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Social conformity and prejudice toward immigrants: the role of political messaging 社会从众与对移民的偏见:政治信息的作用
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2021.1989028
K. Zhirkov, M. Verkuyten, E. Ponarin
ABSTRACT Can targeted messages from political elites impact the relationship between valuing conformity and prejudice? We answer this question in a survey experiment on a national probability sample from the Netherlands by exposing respondents to a favorable vs. unfavorable statement about East European immigrants. We find that individuals attaching relatively high importance to the value of conformity express greater agreement with the statement, independently of its content or partisanship. Further, the positive association between valuing conformity and prejudice is significantly decreased when individuals are presented with a favorable statement about East European immigrants. Thus, valuing conformity is not only associated with higher prejudice but can also reduce prejudice because it makes individuals susceptible to elite normative pressure to respond positively.
政治精英有针对性的信息是否会影响从众与偏见之间的关系?我们在一项针对荷兰国家概率样本的调查实验中回答了这个问题,让受访者听到了对东欧移民的正面或负面陈述。我们发现,相对高度重视一致性价值的个体,无论其内容或党派关系如何,都对该声明表示更大的同意。此外,当个体看到对东欧移民有利的陈述时,从众价值与偏见之间的正相关显著降低。因此,重视从众不仅与更高的偏见有关,而且还可以减少偏见,因为它使个人容易受到精英规范压力的影响,做出积极的反应。
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引用次数: 2
Helping the child or the adult? Systematically testing the identifiable victim effect for child and adult victims 帮助孩子还是大人?系统地测试儿童和成人受害者的可识别受害者效应
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2021.1995482
Hajdi Moche, D. Västfjäll
ABSTRACT Is the identifiable victim effect (IVE; helping a single identified victim more than a statistical victim) stronger for child victims than adult victims? In this paper, we test the effect of identifying a victim and whether that victim is a child or adult on helping motivation and donation behaviors. In three studies (N = 1508) with different samples from different countries, we find no main effect of identifiability on any of our measures, and no support that the IVE mainly occurs for children. However, we find an age effect; child victims receive more help (studies 1a-1b) or evoke a greater motivation to help (study 2) than adult victims.
可识别受害人效应(IVE;帮助一个确定的受害者(而不是统计上的受害者)对儿童受害者的帮助比对成人受害者的帮助更强?在本文中,我们测试了识别受害者以及受害者是儿童还是成人对帮助动机和捐赠行为的影响。在来自不同国家的三个不同样本的研究(N = 1508)中,我们发现可识别性对我们的任何测量都没有主要影响,并且不支持IVE主要发生在儿童身上。然而,我们发现了年龄效应;与成年受害者相比,儿童受害者得到了更多的帮助(研究1a-1b),或者激发了更大的帮助动机(研究2)。
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引用次数: 4
Are we gaining or losing ground? Dynamic perceptions of public opinion influence willingness to speak out and participate in land use conflicts 我们是取得了进展还是失去了进展?对公众舆论的动态感知影响到公开发言和参与土地使用冲突的意愿
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2021.1944907
N. Cavazza, M. Roccato
ABSTRACT Using an Italian land use conflict on the building a high-speed railway (HSR) as case study, we analyzed how perceived changes in public opinion influence (a) people’s willingness to speak out, and (b) subsequently their intentions to engage in action (N = 311). Regardless of whether they were on the majority or minority side of the conflict, citizens’ willingness to speak out was positively associated with their perceptions that their position was becoming more or less widespread within public opinion, especially among participants with extreme attitudes toward the HSR. Willingness to speak out about the HSR mediated the relation between increasing support discrepancy and intention to participate in the conflict. Strengths, limitations and implications are discussed.
以意大利高速铁路(HSR)建设中的土地使用冲突为例,我们分析了公众舆论的感知变化如何影响(a)人们发声的意愿,以及(b)随后他们参与行动的意图(N = 311)。无论他们是冲突的多数派还是少数派,公民表达意见的意愿与他们认为自己的立场在公众舆论中或多或少变得普遍的看法呈正相关,尤其是在对高铁持极端态度的参与者中。高铁事件的发声意愿在支持差异增加与冲突参与意愿之间起中介作用。讨论了优势、局限性和影响。
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引用次数: 0
Autonomy supportive and reactance supportive inoculations both boost resistance to propaganda, as mediated by state autonomy but not state reactance 自主支持和抗拒支持接种都增强了对宣传的抵抗力,作为国家自治而不是国家抗拒的中介
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2021.1908910
Douglas Wilbur, Kennon M. Sheldon, G. Cameron
ABSTRACT We tested two counter-propaganda strategies for boosting peoples’ resistance to extremist propaganda, one based on Self-Determination Theory and one based on Psychological Reactance theory. Caucasian mTurk worker participants (N = 387) were told they would read extremist messages and were randomly assigned to either a neutral control condition, an autonomy-supportive inoculation condition (‘it is your choice to agree or not’), or a reactance-supportive inoculation condition (‘don’t let them manipulate you’). They then read and rated their agreement with two anti-immigrant extremist messages. Both inoculations produced lower agreement with the extremist messages, compared to the control condition. These effects were independent of participants’ political conservatism and trait reactance, although these person variables were both associated with message agreement. Both the autonomy-support and reactance-support effects were mediated by felt autonomy need-satisfaction, but not by state reactance. Ironically, telling participants that they are free to accept extremist claims may help them to resist such claims.
本文对两种反宣传策略进行了测试,以增强人们对极端主义宣传的抵抗力,一种是基于自我决定理论,另一种是基于心理抗拒理论。高加索裔土耳其工人参与者(N = 387)被告知他们将阅读极端主义信息,并被随机分配到中立控制条件、自主支持接种条件(“你可以选择同意或不同意”)或反抗支持接种条件(“不要让他们操纵你”)。然后,他们阅读并评价自己对两个反移民极端主义信息的认同。与对照组相比,两种接种方式对极端信息的认同程度都较低。这些影响与参与者的政治保守主义和特质抗拒无关,尽管这些个人变量都与信息一致性有关。自主性-支持效应和抗拒-支持效应均受感觉自主性需求满足的调节,而不受状态抗拒的调节。具有讽刺意味的是,告诉参与者他们可以自由地接受极端主义的说法,可能会帮助他们抵制这种说法。
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引用次数: 2
Right-wing authoritarianism, conspiracy mentality, and susceptibility to distorted alternative news 右翼威权主义、阴谋心态和对扭曲另类新闻的敏感性
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2021.1966499
L. Frischlich, Jens H. Hellmann, Felix Brinkschulte, Martin Becker, M. Back
ABSTRACT At least since 2016, distorted news published in populist alternative media outlets have raised global concerns about the effects of distorted news on democratic process such as opinion formation and voting. Not all individuals are equally susceptible to distorted news. In three experimental studies (total N = 1,024), we demonstrate that (a) distorted alternative news are seen as less credible compared to journalist news; (b) the perceived credibility of distorted news is greater among right-wing authoritarians and conspiracy-minded individuals; (c) exposure to distorted news can bias these types of individuals’ attitudes about an unknown political candidate; and (d) distorted news leads people in general to develop less favorable attitudes toward the targeted candidate as compared to journalist news.
至少自2016年以来,民粹主义另类媒体发布的扭曲新闻引发了全球对扭曲新闻对民意形成和投票等民主进程影响的担忧。并非所有人都同样容易受到歪曲新闻的影响。在三项实验研究中(总N = 1,024),我们证明了:(a)与记者新闻相比,扭曲的替代新闻被认为不那么可信;(b)在右翼威权主义者和有阴谋思想的个人中,扭曲新闻的可信度更高;(c)接触扭曲的新闻会使这些人对未知的政治候选人的态度产生偏见;(d)与记者的新闻相比,扭曲的新闻通常会导致人们对目标候选人产生不那么有利的态度。
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引用次数: 11
Social discrimination perception of health-care workers and ordinary people toward individuals with COVID-19 医护人员和普通民众对新冠肺炎患者的社会歧视认知
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1838945
H. Dalky, A. Hamdan-Mansour, B. Amarneh, Manar AlAzzam RN, Nuha Remon Yacoub, A. Khalifeh, M. Aldalaykeh, A. Dalky, R. Rawashdeh, D. Yehia, M. Alnajar
ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to explore perception of social discrimination among ordinary people and health-care workers toward individuals with COVID-19 in Jordan. A cross-sectional descriptive-comparative design was used to collect data from a convenience sample of 272 ordinary people and 109 HCWs utilizing an online survey format. HCWs reported low to medium social discrimination (SDS) level, while ordinary people reported a higher level with statistical difference (t = 8.64, p <.001). SDS had positive and significant correlation with years of experience, specialty of nursing, education and area of working among HCWs. The study signifies the social discrimination associated with COVID-19 among ordinary people and healthcare workers. Implications to health practices and public policies discussed.
本研究的目的是探讨约旦普通民众和卫生保健工作者对COVID-19个体的社会歧视感知。采用横断面描述性比较设计,利用在线调查格式从272名普通人和109名卫生保健工作者的方便样本中收集数据。HCWs报告的社会歧视(SDS)水平为中低,而普通人报告的社会歧视(SDS)水平较高,差异有统计学意义(t = 8.64, p < 0.001)。SDS与医护人员的工作年限、护理专业、学历、工作领域呈正相关。该研究反映了与COVID-19相关的普通民众和医护人员的社会歧视。讨论了对卫生实践和公共政策的影响。
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引用次数: 11
The language of politics: ideological differences in congressional communication on social media and the floor of Congress 政治的语言:社交媒体和国会沟通中的意识形态差异
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1871403
J. Jost, Joanna Sterling
ABSTRACT Theory and research in political psychology, most of which is based on self-report studies of ordinary citizens, suggests that liberals and conservatives differ in terms of personality traits, value priorities, cognitive styles, and motivational tendencies. These psychological characteristics may be studied unobtrusively through the use of text analysis, which is especially valuable when it comes to investigating the characteristics of political elites, who are otherwise extremely difficult to study, despite their importance for understanding ideological dynamics. In the present research program we used Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) software to analyze the language used by 279–388 members of the U.S. Congress on Twitter (n = 88,874 tweets), Facebook (n = 15,636 posts), and the floor of Congress (n = 6,159 speeches) over the same four-month period (February 9–May 28, 2014). Consistent with findings based on ordinary citizens, we observed that conservative legislators used more language pertaining to religion, power, threat, inhibition, risk and – on the floor of Congress – tradition and resistance to change. Conversely, liberal legislators used more language pertaining to affiliation, achievement, benevolence, emotion in general, ‘social’ concerns and – on the floor of Congress – universalism, stimulation, and hedonism. Implications for the study of political psycholinguistics focusing on ideological and contextual variability in communication patterns on various platforms are discussed, as are differences in language used by ordinary citizens and political elites.
政治心理学的理论和研究大多基于普通公民的自我报告研究,认为自由主义者和保守主义者在人格特征、价值优先、认知风格和动机倾向方面存在差异。这些心理特征可以通过文本分析进行不显眼的研究,这在调查政治精英的特征时尤其有价值,尽管他们对理解意识形态动态很重要,但他们的特征很难研究。在本研究项目中,我们使用语言调查和单词计数(LIWC)软件分析了279-388名美国国会议员在Twitter (n = 88,874条推文)、Facebook (n = 15,636条帖子)和国会(n = 6,159次演讲)上使用的语言,时间跨度为四个月(2014年2月9日至5月28日)。与基于普通公民的调查结果一致,我们观察到保守派立法者更多地使用与宗教、权力、威胁、抑制、风险以及——在国会——传统和抵制变革有关的语言。相反,自由派立法者更多地使用与隶属关系、成就、仁慈、一般情感、“社会”关注以及——在国会——普遍主义、刺激和享乐主义有关的语言。本文讨论了政治心理语言学在不同平台上交流模式的意识形态和语境变化,以及普通公民和政治精英使用的语言差异。
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引用次数: 8
Gratitude, indebtedness, and reciprocity: an extended replication of Bartlett & DeSteno (2006) 感恩、负债和互惠:Bartlett & DeSteno(2006)的扩展复制
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2019.1710248
C. Peng, Charlotte Malafosse, R. Nelissen, M. Zeelenberg
ABSTRACT In a landmark study in 2006, Bartlett and DeSteno found that receiving help promoted reciprocal behavior and that this effect was mediated by gratitude. Recent research, however, suggested that indebtedness is more closely associated with reciprocation than gratitude. Therefore, we examined whether reciprocal behavior could (also) be attributed to indebtedness. Specifically, we attempted to replicate and extend Bartlett and DeSteno’s Study 1 by additionally including a measure of indebtedness. Surprisingly, the replication was not successful. We did not find support for the idea that receiving help promoted reciprocal behavior, and neither gratitude nor indebtedness was associated with reciprocal behavior. Finally, we call for attention that the extant literature may be inconclusive regarding the presumed prosocial effects of gratitude.
在2006年的一项具有里程碑意义的研究中,Bartlett和DeSteno发现,接受帮助促进了互惠行为,而这种效应是由感恩介导的。然而,最近的研究表明,负债与回报的关系比感恩更密切。因此,我们研究了互惠行为是否也可以归因于负债。具体来说,我们试图复制和扩展Bartlett和DeSteno的研究1,增加了负债的测量。令人惊讶的是,复制并不成功。我们没有发现支持接受帮助促进互惠行为的观点,感激和负债都与互惠行为无关。最后,我们需要注意的是,现存的文献可能对假定的感恩的亲社会效应没有定论。
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引用次数: 4
Lab to life: impression management effectiveness and behaviors 从实验室到生活:印象管理的有效性和行为
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1785545
Michael Z. Wang, Judith A. Hall
ABSTRACT Studies assigning impression goals to achieve in the laboratory typically assume their results translate to social success outside. To test this, 156 participants interacted with a confederate, first with no goal (baseline) and then with a goal (post-goal). Goals were to appear likeable, intelligent, likeable and intelligent, or no goal (Control). Up to 10 friends provided ratings of participants. According to video perceivers, participants achieved their goals on average (relative to Control). Confident-type behaviors mediated Likeability condition assignment (relative to Control) and post-goal likeability, and less smiling/laughing mediated Intelligence condition assignment (relative to Control) and post-goal intelligence. Post-goal perceiver ratings (controlling for baseline) correlated with self-rated and friend-rated social life outcomes, suggesting laboratory impression success translates to outside social success.
在实验室中设定印象目标的研究通常假设其结果可以转化为外部的社会成功。为了验证这一点,156名参与者与一个同谋进行了互动,首先没有目标(基线),然后有目标(进球后)。目标看起来可爱,聪明,可爱和聪明,或者没有目标(对照组)。多达10位朋友提供了参与者的评分。根据视频感知者的说法,参与者平均实现了他们的目标(相对于对照组)。自信型行为介导受欢迎程度条件分配(相对于控制组)和目标后受欢迎程度,较少微笑/大笑介导智力条件分配(相对于控制组)和目标后智力。目标后感知者评分(控制基线)与自我评价和朋友评价的社会生活结果相关,表明实验室印象的成功转化为外部社会成功。
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引用次数: 3
Meta-cognition and resistance to political persuasion: evidence from a three-wave panel study 元认知与对政治说服的抵抗:来自三波面板研究的证据
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 Psychology Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1760129
J. Vitriol, Howard G. Lavine, E. Borgida
ABSTRACT We investigate the temporal course of meta-cognition and resistance processes following exposure to counter-attitudinal information in the 2012 Presidential election. Using a unique 3-wave survey panel design, we tracked eligible voters during the last months of the 2012 campaign and experimentally manipulated exposure to negative political messages targeting Barack Obama and Mitt Romney on an online platform. As predicted, we found that politically unengaged (vs. engaged) individuals were less likely to counter-argue a message attacking their favored candidate. Resistance, in turn, led to increased attitudinal certainty, polarization, and correspondence with actual voting behavior over the course of the campaign. These findings provide the first analysis of the longitudinal effects of meta-cognitive processes underlying persuasion for real-world attitude change and behavior.
研究了2012年美国总统大选中反态度信息暴露后的元认知和抵抗过程的时间进程。采用独特的三波调查面板设计,我们在2012年竞选的最后几个月追踪合格选民,并实验性地操纵了在线平台上针对巴拉克·奥巴马和米特·罗姆尼的负面政治信息的曝光。正如预测的那样,我们发现不参与政治的人(与参与政治的人相比)不太可能反驳攻击他们喜欢的候选人的信息。在竞选过程中,抵制又导致了态度上的确定性、两极分化和与实际投票行为的一致性增加。这些发现首次分析了说服背后的元认知过程对现实世界态度改变和行为的纵向影响。
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引用次数: 2
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Social Influence
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