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The Discursive Evolution of Human Rights Law: Empirical Insights from a Computational Analysis of 180,000 UN Recommendations 人权法的话语演变:从对 18 万条联合国建议的计算分析中获得的经验启示
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-09-03 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae021
Renana Keydar, Vera Shikhelman, Tomer Broude, Jonathan Elkobi
Building on an independent database of 180,000 UN recommendations and a novel computational method, we present the most comprehensive study of human rights (HR) debates to date. We develop a unique empirical model that measures topical density of discourse. This innovative instrument measures the discursive activity of UN HR bodies through a machine-learning textual analysis of their outputs, offering a dynamic map of evolving trends in human rights, both over time (diachronically) and across different mechanisms (synchronically) within the UN HR ecosystem. Leveraging this comprehensive dataset and sophisticated computational methodologies, we identify which protected groups are central to different mechanisms’ attention and highlight the major human rights issues that have witnessed significant changes in attention. Our research presents significant findings on the density of UN HR discourse and its implications for two major debates in the field of HR law—HR proliferation and the structural critique of UN HR bodies.
基于 180,000 份联合国建议的独立数据库和一种新颖的计算方法,我们提出了迄今为止最全面的人权(HR)辩论研究。我们开发了一个独特的实证模型,用于衡量话语的主题密度。这一创新工具通过对联合国人权机构的产出进行机器学习文本分析来衡量这些机构的话语活动,提供了联合国人权生态系统中人权趋势随时间(非同步)和不同机制(同步)演变的动态地图。利用这一全面的数据集和复杂的计算方法,我们确定了哪些受保护群体是不同机制关注的核心,并突出强调了关注度发生重大变化的主要人权问题。我们的研究揭示了联合国人权讨论的密度及其对人权法领域两大争论--人权扩散和联合国人权机构的结构性批判--的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The ECHR and the Positive Obligation to Criminalise Domestic Psychological Violence 欧洲人权公约》与将家庭心理暴力定为犯罪的积极义务
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-07-30 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae019
Niels Hedlund
This article explores the scope of the positive obligation deriving from the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) to criminalise forms of domestic psychological violence. This is primarily done by examining the implications of Volodina v Russia (No. 1), Volodina v Russia (No. 2) and Tunikova and Others v Russia regarding the obligation in question. Additionally, this article addresses different legislative approaches towards the criminalisation of domestic violence that have been distinguished by the ECtHR and discusses whether they adequately criminalise domestic psychological violence. Some approaches appear ill-suited as they concern national offences that focus on serious incidents. Domestic psychological violence, on the other hand, can involve a course of conduct consisting of seemingly minor incidents. It is concluded that State Parties should review to what extent such forms of psychological violence are criminalised under their national criminal laws.
本文探讨了欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)判例法中规定的积极义务的范围,即对各种形式的家庭心理暴力进行刑事定罪。这主要是通过研究Volodina诉俄罗斯案(第1号)、Volodina诉俄罗斯案(第2号)和Tunikova等人诉俄罗斯案对该义务的影响来实现的。此外,本文还讨论了欧洲人权法院对家庭暴力刑事定罪所采用的不同立法方法,并讨论了这些方法是否充分地将家庭心理暴力刑事定罪。有些方法似乎并不适合,因为它们涉及的是以严重事件为重点的国家罪行。另一方面,家庭心理暴力可能涉及由看似轻微事件组成的行为过程。结论是,缔约国应审查本国刑法在多大程度上将此类形式的心理暴力定为刑事犯罪。
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引用次数: 0
Glorification of Terrorist Violence at the European Court of Human Rights 欧洲人权法院美化恐怖主义暴力案
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-06-20 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae017
Ilya Sobol
This article examines the European Court of Human Rights’ approach towards restrictions on expression glorifying terrorist violence. This is done by situating the Court’s case law against two objections to respective criminal offences: their inherent overbreadth and their incompatibility with the restraining demands of the ‘harm principle’. In doing so, the article discusses how the ‘harm principle’ relates to the proportionality test and how the Court’s categorisation of expression glorifying violence responds to the objection of overbreadth. In arguing that the tool of categorisation has not been determinative in driving the outcomes in relevant decisions, the article suggests that engaging the existence of a competing public interest and reviewing the admissibility of reasons for such restrictions would appropriately elevate the Convention standard. Finally, the article argues that inconsistencies across decisions are best explained by the Court’s deference-giving practices, particularly in cases involving claims about the recency of terrorist violence.
本文探讨了欧洲人权法院对美化恐怖主义暴力的言论所采取的限制措施。为此,文章将欧洲人权法院的判例法与对相关刑事犯罪的两种反对意见进行对比:其固有的过度宽泛性以及与 "危害原则 "的限制要求不符。在此过程中,文章讨论了 "伤害原则 "与相称性检验的关系,以及法院对美化暴力的言论的分类如何回应了过度宽泛的反对意见。文章认为,分类工具在推动相关判决的结果方面并不具有决定性作用,同时建议,考虑是否存在竞争性公共利益并审查此类限制的理由是否可接受,将适当提高《公约》标准。最后,文章认为,法院给予尊重的做法,尤其是在涉及对恐怖主义暴力事件的发生时间的主张的案件中,最能解释各裁决之间的不一致。
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引用次数: 0
The Human Right to Land: A Peasant Struggle in the Human Rights System 土地人权:人权体系中的农民斗争
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae013
Valentine Granet
Control and access to land are major concerns for peasants of the global south who face the longstanding consequences of colonialism and recent ‘land-rush’. What is the role of human rights in this peasant struggle? The UNDROP marks the international recognition of the right to land. However, as the very project of human rights is facing criticism and the effectiveness of this recognition remains uncertain, the question of whether using the human rights framework is even desirable arises. Arguing for a broader understanding of the actors and processes involved in the application and evolution of human rights, I explain that the process of obtaining the recognition of the right to land involved the mobilisation and re-modelling of human rights by grassroots organisations. I explore the potential of this mobilisation to transform common understandings of human rights, and its distinctive ability to support the necessary paradigm shift to transform peasants’ lives.
控制和获得土地是全球南部农民的主要关切问题,他们面临着殖民主义和近期 "土地掠夺 "的长期后果。人权在这场农民斗争中的作用是什么?联合国减贫办标志着国际社会承认了土地权。然而,由于人权项目本身正面临批评,而且这种承认的有效性仍不确定,因此出现了使用人权框架是否可取的问题。我主张更广泛地理解人权的应用和演变过程中涉及的参与者和过程,我解释说,获得土地权承认的过程涉及基层组织对人权的动员和重新塑造。我探讨了这种动员在改变人们对人权的普遍理解方面的潜力,以及它在支持必要的范式转变以改变农民生活方面的独特能力。
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引用次数: 0
General Comment No. 25 on Children’s Rights in Relation to the Digital Environment: Implications for Children’s Right to Privacy and Data Protection in Africa 关于数字环境中的儿童权利的第 25 号一般性意见:对非洲儿童隐私权和数据保护的影响
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae018
Yohannes Eneyew Ayalew, V. Verdoodt, Eva Lievens
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has published its much-awaited General Comment No. 25 on children’s rights in the digital environment in 2021. Much of the conversations since its adoption have centred on how General Comment No. 25 influences State behaviours in the western world or globally. Little attention has been given as to what General Comment No. 25 means for children’s right to privacy in Africa. This article seeks to explore the role of General Comment No. 25 in clarifying States’ obligations in respect of children’s rights to privacy and data protection in the digital era on the African continent. In doing so, this article first contextualises General Comment No. 25 in the broader context of the United Nations human rights system and analyses its recommendations on children’s right to privacy. Second, the article examines children’s right to privacy in Africa and analyses the specific features of the African human rights system that influence the understanding of this right. Finally, the article illuminates certain child-specific privacy and data protection measures that are being or have been included or discussed in the law-making processes and policy debates in a selection of African countries and links them to both General Comment No. 25 and the socio-cultural context of the continent.
联合国儿童权利委员会发布了期待已久的关于 2021 年数字环境中儿童权利的第 25 号一般性意见。自第 25 号一般性意见通过以来,大部分讨论都集中在第 25 号一般性意见如何影响西方世界或全球的国家行为。人们很少关注第 25 号一般性意见对非洲儿童隐私权的意义。本文试图探讨第 25 号一般性意见在阐明非洲大陆数字时代各国在儿童隐私权和数据保护方面的义务方面的作用。为此,本文首先将第 25 号一般性意见置于联合国人权系统的大背景下,并分析其关于儿童隐私权的建议。其次,文章探讨了非洲儿童的隐私权,并分析了影响对这一权利理解的非洲人权体系的具体特点。最后,文章阐明了一些非洲国家在制定法律和政策的辩论中正在或已经纳入或讨论的某些针对儿童的隐私权和数据保护措施,并将这些措施与第 25 号一般性意见和非洲大陆的社会文化背景联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
A Research Agenda for Human Rights and the Environment 人权与环境研究议程
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae015
Stephen J Turner
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引用次数: 0
Who Manages Menstrual Health? The Untapped Potential of the Right to Health to Support a Comprehensive Right to Menstrual Health beyond Menstrual Hygiene Management 谁来管理月经健康?健康权在支持经期卫生管理之外的全面经期健康权方面尚未开发的潜力
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae010
Céline Brassart Olsen
For the 1.8 billion people who menstruate every month globally, menstruation is not always just synonymous with blood loss. As such, many also experience premenstrual conditions such as dysmenorrhea (period pain), limited access to health care and/or menstrual stigma. Yet, so far, laws have mostly focused on menstrual hygiene management (MHM), particularly menstrual products provision. Despite MHM’s success, scholars have criticized its narrow focus on products at the expense of a more comprehensive definition of menstrual health, which recognises the menstrual cycle, and includes menarche and menopause. Meanwhile, global institutions have been shifting their focus from menstrual hygiene to menstrual health, and have framed the latter as a health and human rights issue. However, so far, the Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights and the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Health have mostly remained silent on the topic of menstrual health. The article argues that these mechanisms should conceptualize a right to menstrual health, which promotes menstruators’ rights to health literacy, agency, participation, culture and increased scrutiny of the menstrual products industry.
对于全球每月来月经的 18 亿人来说,月经并不总是只是失血的代名词。因此,许多人还会经历痛经(经期疼痛)等经前病症、获得医疗保健的机会有限和/或经期污名化。然而,迄今为止,法律大多侧重于经期卫生管理(MHM),特别是经期用品的提供。尽管 MHM 取得了成功,但学者们批评其狭隘地关注产品,而忽视了对月经健康更全面的定义,即承认月经周期,包括初潮和更年期。与此同时,全球机构已将重点从月经期卫生转向月经期健康,并将后者视为一个健康和人权问题。然而,迄今为止,经济、社会和文化权利委员会以及健康权问题特别报告员对月经健康问题大多保持沉默。文章认为,这些机制应将月经期健康权概念化,促进月经期使用者的健康知识权、代理权、参与权、文化权,并加强对月经期产品行业的审查。
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引用次数: 0
Solidarity as Foundation for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 团结是经济、社会和文化权利的基础
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-05 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae011
Koldo Casla, Marion Sandner
The potential of the principle of solidarity as an interpretative guide for the realisation of ESCR has, to date, been largely overlooked. Solidarity mediates between the individual and the community, and it has a collective dimension in relation to both burden- and benefitsharing. The recognition of ESCR creates not only positive legal obligations on the state but also civic responsibilities on individuals to contribute, within their means, to the progressive realisation of ESCR. While the state is ultimately accountable for making progress on ESCR, taking these rights seriously will have implications for individual rights and responsibilities. We argue in this article that the principle of solidarity within society underpins ESCR as a whole and is essential for achieving sustainable progress on ESCR. This is because their progressive realisation requires not only that states' legal obligations are fulfilled but also that individual and collective contributions are made for the common good.
迄今为止,团结原则作为实现经社文权利的解释性指导的潜力在很大程度上被忽视 了。团结在个人与社会之间起着中介作用,在负担和利益分享方面具有集体性。对经济、社会和文化权利的承认不仅为国家规定了积极的法律义务,也为个人规定了在其能力范围内为逐步实现经济、社会和文化权利做出贡献的公民责任。虽然国家最终要对在经社文权利方面取得的进展负责,但认真对待这些权利也会对个 人的权利和责任产生影响。我们在本文中认为,社会团结的原则是整个经社文权利的基础,也是在经社文权利方 面取得可持续进展的关键。这是因为,要逐步实现这些权利,不仅需要国家履行法律义务,还需要个人和集体为共同利益做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Sex and Gender in International Human Rights Law through the Prism of the ‘Women’ Category in Recent Case Law 从近期判例法中 "妇女 "类别的棱镜看国际人权法中的性与性别问题
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-05 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae012
Ekaterina Yahyaoui Krivenko
This article problematises the current understanding of sex and gender in international human rights law, especially as it manifests itself in its treatment of the ‘women’ category. The problematic nature of the current state of international human rights law in this regard came recently to light in two cases: the majority judgment in the Y v France case of the European Court for Human Rights and the dissenting opinions in the Vicky Hernández case of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Arguments and statements emerging from these two authoritative recent sources coming from two arguably progressive jurisdictions exemplify continuing inadequacies of the dominant approach. Through a critical engagement with these arguments, supplemented by the discussion of the broader framework of international human rights law, the article not only points out the precise nature of the existing shortcomings but also formulates strategies for overcoming them.
本文对当前国际人权法中对性和性别的理解,尤其是对 "妇女 "类别的理解提出了质疑。国际人权法在这方面的现状问题最近在两个案件中暴露出来:欧洲人权法院 Y 诉法国案的多数判决和美洲人权法院 Vicky Hernández 案的反对意见。来自这两个可以说是进步的司法管辖区的这两个权威性的最新资料来源中出现的论点和声明体现了主流方法的持续不足。通过对这些论点的批判性讨论,并辅之以对更广泛的国际人权法框架的讨论,文章不仅指出了现有缺陷的确切性质,还制定了克服这些缺陷的战略。
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引用次数: 0
The Received View about the Right to Marry: A Critique 关于婚姻权的公认观点:批判
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-18 DOI: 10.1093/hrlr/ngae003
Bartosz Biskup
This article reconstructs a Received View of the right to marry in the European Convention on Human Rights and provides its philosophical interpretation. According to the Received View, the right to marry is a right to a legal institution of marriage. Recent case law from the European Court of Human Rights is analysed, with a focus on the protection and recognition of personal relationships under the law. According to the Fedotova case, the rights pertaining to the protection of conjugal relationships stem from the right to family life. The problem of non-distinctiveness of the right to marry is being discussed. If substantial rights protecting conjugal couples stem from the right to family life, then the right to marry does not offer any additional protection for the couple. The Received View addresses this issue. However, it is politically and morally unjust.
本文重构了《欧洲人权公约》中关于婚姻权的 "公认观点",并对其进行了哲学阐释。根据 "公认观点",结婚权是一种享有婚姻法律制度的权利。对欧洲人权法院最近的判例法进行了分析,重点是法律对个人关系的保护和承认。根据 Fedotova 案,与保护夫妻关系有关的权利源自家庭生活权。目前正在讨论婚姻权的非区别性问题。如果保护夫妻关系的实质性权利源于家庭生活权,那么结婚权就不能为夫妻提供任何额外的保护。所接受的观点解决了这一问题。然而,这在政治上和道德上都是不公正的。
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引用次数: 0
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Human Rights Law Review
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