主义在挪威的形象。分析这两个国家之间的关系将遵循外交政策的约束,其特点是公开和保密交替阶段。因此,两国的外交关系不是一个单一的阶段,而是有许多阶段。文化外交在两国关系中发挥了重要作用;其中包括法西斯政权为挪威知识分子组织的许多活动和意大利之旅。这有助于克服地理上的距离,并展示了意大利的新面貌,意大利更有文化,与其文化遗产联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Ankara in Chinese Imagination: Turkish Capital and Its Influence on ‘Temporary Capital’ Chongqing 中国人想象中的安卡拉:土耳其首都及其对“临时首都”重庆的影响
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2276750
Çile Maden Kalkan, Giray Fidan
AbstractOn 13 October 1923, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey officially designated Ankara as the capital of the newly established Republic of Turkey. Ankara became the focal point for the implementation of Mustafa Kemal’s nation-building efforts. In December 1937, Nanjing, the capital of the Republic of China, was occupied by the Japanese Forces. the Nationalist Government decided to relocate the capital to Chongqing for similar reasons with Turkey back in 1923. To promote the decision of relocating the capital to Chongqing among the population some Chinese writers and journalists drew parallels between the situation in China and the precedent of Turkey’s own capital relocation. This article aims to investigate the parallels that existed in the context of the relocation of these respective capital cities. Specifically, how the Republican China’s decision to relocate its capital from Nanjing to Chongqing was influenced by the precedent of Turkey’s capital relocation in 1923.Keywords: TurkeyAnkaraChinaChongqingcapital city Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Richard Dennis, Cities in Modernity: Representations and Productions of Metropolitan Space, 1840–1930 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).2 Ismet Giritli, “Kemalism as an Ideology of Modernization” in Jacob M. Landau (ed), Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey (USA: Westview Press, 1984), 251; L. Köker, Modernleşme, Kemalizm ve Demokrasi [Modernization, Kemalism and Democracy] (Istanbul: İletişim Publishing, 2004).3 Osman Okyar, “Atatürk’s Quest for Modernism” in J. M. Landau (ed), Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey (USA: Westview Press, 1984), 45–53.4 Ilhan Tekeli, Modernizm, Modernite ve Türkiye’nin Kent Planlama Tarihi [Modernism, Modernity and Turkey’s Urban Planning History] (Istanbul: History Foundation Publications, 2011).5 Esra Özyürek, Nostalgia for The Modern: State Secularism and Everyday Politics in Turkey (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2006); Sibel Bozdoğan and Reşat Kasaba (eds), Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997).6 Asım Karaomerlioğlu, Orada Bir Köy Var Uzakta: Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Köycü Söylem [There Is a Village Far Away: Peasantist Discourse in the Early Republic Period] (Istanbul: İletişim Publishing, 2006).7 Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Nutuk [Nutuk] (Istanbul: National Education Printing House, 1973), 10.8 Mazhar Müfit Kansu, Erzurum’dan Ölümüne Kadar Atatürk’le Beraber [With Atatürk From Erzurum Until His Death] (Ankara: Turkish Historical Society Printing House, 1968), 444.9 Kansu, Erzurum’dan Ölümüne Kadar Atatürk’le Beraber [With Atatürk From Erzurum Until His Death], 500.10 Bilal N. Şimşir, Ankara … Ankara: Bir Başkentin Doğuşu [Ankara… Ankara: Birth of a Capital] (Istanbul: Bilgi Publications, 2006), 147–148.11 Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivi [Prime Ministry Republic Archive] (BCA). Dosya. 21. Belge. 15.12 Enver Z
1923年10月13日,土耳其大国民议会正式指定安卡拉为新成立的土耳其共和国的首都。安卡拉成为穆斯塔法·凯末尔实施国家建设努力的焦点。1937年12月,中华民国首都南京被日军占领。国民政府在1923年决定迁都重庆,原因与土耳其相似。为了向民众宣传迁都重庆的决定,一些中国作家和记者将中国的情况与土耳其迁都的先例进行了比较。本文旨在探讨在这些各自首都城市搬迁的背景下存在的相似之处。具体来说,民国决定从南京迁都重庆是如何受到1923年土耳其迁都先例的影响的。关键词:土耳其安卡拉重庆首都披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1理查德·丹尼斯:《现代性的城市:1840-1930年都市空间的表现与生产》(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2009年)伊斯梅特·吉里特利:《凯末尔主义作为一种现代化意识形态》,载于雅各布·m·朗道主编,《土耳其的atat<s:1> rk与现代化》(美国:西景出版社,1984),第251页;2 . L. Köker, modernle<e:1>, Kemalizm ve Demokrasi[现代化,凯末尔主义与民主](伊斯坦布尔:İletişim出版社,2004)4 .奥斯曼·奥克亚,《atat<s:1> rk对现代主义的追求》,载于J. M.朗道主编,《atat<s:1> rk与土耳其的现代化》(美国:西视图出版社,1984年),45-53.4。伊尔汗·特克利,《现代主义、现代主义与土耳其的城市规划史》(伊斯坦布尔:历史基金会出版社,2011年)Esra Özyürek,怀念现代:国家世俗主义和日常政治在土耳其(达勒姆,北卡罗来纳州和伦敦:杜克大学出版社,2006年);6 . Sibel Bozdoğan和re<e:1> at Kasaba(编),重新思考土耳其的现代性和民族认同(西雅图:华盛顿大学出版社,1997)Asım Karaomerlioğlu, Orada Bir Köy Var Uzakta: Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Köycü Söylem[远处有一个村庄:共和初期的农民话语](伊斯坦布尔:İletişim出版,2006).7Mustafa Kemal atat<e:1> rk, Nutuk [Nutuk](伊斯坦布尔:国家教育印刷社,1973年),10.8 Mazhar m<e:1> kfit Kansu, Erzurum 'dan Ölümüne Kadar atat<e:1> rk 'le Beraber[与atat<e:1> <e:1> rk一起从埃尔祖鲁姆直到他去世](安卡拉:土耳其历史学会印刷社,1968年),444.9 Kansu, Erzurum 'dan Ölümüne Kadar atat<e:1> rk 'le Beraber[与atat<e:1> <e:1> rk一起从埃尔祖鲁姆直到他去世],500.10 Bilal N. Şimşir,安卡拉…安卡拉:Bir ba<e:1> kentin Doğuşu[安卡拉…安卡拉:首都的诞生](伊斯坦布尔:Bilgi出版社,2006),147-148.11 Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet arivi[总理共和国档案](BCA)。Dosya。21。比利时,15.12 Enver Ziya Karal, atatat<s:1> rk 'ten d<e:1> <e:1> nceler[来自阿塔图尔克的想法](安卡拉:trkiye İş bankasir Publications, 1981), 40.13 Oğuz Aytepe,“Millî mcadele 'de Ankara[独立战争中的安卡拉]”,Faik Ertan(编),Cumhuriyetin 90。Yılında ba<s:1> kent安卡拉ve安卡拉Üniversitesi[首都安卡拉和安卡拉大学在共和国90周年纪念日](安卡拉:安卡拉大学出版物,2016年),19.14 Aytepe,“Millî m<e:1> cadele 'de安卡拉[独立战争中的安卡拉]”,20.15 Aytepe,“Millî m<e:1> cadele 'de安卡拉[独立战争中的安卡拉]”,20.16 Aytepe,“Millî m<e:1> cadele 'de安卡拉[独立战争中的安卡拉]”,28.17 Falih Atay,“ye<e:1> il Yurt[绿色国家]”。18 .《哈基米耶1》,(1929年7月16日)Falih Rıfkı Atay, Taymis Kıyılarında[在Taymis的海岸上](安卡拉:Hakimiyet Milliyet印刷厂,1934),127-128.19 Atay, Taymis Kıyılarında[在Taymis的海岸上],8-9.20 Mehmet Kemal, t<s:1> rkiye 'nin Kalbi: Ankara[土耳其的心脏:安卡拉](伊斯坦布尔:Can Publications, 1983).21O. F.“安卡拉的苏拉曼·奥曼·奥鲁姆?”[安卡拉有没有灌溉的森林吗?[h<s:1> kimiyet-i Milliye 2 [Hakimiyet-i Milliye 2],(1929年7月5日),2.22 Ali Cengizkan,安卡拉'nın İlk计划1924-25 Lörcher计划:肯特塞尔·梅坎Özellikleri, 1932年Jansen计划na ve bug<e:1> ne Katkıları, Etki ve Kalıntıları[安卡拉的第一个计划1924-25 Lörcher计划:城市空间特征,贡献,影响和残余1932年的Jansen计划和今天](安卡拉:安卡拉研究所基金会Arkada出版,2004年),43.23 Şehremaneti(土耳其共和国安卡拉)。安卡拉Şehrinin Profesör M. Jausseley, Jansen ve Brix Taraflarından Yapılan Plan ve Projelerine ait İzahnameler [M. Jausseley, Jansen和Brix教授编写的安卡拉市计划和工程大纲](安卡拉:Hakimiyet Milliyet印刷厂,1929).24Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya [Çankaya](伊斯坦布尔:Pozitif Publications, 2004), 488。 主要研究方向为中国语言、历史、近现代中国科学。Giray FidanGiray Fidan,安卡拉哈奇拜拉姆维利大学东方语言文学系、中国语言文学系教授。他的研究主要集中在中国的汉学、历史、语言和现代化。
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引用次数: 0
Time to treat the climate and nature crisis as one indivisible global health emergency 是时候将气候和自然危机视为一个不可分割的全球卫生紧急事件
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-28 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2276505
Kamran Abbasi, Parveen Ali, Virginia Barbour, Thomas Benfield, Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo, Gregory E. Erhabor, Stephen Hancocks, Richard Horton, Laurie Laybourn-Langton, Robert Mash, Peush Sahni, Wadeia Mohammad Sharief, Paul Yonga, Chris Zielinski
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引用次数: 0
The Suez Crisis and Dag Hammarskjöld’s Mediation: Biased or Balanced? A View from Cairo 苏伊士危机与达格Hammarskjöld的调解:偏颇还是平衡?从开罗眺望
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2274098
Jonathan Franco
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引用次数: 0
Capitalism, Sovereignty, and Planning in Hugh Dalton’s Interwar International Thought 休·道尔顿两次世界大战之间国际思想中的资本主义、主权和计划
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2265375
Nick Kaderbhai
This article analyses the international thought of Hugh Dalton during the interwar period. Perhaps best known as Clement Attlee’s first Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1945–47, Dalton was a thirty year veteran of the Parliamentary Labour Party, and influential member of the Party’s National Executive Council. Dalton’s influence on the conceptualisation of foreign policy and international order has been underappreciated, and thus remains underdeveloped in the literature. This article argues that while initially agreeing with his liberal internationalist colleagues on the need to prevent international disorder through international institutions, Dalton’s evolving understanding of his own social democratic political philosophy ultimately led to a change in emphasis. Liberal internationalists failed to consider the causes of disorder in the first place, namely the excesses of capitalism and national sovereignty, Dalton argued. Only by addressing these fundamentals, and reconstructing societies along social democratic lines at home, could inter- and eventually supranational institutions and organisations be created to build a functioning order internationally. Filling this gap in the literature vis-a-vis Dalton’s intellectual contribution to the problems of international order further develops the idea of an interwar ‘British social democratic internationalism’ that while previously hinted at it in the literature, has not been fully developed.
本文分析了休·道尔顿在两次世界大战之间的国际思想。道尔顿最为人所知的可能是他在1945年至1947年担任克莱门特·艾德礼(Clement Attlee)政府的首任财政大臣,他在议会工党(Parliamentary Labour Party)工作了30年,是该党全国执行委员会(National Executive Council)有影响力的成员。道尔顿对外交政策和国际秩序概念化的影响一直没有得到充分的重视,因此在文献中仍然不发达。本文认为,虽然道尔顿最初同意他的自由国际主义同事关于通过国际机构防止国际混乱的必要性,但他对自己的社会民主主义政治哲学的不断发展的理解最终导致了重点的变化。道尔顿认为,自由国际主义者未能首先考虑混乱的原因,即资本主义的过度发展和国家主权。只有解决这些基本问题,并在国内按照社会民主主义的路线重建社会,才能创建跨国家(最终是超国家)的机构和组织,从而在国际上建立起一个有效的秩序。道尔顿对国际秩序问题的智力贡献填补了文献中的这一空白,进一步发展了两次世界大战之间的“英国社会民主国际主义”的概念,尽管之前在文献中有所暗示,但尚未得到充分发展。
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引用次数: 0
Military Loyalty in Britain’s Withdrawal from Aden, 1960–1967 英国从亚丁撤出时的军事忠诚,1960-1967
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-08 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2265361
Huw Bennett
AbstractThis article argues an understanding of the British withdrawal from Aden in 1967 requires greater attention to be paid to the loyalty of the local security forces who were supposed to help repress the insurgency in south Arabia, and then secure a friendly state when Britain left. The Federal Regular Army (FRA), the most important formation, proved to be consistently unreliable through behaviours ranging from the attempted murder of British personnel, to desertion and political activism. However, disbanding the FRA might have made matters even worse, so British officers sought to manipulate its loyalty through various mechanisms, including pay rises, ignoring disloyal incidents and directing propaganda at the soldiers. These endeavours succeeded in holding off a mutiny until June 1967, but only by creating a force which became infiltrated by the insurgent movements and lacked the capacity to play any meaningful role in defending the federation. This analysis suggests studies on British counter-insurgency should investigate further the role of local allies in strategy and operations.Keywords: Adencounter-insurgencydecolonisationloyalismdefence policy AcknowledgementsThanks to Victoria Basham, Edward Burke, Brian Drohan, David French, Claudia Hillebrand and David Morgan-Owen for their help during the preparation of this article, and to the staffs at the Bodleian Library, the British Library, the Imperial War Museum and the National Archives for making the archival research possible. Earlier versions of the article were presented at conferences held by the Society for the History of War in Amsterdam in 2022, and the Society for Military History in San Diego in 2023. Thank you to the conference organisers, and to the audience members for their questions and comments. I am most grateful to the journal’s editor, Professor Gaynor Johnson, and to the two anonymous reviewers, for improving the quality of the article and permitting its publication.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Rhiannon Vickers, The Labour Party and the World, Volume 2: Labour’s Foreign Policy Since 1951 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011), 58, 76-77.2 Saki Dockrill, Britain’s Retreat from East of Suez: The Choice between Europe and the World? (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 104.3 John Young, The Labour Governments 1964-1970, Volume 2: International Policy (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 31, 35-38, 50.4 Kennedy Trevaskis, Shades of Amber: A South Arabian Episode (London: Hutchinson, 1968); Colin Mitchell, Having Been a Soldier (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1969).5 Clive Jones, Britain and the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1965. Ministers, Mercenaries and Mandarins: Foreign Policy and the Limits of Covert Action (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2004), 216.6 Jonathan Walker, Aden Insurgency: The Savage War in South Arabia 1962-1967 (Staplehurst: Spellmount, 2005), xix.7 Aaron Edwards, Defending the Rea
摘要本文认为,对1967年英国从亚丁撤出的理解需要更多地关注当地安全部队的忠诚,他们本应帮助镇压南阿拉伯的叛乱,然后在英国离开时确保一个友好的国家。联邦正规军(FRA)是最重要的部队,事实证明它一贯不可靠,其行为包括企图谋杀英国人员、逃兵和政治激进主义。然而,解散联邦调查局可能会使事情变得更糟,因此英国军官试图通过各种机制来操纵其忠诚度,包括加薪,忽视不忠事件和对士兵进行宣传。这些努力成功地将兵变推迟到1967年6月,但只是建立了一支被叛乱运动渗透的部队,没有能力在保卫联邦方面发挥任何有意义的作用。这一分析表明,对英国反叛乱的研究应该进一步调查当地盟友在战略和行动中的作用。感谢维多利亚·巴舍姆、爱德华·伯克、布莱恩·德罗汉、大卫·弗伦奇、克劳迪娅·希勒布兰德和大卫·摩根-欧文在本文编写过程中的帮助,感谢博德利图书馆、大英图书馆、帝国战争博物馆和国家档案馆的工作人员使档案研究成为可能。该文章的早期版本分别于2022年在阿姆斯特丹举行的战争历史学会和2023年在圣地亚哥举行的军事历史学会会议上发表。感谢会议组织者,也感谢听众提出的问题和意见。我非常感谢该杂志的编辑盖纳·约翰逊教授和两位匿名审稿人,他们提高了文章的质量,并允许其发表。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Rhiannon Vickers,《工党与世界》,第二卷:1951年以来工党的外交政策(曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,2011年),58页,76-77.2。(贝辛斯托克:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦出版社,2002年),104.3约翰·杨:《工党政府1964-1970》,第二卷:国际政策(曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,2003年),31,35 -38,50.4肯尼迪·特雷瓦基斯:《琥珀的阴影:南阿拉伯的一段插曲》(伦敦:哈钦森出版社,1968年);科林·米切尔,《当过兵》(伦敦:哈米什·汉密尔顿出版社,1969)克莱夫·琼斯,英国与也门内战,1962-1965。《部长、雇佣兵和官员:外交政策和秘密行动的限制》(布莱顿:苏塞克斯学术出版社,2004年),216.6乔纳森·沃克,《亚丁叛乱:1962-1967年南阿拉伯的野蛮战争》(斯台普赫斯特:Spellmount出版社,2005年),第19页亚伦·爱德华兹《保卫王国?》《1945年以来英国小规模战争的政治》(曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,2012年),178.8《英国陆军:陆军野战手册第1卷第10部分:打击叛乱》(沃明斯特:陆战中心,2009年),CS4-4.9阿瑟·奥卡比:《北也门内战与南阿拉伯联邦的失败》,《中东研究》,53/1 (2017),69-83;斯宾塞·莫比,“从部落叛乱到革命:1955-1967年英国在阿拉伯西南部的反叛乱行动”,《国际历史电子杂志》,2000年第5期,2023年2月16日在线访问:https://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/3392/1/Journal_of_International_History_2000_n5_Mawby.pdf10迈克尔·约瑟夫,1989),11威廉·d·詹姆斯,“苏伊士以东的全球英国战略问题”,欧洲国际安全杂志,6(2021),173,176.12斯宾塞·莫比,英国在亚丁和保护国的政策1955-67:中东帝国的最后一个前哨战(伦敦:劳特利奇,2005),3.13罗布·约翰逊,忠于他们的Salt:西方武装部队的本土人员(伦敦:赫斯特公司,2017),302.14大卫·弗伦奇,军队,帝国和冷战;《英国军队与军事政策,1945-1971》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2012),244-245,287-288.15乔纳森·沃克,“南阿拉伯军队——一个有毒的圣杯?”’,见诺埃尔·布雷霍尼和克莱夫·琼斯(编),《英国离开亚丁和南阿拉伯:没有荣耀,但没有灾难》(柏林:格拉赫出版社,2020年),96.16朱利安·佩吉特,《最后一篇文章:亚丁1964-67》(伦敦:费伯和费伯出版社,1969年),213-223;莫比,英国在亚丁的政策和保护国,168-169.18佩吉特,最后一篇,186.19大卫·弗兰奇,英国在反叛乱中的方式1945-1967(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2011),185-186.20莫比,英国在亚丁的政策和保护国,176。 21 Eric Hundman,“军事组织中不服从的多样性”,全球安全研究杂志,6/4 (2021),2.22 Frank Edwards, The Gaysh: 1927-61年亚丁保护国征召的历史和1961-67年南阿拉伯联邦正规军(Solihull: Helion and Company, 2004), 10,144.23大英图书馆,印度办公室记录[以下称“BL”],IOR/R/20/B/3057:“联邦军队半年安全报告”,1962年1月11日。《二十世纪和二十一世纪的步兵战术和凝聚力》(牛津:牛津大学出版社).25Tarak Barkawi,“非殖民化战争”,《欧洲国际安全杂志》,2016年第1/2期,199-214;米歇尔·r·莫伊德:《暴力中介:德属东非的非洲士兵、征服和日常殖民主义》(俄亥俄州雅典:俄亥俄大学出版社,2014年);塔拉克·巴卡维:《帝国的士兵:第二次世界大战中的印度和英国军队》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2017),第26页Elihu Rose,“兵变的剖析”,武装部队与社会,8/4 (1982),561-563.27 George Lepre, Fragging:为什么美国士兵在越南袭击他们的军官(德克萨斯州,Lubbock:德克萨斯理工大学出版社,2011),19-60.28英国国家档案馆[以下简称“TNA”]WO 32/18518:“亚丁保护国征费安全半年报告”,1961年2月14日。大卫·约翰·沃伦,目录号13041,卷轴3.31 BL, IOR/R/20/D/219:“联邦情报摘要”,1964年9月27日,1964年11月15日,1965年5月3日。帝国战争博物馆文件[以下简称IWMD]:少将约翰·威洛比爵士的文件,目录号Documents.12980。1965年6月20日的手写日记。33 BL, IOR/R/20/D/219:“联邦情报摘要”,1965年6月21日。34国际大规模杀伤性武器:约翰·威洛比少将的论文,目录号:document12980。手写日记,1966.35 IWMSA:大卫·艾伦·塔尔博特·贝恩斯,目录号20062,卷5.36西奥多·麦克劳克林,遗弃:内战中的信任和不信任(伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,2020),19.37 TNA CO 968/806: J.E.卓别林上校的信,联邦国防部,给中将。查尔斯·哈灵顿爵士,中东司令部[以下简称“MEC”],1965年10月28日。38 BL, IOR/R/20/B/3057:《联邦正规军半年安全报告》,1962年6月1日;“联邦正规军季度安全报告”,1962年12月15日;TNA WO 32/18518:“亚丁保护国税收安全半年报告”,1961年2月14日;BL, IOR/R/20/B/3057:“联邦陆军半年安全报告”,1962年1月11日。《每周情报评论》,1963年5月10日;41 BL,
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引用次数: 0
A ‘Potemkin Reality’: Bolshevik Preparations for Visits of Polish Diplomats and Officials to Soviet Institutions and Enterprises in the 1930s “波将金现实”:20世纪30年代布尔什维克为波兰外交官和官员访问苏联机构和企业所做的准备
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2265363
Robert Kuśnierz
AbstractOn the basis of materials from post-Soviet and Polish archives the author discusses attempts to show Soviet reality in as good a light as possible by hiding the traditional communist disorder that were taken by the Bolsheviks in relation to Polish diplomats and consular officials and tourists in the 1930s as well as provides the answer to the question of what their perception of the mystification under way was. As Soviet materials attest, until the mid-1930s the Soviets strove to show foreigners the ‘Soviet paradise’ in a positive light. They expended much energy in that regard. The greatest undertaking was the visit of the French politician Édouard Herriot, but as the data provided in the present article, this practice was also used, to a lesser extent, in relation to other foreigners. A profound analysis of the archival base allows the author to state that employees of the Polish Foreign Service in the Soviet Union did not allow themselves to be swayed by the propagandistic images showed them by their Soviet hosts.Keywords: PropagandaSoviet UnionPolandPolish diplomatic corps in the USSR Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Dariusz Tołczyk, Gułag w oczach Zachodu, (Warsaw: Prószyński Media, 2009), 122.2 The subject of the Great Famine (Holodomor) in Ukraine and in the other parts of the Soviet Union has now been sufficiently unearthered and examined. In 2015 over 18,000 different studies on the Holodomor in Ukraine were cataloged. See: Nataliia Levchuk, Tetiana Boriak, Oleh Wolowyna, Omelan Rudnytsky, and Alla Kovbasiuk, “Vtraty mis’koho i sils’koho natselennia Ukraïny vnaslidok Holodomoru v 1932–1934 rr.: novi otsinky”, Ukraïns’kyi istorychnyi zhurnal 4 (2015), 86.3 On the visit of Édouard Herriot in the Soviet Union and the propagandistic utilization of his stay by the Bolsheviks to deny the existence of famine as well as to show the “achievements of socialism,” see for example Robert Kuśnierz, Ukraina w latach kolektywizacji i Wielkiego Głodu (1929-1933), (Toruń: GRADO, 2005), 183-188; Iaroslav Papuha, „Vizyt Eduarda Errio v Ukraїnu pid chas Holodomoru”, Holodmor Studies, 15 October, 2017, online edition: https://www.holodomorstudies.com/research1.html. See also: Dmytro Zlepko (ed.), Der ukrainische Hunger-Holocaust. Stalins Verschwiegener Völkenmord 1932/1933 an 7 Milionen ukrainischen Bauern im Spiegel geheimgehaltener Akten des deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes. Eine Dokumentation, (Sonnenbühl: H. Wild, 1988), 173-177.4 See Tomasz Stempowski (ed.), „Najbardziej tajemniczy kraj świata”. Związek Sowiecki w fotografiach i tekstach Juliena H. Bryana 1930-1959 / „The Most Mysterious of Coutries”. The Soviet Union in the Photographs and Writings of Julien H. Bryan, 1930-1959, (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, 2020), 16.5 Haluzevyi derzhavnyi arkhiv Sluzhby bezpeky Ukraïny v Kyievi (The Branch State Archive of the Security Service of Ukra
摘要:基于后苏联和波兰的档案资料,作者讨论了通过隐藏布尔什维克在20世纪30年代对波兰外交官、领事官员和游客所采取的传统共产主义混乱,以尽可能好的方式展示苏联现实的尝试,并提供了他们对正在进行的神秘化的看法的答案。正如苏联的材料所证明的那样,直到20世纪30年代中期,苏联人都在努力向外国人展示“苏联天堂”的正面形象。他们在那方面耗费了很多精力。最重要的是法国政治家Édouard Herriot的访问,但正如本文所提供的数据,这种做法也在较小程度上用于其他外国人。通过对档案基础的深入分析,作者指出,波兰驻苏联外交部的雇员不允许自己被苏联东道主向他们展示的宣传形象所左右。关键词:宣传苏联波兰波兰驻苏联外交使团披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Dariusz Tołczyk, Gułag w oczach Zachodu,(华沙:Prószyński媒体,2009),122.2乌克兰和苏联其他地区的大饥荒(Holodomor)的主题现在已经得到了充分的发掘和研究。2015年,关于乌克兰大屠杀的18000多项不同研究被编目。参见:Nataliia Levchuk, Tetiana Boriak, Oleh Wolowyna, Omelan Rudnytsky和Alla Kovbasiuk,“Vtraty mis 'koho i sils 'koho natselennia Ukraïny vnaslidok Holodomoru v 1932-1934”。: novi otsinky”,Ukraïns ' 'kyi istorychnyi期刊4(2015),86.3关于Édouard赫里奥在苏联的访问,以及布尔什维克利用他的逗留进行宣传,否认饥荒的存在,以及展示“社会主义的成就”,例如见Robert Kuśnierz, Ukraina w latach kolektywizacji i Wielkiego Głodu(1929-1933),(托卢奇:GRADO, 2005), 183-188;Iaroslav Papuha,“Vizyt Eduarda Errio v Ukraїnu pid chas Holodomoru”,Holodmor研究,2017年10月15日,网络版https://www.holodomorstudies.com/research1.html。另见:德米特罗·兹莱普科(编),《乌克兰的饥饿-大屠杀》。斯大林Verschwiegener Völkenmord 1932/1933和7 million ukrainischen Bauern in Spiegel geheimgehaltener Akten des deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes。Eine文档,(sonnenbhl: H. Wild, 1988), 173-177.4见Tomasz Stempowski(编),“Najbardziej tajemniczy kraj świata”。Związek Sowiecki摄影摄影与tekstach Juliena H. Bryana 1930-1959 /“最神秘的国家”。朱利安·h·布莱恩的照片和著作中的苏联,1930-1959,(华沙:研究所Pamięci Narodowej Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, 2020), 16.5 Haluzevyi derzhavnyi arkhiv Sluzhby bezpeky Ukraïny v Kyievi(基辅的乌克兰安全部门国家档案馆,以后:HDASBU), fond 65, sprava S-1036, tom I, arkush 235-236.6后来乌克兰的一些地区也发生了饥荒,甚至在1935年也发生了食人事件。见Robert Kuśnierz,“«Dobrze jest juzewtedy, gdy nie jest bardzo źle»…,czyli o sytuacji wsi ukraińskiej po Wielkim Głodzie”,Dzieje Najnowsze 2(2020): 63-65.7在上述访问后近三周,Kurnicki在给军事情报总部的报告中写道:“我明确地说,仅仅利用农民的饥饿,他们就像扔给一只饥饿的狗一样扔给他残片,强迫他执行大量的农业劳动,然后强迫同一个农民承认他们的人道主义行为,即额外的食物。通过系统的恐怖手段,他们成功地瓦解了农民群众,尽管过去一年有悲惨的经历,但他们实现了整个计划khlebozdachi[强加给农民的粮食强制交付配额],再次夺走了几乎所有的作物。”罗伯特Kuśnierz(编),Pomór w " raju bolszewickim "。Głód na Ukrainie w latach 1932-1933 w świetle polskich dokumentów dyplomatycznych i dokumentów wywiadu(托鲁奇:Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2008), 131.8 HDASBU, f. 65, spr。s - 1047,约柜。164.9 archium Akt Nowych w Warszawie[华沙现代档案],zespół: Sztab Główny[主要工作人员,SG], sign。这位妇女在列宁格勒为外国人服务的植物生产研究所工作HDASBU, f. 65, spr。s - 1047,约柜。[266.12]她是作曲家尤里·梅厄斯的第一任妻子。s - 1047,约柜。160.14伊比登,阿肯色州135,148 -149.15伊比登,方舟。166.16伊比登方舟170.17伊比登,阿肯色州136.18我比登方舟142,155.19伊比登,方舟。168.20我比登方舟[137, 143, 155, 157-158.21] Osobyi odel是苏联军事反间谍机构的名称。152.23伊比登,方舟169.24伊比登,阿肯色州
{"title":"A ‘Potemkin Reality’: Bolshevik Preparations for Visits of Polish Diplomats and Officials to Soviet Institutions and Enterprises in the 1930s","authors":"Robert Kuśnierz","doi":"10.1080/07075332.2023.2265363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2023.2265363","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractOn the basis of materials from post-Soviet and Polish archives the author discusses attempts to show Soviet reality in as good a light as possible by hiding the traditional communist disorder that were taken by the Bolsheviks in relation to Polish diplomats and consular officials and tourists in the 1930s as well as provides the answer to the question of what their perception of the mystification under way was. As Soviet materials attest, until the mid-1930s the Soviets strove to show foreigners the ‘Soviet paradise’ in a positive light. They expended much energy in that regard. The greatest undertaking was the visit of the French politician Édouard Herriot, but as the data provided in the present article, this practice was also used, to a lesser extent, in relation to other foreigners. A profound analysis of the archival base allows the author to state that employees of the Polish Foreign Service in the Soviet Union did not allow themselves to be swayed by the propagandistic images showed them by their Soviet hosts.Keywords: PropagandaSoviet UnionPolandPolish diplomatic corps in the USSR Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Dariusz Tołczyk, Gułag w oczach Zachodu, (Warsaw: Prószyński Media, 2009), 122.2 The subject of the Great Famine (Holodomor) in Ukraine and in the other parts of the Soviet Union has now been sufficiently unearthered and examined. In 2015 over 18,000 different studies on the Holodomor in Ukraine were cataloged. See: Nataliia Levchuk, Tetiana Boriak, Oleh Wolowyna, Omelan Rudnytsky, and Alla Kovbasiuk, “Vtraty mis’koho i sils’koho natselennia Ukraïny vnaslidok Holodomoru v 1932–1934 rr.: novi otsinky”, Ukraïns’kyi istorychnyi zhurnal 4 (2015), 86.3 On the visit of Édouard Herriot in the Soviet Union and the propagandistic utilization of his stay by the Bolsheviks to deny the existence of famine as well as to show the “achievements of socialism,” see for example Robert Kuśnierz, Ukraina w latach kolektywizacji i Wielkiego Głodu (1929-1933), (Toruń: GRADO, 2005), 183-188; Iaroslav Papuha, „Vizyt Eduarda Errio v Ukraїnu pid chas Holodomoru”, Holodmor Studies, 15 October, 2017, online edition: https://www.holodomorstudies.com/research1.html. See also: Dmytro Zlepko (ed.), Der ukrainische Hunger-Holocaust. Stalins Verschwiegener Völkenmord 1932/1933 an 7 Milionen ukrainischen Bauern im Spiegel geheimgehaltener Akten des deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes. Eine Dokumentation, (Sonnenbühl: H. Wild, 1988), 173-177.4 See Tomasz Stempowski (ed.), „Najbardziej tajemniczy kraj świata”. Związek Sowiecki w fotografiach i tekstach Juliena H. Bryana 1930-1959 / „The Most Mysterious of Coutries”. The Soviet Union in the Photographs and Writings of Julien H. Bryan, 1930-1959, (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, 2020), 16.5 Haluzevyi derzhavnyi arkhiv Sluzhby bezpeky Ukraïny v Kyievi (The Branch State Archive of the Security Service of Ukra","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"243 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135899239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation and Chinese Cultural Diplomacy during the Interwar Period “两次世界大战期间知识合作与中国文化外交国际委员会”
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2260386
Kaiyi Li, Huimei Zhou
AbstractIn the Interwar period, the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC) of the League of Nations promoted international understanding and functioned as a cultural center for international communication. Chinese scholars and diplomats actively participated in the activities organized by the ICIC and utilized these as vehicles to establish broader international acknowledgment of China. The article argues that, in its role as a cultural center, the ICIC was not apolitical but shaped by different levels of political considerations. One important aim for Chinese scholars and diplomats had been to reconstitute the image of China in order to enhance its international status. Simultaneously, this reconstitution effort was also targeted towards domestic society. This article first focuses on Chinese diplomats’ attempts to fight for Chinese membership on the Committee of the ICIC. It then probes the negative aspect of this articulation, namely countering prejudices against China. The article considers how Chinese scholars had felt insulted by cultural prejudices and stereotypes and hence called for a new image of China. Finally, the article investigates the positive aspect of this articulation, namely the attempt to reconstitute a more favourable image of China, examining this reconstituted image and how it was disseminated within China.Keywords: International committee on intellectual cooperationChinese international imagecultural diplomacyinternational cultural orderSino-Western cultural relation AcknowledgementsWe sincerely thank the two reviewers for their careful and critical review of the article. We also appreciate the valuable input provided by Dr. Chen Yarong and Dr. Tan Hao during the revision process.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Yutang Lin, ‘Zhongguo wenhua zhi jingshen’, shenbao Yuekan, 1 (1) (1932), 1–7.2 Zhitian Luo, ‘Disillusionment after “Six Months of Optimism”: The Psychology and Politics of the Literati before the May Fourth Movement’, Historical Research, (4) (2004):105–124 + 129.3 Alison Adcock Kaufman, ‘In Pursuit of Equality and Respect: China’s Diplomacy and the League of Nations’, Modern China, 40 (6) (2018): 605–638.4 Harumi Goto-Shibata, The League of Nations and the East Asian Imperial Order, 1920-1946 (Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020).5 Kaiyi Li, Transnational Education between The League of Nations and China: The Interwar Period (Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021); Xuehai Bu, et al., ‘The Promotion and Influence of Sardi on the Development of China’s Early Educational Films’, Journal of Beijing Film Academy, (04) (2018):147–54; Li Zhang, Guoji hezuo zai Zhongguo: Guoji lianmeng juese de kaocha 1919-1946 (Taipei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 1999); Suzanne Pepper, Radicalism and Education Reform in 20th-Century China: The Search for an Ideal Development Model (Cambridge, GBR: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 37–45.6 Y
1930;吴凯生致Albert Dufour-Fernoce, 1930年3月18日,[LoNA], R2219-5B-5744-1397.53注Du 17 fever 1930, 1930年2月17日;《国际联盟知识分子合作委员会第十二届会议纪要》,1930年8月13日,[LoNA], C.428.M.192.1930.XII。55《吴志辉任世杰文华合作卫源会卫源》,《中阳日报》,1930年5月5日。56《致拉吉玛博士》,1932年2月10日,[LoNA], R2219-5B-5744-1397.57马丁,《代表性组织?’,77-8.58吴敬恒,《吴敬恒》(编),《吴志慧书新宣迪3集》(台北:《Zhuanji Wenxue Chubanshe》,1970年),374.59杨开玲,李敏国,李世曾仙生于英仙生年普(台北:Zhuanji):台北商事印书馆,1980),126.60 Volz .61编辑,《巴厘华侨范都儒华殿营高全国通报书》,Gan(南京),3(1934),24-26.62国际联盟国际知识合作委员会第十三届会议纪要,1931年8月15日,[LoNA], C-471-M-201-1931-XII.63钱索乔、林语堂与中国对现代重生的探索(新加坡:Palgrave Macmillan 2017), 88.64同上。65程启宝,傅欧考察娇玉:会义三纪之义,文学大全(15)(1969),48.66高俊山,欧友甘香,福建周侃娇玉亭(97)(1931),22.67同上,21-25.68乔伊斯·古德曼,金坡佛学院,国际妇女理事会,罗马国际教育电影学院:《国际主义与帝国主义的交叉,1931-1934》,教育史,47(3)(2018),423.69斯图尔特·霍尔,《他者的景观》,斯图尔特·霍尔(主编),《表征:文化表征与符号实践》(伦敦:SAGE出版社,2007),243-44.70 Christopher Frayling,《黄危险:傅满洲博士与中国恐惧症的兴起》(英国:Thames & Hudson出版社,2014),64.71 Ariane kn<e:1> sel,《构建中国》;《1900-1950年英、美、瑞三国的媒介形象与政治辩论》(法纳姆:阿什盖特,2012),158-60.72杨瑞松、傅炳夫、黄霍玉水石:《西方世界》《中国兴乡》《现代中国国足论说》(台北:政治大学出版社,2010),69-108.73陈锐、蔡胜:《民国华北地区农村妇女的放足——与江南地区的比较》,安徽师范大学学报(第2版)。71-8.74雷军,《晚清民初中国的殖民刻板印象与武士化的知识分子阳刚之气》,《现代中国》48,(2)(2022),(42)- 54.75编辑,《中国的电影审查与教育片》,《国际教育电影评论》,IV,(1)(1932), 51-6.76劳拉·德雷福斯-邦尼,《电影与和平》,《国际教育电影评论》,VI,(4)(1934), 252-56.77高欧,78编辑,袁同利,君子,韩月来,郭勋,(72)(1934),199-200.79《中国国记图书官日内瓦关成礼后》,华北日报,1933年5月3日;国际联盟国际知识合作委员会第十六届全体会议工作报告,1934年8月11日,[英],C.339.M.156.1934.XII。, 44-5.80雷强、唐庚生,《中外文献集与东方与西方》,《图说自训学》,13,(1)(2015),135-61.81胡行知,《纪年学》,《易经》,31(1937),42-3.82《日内瓦中外文献集》,《中国评论家》(上海),1939年6月29日,编辑:林内华《中国国学》,《中国国学》,《朱官修品成列》,东方杂志,31(23)(1934):1.84郭秋子。“当柯达来到中国:摄影、业余爱好者和视觉现代性,1900-1937”(博士论文,海德堡大学,2022)。1985年11月17日《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》、《日报社》(天津)1936.90国际联盟国际智力合作委员会第十三届会议纪要,1931.91年8月15日Fólica和伊科夫,“在地方之间”,266.92格朗让,“一个代表性组织?, 79.93 Jesús Manuel Bermejo Roldán,“葡萄牙与两次世界大战之间的全球智力合作体系(1922-1939)”,《国际历史评论》,(2023),DOI:10.1080/07075332.2023.2210587.94 Jun Lan, Guoji Jiaoyu Wutai de Canju: Jiyu dui Guoji Jiaoyu Zuzhi ji Huiyi de Kaocha(山东:山东教育出版社,2010).95Eckhardt Fuchs:《新的国际教育网络的创建:20世纪20年代的国际联盟与教育组织》,《历史教育学》,43(2)(2007),199-209。
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引用次数: 0
Moscow-Havana Relations. Continuities of the Past in an Asymmetric Triangle Moscow-Havana关系。不对称三角形中过去的连续性
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2023.2259921
Mervyn J. Bain
This article examines Moscow-Havana relations from the Russian Revolution in November 1917 to the present to inform debates on (1) continuities from history impacting contemporary Russian foreign policy; (2) the assumption that before the Cuban Revolution of 1959 Moscow suffered from ‘geographical fatalism’ concerning Latin America; (3) contemporary Moscow-Havana relations; and (4) asymmetrical triangles in international relations. A rigorous historical qualitative analysis of primary and secondary sources is used to examine the periods November 1917–January 1959, 1959–1991, and 1992 onwards. Both realism and constructivism are utilised throughout. Acting as a bridge between historical research and the study of international relations this article posits that in each period Moscow and Havana’s individual relationships with Washington were key to Moscow-Havana relations. Continuities from history for the contemporary relationship are to both the November 1917–January 1959 era and the 1959–1991 period. Consequently, since 1917 an asymmetrical triangle comprising Moscow, Havana, and Washington has principally existed. Aiding its originality this article postulates that a ‘stable marriage’ with the most powerful member of an asymmetrical triangle (Washington) being the ‘pariah’ can become the norm. This finding has resonance for global politics and the behaviour of regional superpowers within their respective region.
本文考察了从1917年11月俄国革命到现在的莫斯科与哈瓦那的关系,以便为以下方面的辩论提供信息:(1)历史影响当代俄罗斯外交政策的连续性;(2)假定在1959年古巴革命之前,莫斯科遭受了关于拉丁美洲的“地理宿命论”;(3)当代莫斯科与哈瓦那关系;(4)国际关系中的不对称三角形。对第一手资料和第二手资料进行了严格的历史定性分析,以检验1917年11月至1959年1月、1959年至1991年和1992年以后的时期。现实主义和建构主义的运用贯穿始终。作为历史研究和国际关系研究之间的桥梁,本文认为,在每个时期,莫斯科和哈瓦那与华盛顿的个别关系是莫斯科与哈瓦那关系的关键。当代两国关系的历史延续性是1917年11月至1959年1月期间和1959年至1991年期间。因此,自1917年以来,一个由莫斯科、哈瓦那和华盛顿组成的不对称三角形基本上是存在的。这篇文章的原创性在于,它假设一个“稳定的婚姻”与一个不对称三角形中最强大的成员(华盛顿)成为“贱民”可以成为常态。这一发现对全球政治和地区超级大国在各自地区的行为产生了共鸣。
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INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW
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