Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2045962
M. Laruelle
ABSTRACT This article argues that interpreting Russia's conservatism exclusively as a top-down phenomenon has obscured the possibility that there might exist a grassroots conservatism founded on very different bases than the state narrative, and which predates the state's embrace of conservatism. It thus takes a fine-grained view of Russians' conservative values by looking at (1) the existence since the 1990s of a situational conservatism that preceded the state's “conservative turn”; (2) the fact that conservative attitudes are shared by almost all post-socialist countries; (3) the rise of moral conservatism and its limits; (4) attitudes toward the Church, which encapsulate the gap between discourse and practice; and (5) the polarisation of Russian society into conservative and non-conservative constituencies.
{"title":"A grassroots conservatism? Taking a fine-grained view of conservative attitudes among Russians","authors":"M. Laruelle","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2045962","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2045962","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article argues that interpreting Russia's conservatism exclusively as a top-down phenomenon has obscured the possibility that there might exist a grassroots conservatism founded on very different bases than the state narrative, and which predates the state's embrace of conservatism. It thus takes a fine-grained view of Russians' conservative values by looking at (1) the existence since the 1990s of a situational conservatism that preceded the state's “conservative turn”; (2) the fact that conservative attitudes are shared by almost all post-socialist countries; (3) the rise of moral conservatism and its limits; (4) attitudes toward the Church, which encapsulate the gap between discourse and practice; and (5) the polarisation of Russian society into conservative and non-conservative constituencies.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"77 1","pages":"173 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83230928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2037079
M. Laruelle
ABSTRACT Illiberalism is an emerging concept in social sciences that remains to be tested by different disciplines and approaches. Here, I advance a fine-grained frame that should help to “stabilize” the concept by stating that we should 1/ look at illiberalism as an ideology and dissociate it from the literature on regime types, 2/ consider illiberalism to be in permanent situational relation to liberalism. To make that demonstration, I advance a pilot definition of illiberalism as a new ideological universe that, even if doctrinally fluid and context-based, is to some degree coherent.
{"title":"Illiberalism: a conceptual introduction","authors":"M. Laruelle","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2037079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2037079","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Illiberalism is an emerging concept in social sciences that remains to be tested by different disciplines and approaches. Here, I advance a fine-grained frame that should help to “stabilize” the concept by stating that we should 1/ look at illiberalism as an ideology and dissociate it from the literature on regime types, 2/ consider illiberalism to be in permanent situational relation to liberalism. To make that demonstration, I advance a pilot definition of illiberalism as a new ideological universe that, even if doctrinally fluid and context-based, is to some degree coherent.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"48 1","pages":"303 - 327"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88200117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-23DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2022.2038571
Daniel Kovarek, L. Littvay
ABSTRACT The Hungarian municipal elections of October 2019 were the first ray of hope for the numerous political forces aiming to topple the decade-long Fidesz rule. In this election, the opposition won Budapest's mayoral seat and 10 of the 23 larger cities (turning 8). They also won majorities in the capital's assembly and among the 23 district mayors (turning 10). This was possible through unprecedented coordination of all viable opposition parties, electoral innovations like primaries, effective messaging, and a major Fidesz scandal. We discuss the story of this election and the impact of COVID-19 on the newly elected opposition mayors.
{"title":"Greater than the sum of its part(ie)s: opposition comeback in the 2019 Hungarian local elections","authors":"Daniel Kovarek, L. Littvay","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2022.2038571","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2022.2038571","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Hungarian municipal elections of October 2019 were the first ray of hope for the numerous political forces aiming to topple the decade-long Fidesz rule. In this election, the opposition won Budapest's mayoral seat and 10 of the 23 larger cities (turning 8). They also won majorities in the capital's assembly and among the 23 district mayors (turning 10). This was possible through unprecedented coordination of all viable opposition parties, electoral innovations like primaries, effective messaging, and a major Fidesz scandal. We discuss the story of this election and the impact of COVID-19 on the newly elected opposition mayors.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"21 1","pages":"382 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81985372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-21DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2024516
Aizada Arystanbek
ABSTRACT This study investigates how standards of hegemonic femininity in Kazakhstan are utilised by the public in online spaces to police Kazakh women’s bodies, glorify national culture, and normalise violence against women who do not conform to these standards. Drawing upon discourse analysis as the primary method for examining available comments on Facebook and Instagram, this paper is one of the first studies of modern Kazakh nationalism from a critical gendered perspective that situates discourses about Kazakh women in the context of sexual violence and demonstrates the “weaponisation” of women’s bodies and the normalisation of violence against them in online spaces.
{"title":"“Can you beat your wife, yes or no?”: a study of hegemonic femininity in Kazakhstan’s online discourses","authors":"Aizada Arystanbek","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2024516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2024516","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study investigates how standards of hegemonic femininity in Kazakhstan are utilised by the public in online spaces to police Kazakh women’s bodies, glorify national culture, and normalise violence against women who do not conform to these standards. Drawing upon discourse analysis as the primary method for examining available comments on Facebook and Instagram, this paper is one of the first studies of modern Kazakh nationalism from a critical gendered perspective that situates discourses about Kazakh women in the context of sexual violence and demonstrates the “weaponisation” of women’s bodies and the normalisation of violence against them in online spaces.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"25 1","pages":"301 - 320"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83186232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-27DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2015687
Courtney Blackington
ABSTRACT Do partisans process information about conspiracy theories like other standard types of political information – through a partisan lens? Are partisans of ethnopopulist parties more likely to believe in conspiracy theories in general, or only the ones their party endorses? Using data from Poland, I show that when their party elites endorse a specific conspiracy theory, partisans are more likely to believe in it. However, ethnopopulist partisanship is only positively associated with conspiratorial beliefs when an individual's ethnopopulist party pushes a conspiracy theory. Thus, conspiratorial beliefs appear to operate like other sources of political information, which are vulnerable to partisan cueing.
{"title":"Partisanship and plane crashes: can partisanship drive conspiratorial beliefs?","authors":"Courtney Blackington","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2015687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2015687","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Do partisans process information about conspiracy theories like other standard types of political information – through a partisan lens? Are partisans of ethnopopulist parties more likely to believe in conspiracy theories in general, or only the ones their party endorses? Using data from Poland, I show that when their party elites endorse a specific conspiracy theory, partisans are more likely to believe in it. However, ethnopopulist partisanship is only positively associated with conspiratorial beliefs when an individual's ethnopopulist party pushes a conspiracy theory. Thus, conspiratorial beliefs appear to operate like other sources of political information, which are vulnerable to partisan cueing.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"254 - 280"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84155656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2015686
Z. Sloboda
ABSTRACT This article is to review the development of the LGBT+ movement in Czechia after 1989. The analytical section introduces three distinctive phases: (1) the movement’s establishment and development during the 1990s, (2) the period culminating (and declining) with the adoption of the Registered Partnership in 2006, and (3) the period characterised as a restructuring of the movement towards the goal of equal parental and marriage rights. The article analyses the development and changes in the organisational structure of the movement (according to [Císař, Ondřej. 2013. “A Typology of Extra-Parliamentary Political Activism in Post-Communist Settings: The Case of the Czech Republic.” In Jacobsson and Saxonberg, 139–168]). It uncovers heterogeneity, mostly concentrated around short transitory moments in each phase which allow the establishment of short-term, often informal, self-organised organisations oriented less on transactional activism, typical for NGOs of the region and time period.
{"title":"Development and (re)organisation of the Czech LGBT+ movement (1989–2021)","authors":"Z. Sloboda","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2015686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2015686","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article is to review the development of the LGBT+ movement in Czechia after 1989. The analytical section introduces three distinctive phases: (1) the movement’s establishment and development during the 1990s, (2) the period culminating (and declining) with the adoption of the Registered Partnership in 2006, and (3) the period characterised as a restructuring of the movement towards the goal of equal parental and marriage rights. The article analyses the development and changes in the organisational structure of the movement (according to [Císař, Ondřej. 2013. “A Typology of Extra-Parliamentary Political Activism in Post-Communist Settings: The Case of the Czech Republic.” In Jacobsson and Saxonberg, 139–168]). It uncovers heterogeneity, mostly concentrated around short transitory moments in each phase which allow the establishment of short-term, often informal, self-organised organisations oriented less on transactional activism, typical for NGOs of the region and time period.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"22 1","pages":"281 - 302"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90022339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006642
D. Pavlović
This study looks into the fi rst 30 years of European post-communist political party system development, examining the fate of new political parties in 11 post-communist countries: Bul-garia, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slova-kia, and Slovenia, from 1990 to 2019. In spite of the relatively narrow geographical area covered, Haughton and Deegan-Krause o ff er a theory that is also applicable to other parts of the world. The trends. less 40% of their initial strength. parties left-right economic and national issues, which roughly re fl ects the dominant atmosphere of 1989 when they were formed.
{"title":"The new party challenge. Changing cycles of party birth and death in Central Europe and beyond","authors":"D. Pavlović","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006642","url":null,"abstract":"This study looks into the fi rst 30 years of European post-communist political party system development, examining the fate of new political parties in 11 post-communist countries: Bul-garia, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slova-kia, and Slovenia, from 1990 to 2019. In spite of the relatively narrow geographical area covered, Haughton and Deegan-Krause o ff er a theory that is also applicable to other parts of the world. The trends. less 40% of their initial strength. parties left-right economic and national issues, which roughly re fl ects the dominant atmosphere of 1989 when they were formed.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"22 1","pages":"488 - 489"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78896340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006643
Mila Moshelova
visibility of court cases and publically active courts lead to more “ fact-based ” public discourse of accountability (4, 155, 192). In con-trast, stands the instrumental role media plays in the hands of the state prosecutor twisting the concept of accountability to the bene fi t of political elites. In the case of Russia, the power ver-tical dominates the trajectory of accountability, or the “ presidentialization ” (4) and personali-sation of forums and inquiries. Key example of the reverse here is Navalny ’ s anti-corruption work and its repercussions.
{"title":"Democracy beyond elections: government accountability in the media age. (Challenges to democracy in the 21st century)","authors":"Mila Moshelova","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006643","url":null,"abstract":"visibility of court cases and publically active courts lead to more “ fact-based ” public discourse of accountability (4, 155, 192). In con-trast, stands the instrumental role media plays in the hands of the state prosecutor twisting the concept of accountability to the bene fi t of political elites. In the case of Russia, the power ver-tical dominates the trajectory of accountability, or the “ presidentialization ” (4) and personali-sation of forums and inquiries. Key example of the reverse here is Navalny ’ s anti-corruption work and its repercussions.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"687 - 688"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74113656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-25DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006639
P. Reményi, H. Gekıć, A. Bidžan-Gekić, Dávid Sümeghy
ABSTRACT The majority of experts consider ethnicisation the defining factor in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political life. Our objective is to uncover what other factors affect party performance and what, if any, territorial pattern different from the ethnic one, can be drawn. We argue, based on quantitative analyses, that besides the “ethnic rule”, other social cleavages (like the urban-rural one) with territorial patterns are also present in the country, though they are less significant. In the the entity of Federation ethnic polarisation is a significant contextual factor, while in the party competition of the entity of Republic of Srpska mainly non-ethnic factors are decisive.
{"title":"Electoral Geography of Bosnia and Herzegovina – is there anything beyond the ethnic rule?","authors":"P. Reményi, H. Gekıć, A. Bidžan-Gekić, Dávid Sümeghy","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006639","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The majority of experts consider ethnicisation the defining factor in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political life. Our objective is to uncover what other factors affect party performance and what, if any, territorial pattern different from the ethnic one, can be drawn. We argue, based on quantitative analyses, that besides the “ethnic rule”, other social cleavages (like the urban-rural one) with territorial patterns are also present in the country, though they are less significant. In the the entity of Federation ethnic polarisation is a significant contextual factor, while in the party competition of the entity of Republic of Srpska mainly non-ethnic factors are decisive.","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"227 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79871217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-25DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2021.2006640
O. Deineko
{"title":"Decentralization, regional diversity, and conflict. The case of Ukraine","authors":"O. Deineko","doi":"10.1080/21599165.2021.2006640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.2006640","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46570,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics","volume":"82 1","pages":"165 - 166"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89433091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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