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Autonomy supportive and reactance supportive inoculations both boost resistance to propaganda, as mediated by state autonomy but not state reactance 自主支持和抗拒支持接种都增强了对宣传的抵抗力,作为国家自治而不是国家抗拒的中介
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2021.1908910
Douglas Wilbur, Kennon M. Sheldon, G. Cameron
ABSTRACT We tested two counter-propaganda strategies for boosting peoples’ resistance to extremist propaganda, one based on Self-Determination Theory and one based on Psychological Reactance theory. Caucasian mTurk worker participants (N = 387) were told they would read extremist messages and were randomly assigned to either a neutral control condition, an autonomy-supportive inoculation condition (‘it is your choice to agree or not’), or a reactance-supportive inoculation condition (‘don’t let them manipulate you’). They then read and rated their agreement with two anti-immigrant extremist messages. Both inoculations produced lower agreement with the extremist messages, compared to the control condition. These effects were independent of participants’ political conservatism and trait reactance, although these person variables were both associated with message agreement. Both the autonomy-support and reactance-support effects were mediated by felt autonomy need-satisfaction, but not by state reactance. Ironically, telling participants that they are free to accept extremist claims may help them to resist such claims.
本文对两种反宣传策略进行了测试,以增强人们对极端主义宣传的抵抗力,一种是基于自我决定理论,另一种是基于心理抗拒理论。高加索裔土耳其工人参与者(N = 387)被告知他们将阅读极端主义信息,并被随机分配到中立控制条件、自主支持接种条件(“你可以选择同意或不同意”)或反抗支持接种条件(“不要让他们操纵你”)。然后,他们阅读并评价自己对两个反移民极端主义信息的认同。与对照组相比,两种接种方式对极端信息的认同程度都较低。这些影响与参与者的政治保守主义和特质抗拒无关,尽管这些个人变量都与信息一致性有关。自主性-支持效应和抗拒-支持效应均受感觉自主性需求满足的调节,而不受状态抗拒的调节。具有讽刺意味的是,告诉参与者他们可以自由地接受极端主义的说法,可能会帮助他们抵制这种说法。
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引用次数: 2
Right-wing authoritarianism, conspiracy mentality, and susceptibility to distorted alternative news 右翼威权主义、阴谋心态和对扭曲另类新闻的敏感性
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2021.1966499
L. Frischlich, Jens H. Hellmann, Felix Brinkschulte, Martin Becker, M. Back
ABSTRACT At least since 2016, distorted news published in populist alternative media outlets have raised global concerns about the effects of distorted news on democratic process such as opinion formation and voting. Not all individuals are equally susceptible to distorted news. In three experimental studies (total N = 1,024), we demonstrate that (a) distorted alternative news are seen as less credible compared to journalist news; (b) the perceived credibility of distorted news is greater among right-wing authoritarians and conspiracy-minded individuals; (c) exposure to distorted news can bias these types of individuals’ attitudes about an unknown political candidate; and (d) distorted news leads people in general to develop less favorable attitudes toward the targeted candidate as compared to journalist news.
至少自2016年以来,民粹主义另类媒体发布的扭曲新闻引发了全球对扭曲新闻对民意形成和投票等民主进程影响的担忧。并非所有人都同样容易受到歪曲新闻的影响。在三项实验研究中(总N = 1,024),我们证明了:(a)与记者新闻相比,扭曲的替代新闻被认为不那么可信;(b)在右翼威权主义者和有阴谋思想的个人中,扭曲新闻的可信度更高;(c)接触扭曲的新闻会使这些人对未知的政治候选人的态度产生偏见;(d)与记者的新闻相比,扭曲的新闻通常会导致人们对目标候选人产生不那么有利的态度。
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引用次数: 11
Social discrimination perception of health-care workers and ordinary people toward individuals with COVID-19 医护人员和普通民众对新冠肺炎患者的社会歧视认知
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1838945
H. Dalky, A. Hamdan-Mansour, B. Amarneh, Manar AlAzzam RN, Nuha Remon Yacoub, A. Khalifeh, M. Aldalaykeh, A. Dalky, R. Rawashdeh, D. Yehia, M. Alnajar
ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to explore perception of social discrimination among ordinary people and health-care workers toward individuals with COVID-19 in Jordan. A cross-sectional descriptive-comparative design was used to collect data from a convenience sample of 272 ordinary people and 109 HCWs utilizing an online survey format. HCWs reported low to medium social discrimination (SDS) level, while ordinary people reported a higher level with statistical difference (t = 8.64, p <.001). SDS had positive and significant correlation with years of experience, specialty of nursing, education and area of working among HCWs. The study signifies the social discrimination associated with COVID-19 among ordinary people and healthcare workers. Implications to health practices and public policies discussed.
本研究的目的是探讨约旦普通民众和卫生保健工作者对COVID-19个体的社会歧视感知。采用横断面描述性比较设计,利用在线调查格式从272名普通人和109名卫生保健工作者的方便样本中收集数据。HCWs报告的社会歧视(SDS)水平为中低,而普通人报告的社会歧视(SDS)水平较高,差异有统计学意义(t = 8.64, p < 0.001)。SDS与医护人员的工作年限、护理专业、学历、工作领域呈正相关。该研究反映了与COVID-19相关的普通民众和医护人员的社会歧视。讨论了对卫生实践和公共政策的影响。
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引用次数: 11
The language of politics: ideological differences in congressional communication on social media and the floor of Congress 政治的语言:社交媒体和国会沟通中的意识形态差异
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1871403
J. Jost, Joanna Sterling
ABSTRACT Theory and research in political psychology, most of which is based on self-report studies of ordinary citizens, suggests that liberals and conservatives differ in terms of personality traits, value priorities, cognitive styles, and motivational tendencies. These psychological characteristics may be studied unobtrusively through the use of text analysis, which is especially valuable when it comes to investigating the characteristics of political elites, who are otherwise extremely difficult to study, despite their importance for understanding ideological dynamics. In the present research program we used Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) software to analyze the language used by 279–388 members of the U.S. Congress on Twitter (n = 88,874 tweets), Facebook (n = 15,636 posts), and the floor of Congress (n = 6,159 speeches) over the same four-month period (February 9–May 28, 2014). Consistent with findings based on ordinary citizens, we observed that conservative legislators used more language pertaining to religion, power, threat, inhibition, risk and – on the floor of Congress – tradition and resistance to change. Conversely, liberal legislators used more language pertaining to affiliation, achievement, benevolence, emotion in general, ‘social’ concerns and – on the floor of Congress – universalism, stimulation, and hedonism. Implications for the study of political psycholinguistics focusing on ideological and contextual variability in communication patterns on various platforms are discussed, as are differences in language used by ordinary citizens and political elites.
政治心理学的理论和研究大多基于普通公民的自我报告研究,认为自由主义者和保守主义者在人格特征、价值优先、认知风格和动机倾向方面存在差异。这些心理特征可以通过文本分析进行不显眼的研究,这在调查政治精英的特征时尤其有价值,尽管他们对理解意识形态动态很重要,但他们的特征很难研究。在本研究项目中,我们使用语言调查和单词计数(LIWC)软件分析了279-388名美国国会议员在Twitter (n = 88,874条推文)、Facebook (n = 15,636条帖子)和国会(n = 6,159次演讲)上使用的语言,时间跨度为四个月(2014年2月9日至5月28日)。与基于普通公民的调查结果一致,我们观察到保守派立法者更多地使用与宗教、权力、威胁、抑制、风险以及——在国会——传统和抵制变革有关的语言。相反,自由派立法者更多地使用与隶属关系、成就、仁慈、一般情感、“社会”关注以及——在国会——普遍主义、刺激和享乐主义有关的语言。本文讨论了政治心理语言学在不同平台上交流模式的意识形态和语境变化,以及普通公民和政治精英使用的语言差异。
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引用次数: 8
Gratitude, indebtedness, and reciprocity: an extended replication of Bartlett & DeSteno (2006) 感恩、负债和互惠:Bartlett & DeSteno(2006)的扩展复制
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2019.1710248
C. Peng, Charlotte Malafosse, R. Nelissen, M. Zeelenberg
ABSTRACT In a landmark study in 2006, Bartlett and DeSteno found that receiving help promoted reciprocal behavior and that this effect was mediated by gratitude. Recent research, however, suggested that indebtedness is more closely associated with reciprocation than gratitude. Therefore, we examined whether reciprocal behavior could (also) be attributed to indebtedness. Specifically, we attempted to replicate and extend Bartlett and DeSteno’s Study 1 by additionally including a measure of indebtedness. Surprisingly, the replication was not successful. We did not find support for the idea that receiving help promoted reciprocal behavior, and neither gratitude nor indebtedness was associated with reciprocal behavior. Finally, we call for attention that the extant literature may be inconclusive regarding the presumed prosocial effects of gratitude.
在2006年的一项具有里程碑意义的研究中,Bartlett和DeSteno发现,接受帮助促进了互惠行为,而这种效应是由感恩介导的。然而,最近的研究表明,负债与回报的关系比感恩更密切。因此,我们研究了互惠行为是否也可以归因于负债。具体来说,我们试图复制和扩展Bartlett和DeSteno的研究1,增加了负债的测量。令人惊讶的是,复制并不成功。我们没有发现支持接受帮助促进互惠行为的观点,感激和负债都与互惠行为无关。最后,我们需要注意的是,现存的文献可能对假定的感恩的亲社会效应没有定论。
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引用次数: 4
Lab to life: impression management effectiveness and behaviors 从实验室到生活:印象管理的有效性和行为
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1785545
Michael Z. Wang, Judith A. Hall
ABSTRACT Studies assigning impression goals to achieve in the laboratory typically assume their results translate to social success outside. To test this, 156 participants interacted with a confederate, first with no goal (baseline) and then with a goal (post-goal). Goals were to appear likeable, intelligent, likeable and intelligent, or no goal (Control). Up to 10 friends provided ratings of participants. According to video perceivers, participants achieved their goals on average (relative to Control). Confident-type behaviors mediated Likeability condition assignment (relative to Control) and post-goal likeability, and less smiling/laughing mediated Intelligence condition assignment (relative to Control) and post-goal intelligence. Post-goal perceiver ratings (controlling for baseline) correlated with self-rated and friend-rated social life outcomes, suggesting laboratory impression success translates to outside social success.
在实验室中设定印象目标的研究通常假设其结果可以转化为外部的社会成功。为了验证这一点,156名参与者与一个同谋进行了互动,首先没有目标(基线),然后有目标(进球后)。目标看起来可爱,聪明,可爱和聪明,或者没有目标(对照组)。多达10位朋友提供了参与者的评分。根据视频感知者的说法,参与者平均实现了他们的目标(相对于对照组)。自信型行为介导受欢迎程度条件分配(相对于控制组)和目标后受欢迎程度,较少微笑/大笑介导智力条件分配(相对于控制组)和目标后智力。目标后感知者评分(控制基线)与自我评价和朋友评价的社会生活结果相关,表明实验室印象的成功转化为外部社会成功。
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引用次数: 3
Meta-cognition and resistance to political persuasion: evidence from a three-wave panel study 元认知与对政治说服的抵抗:来自三波面板研究的证据
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1760129
J. Vitriol, Howard G. Lavine, E. Borgida
ABSTRACT We investigate the temporal course of meta-cognition and resistance processes following exposure to counter-attitudinal information in the 2012 Presidential election. Using a unique 3-wave survey panel design, we tracked eligible voters during the last months of the 2012 campaign and experimentally manipulated exposure to negative political messages targeting Barack Obama and Mitt Romney on an online platform. As predicted, we found that politically unengaged (vs. engaged) individuals were less likely to counter-argue a message attacking their favored candidate. Resistance, in turn, led to increased attitudinal certainty, polarization, and correspondence with actual voting behavior over the course of the campaign. These findings provide the first analysis of the longitudinal effects of meta-cognitive processes underlying persuasion for real-world attitude change and behavior.
研究了2012年美国总统大选中反态度信息暴露后的元认知和抵抗过程的时间进程。采用独特的三波调查面板设计,我们在2012年竞选的最后几个月追踪合格选民,并实验性地操纵了在线平台上针对巴拉克·奥巴马和米特·罗姆尼的负面政治信息的曝光。正如预测的那样,我们发现不参与政治的人(与参与政治的人相比)不太可能反驳攻击他们喜欢的候选人的信息。在竞选过程中,抵制又导致了态度上的确定性、两极分化和与实际投票行为的一致性增加。这些发现首次分析了说服背后的元认知过程对现实世界态度改变和行为的纵向影响。
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引用次数: 2
A novel way of responding to dissonance evoked by belief disconfirmation: making the wrongdoing of an opponent salient 一种对信念不确认引起的失调反应的新方法:使对手的错误突出
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2020.1781248
E. Harmon-Jones, Cindy Harmon-Jones, T. Denson
ABSTRACT Based on dissonance theory, we predicted that individuals who supported a political figure (Donald Trump), were exposed to information about his wrongdoings, and believed the veracity of this information would be most likely to share social media that points to incidents in which opponents also engaged in wrongdoing. Participants (N = 409) varying in their support for Trump were exposed to information concerning his alleged wrongdoings (or a neutral article). They viewed a meme of a political rival (Hilary Clinton) that alluded to her alleged wrongdoings, and reported how likely they would be to share the meme (and indicated how accurate they believed the Trump article was). Results supported the prediction, suggesting that dissonance may cause individuals to emphasize the wrongdoings of opponents.
基于认知失调理论,我们预测那些支持某一政治人物(唐纳德·特朗普)的人在接触到有关其不法行为的信息后,相信这些信息的真实性的人最有可能在社交媒体上分享指出对手也有不法行为的事件。对特朗普支持程度不同的参与者(N = 409)接触到有关他所谓的不法行为的信息(或一篇中立的文章)。他们看了一个政治对手(希拉里·克林顿)的表情包,其中暗指她所谓的不法行为,然后报告了他们分享这个表情包的可能性(并表明他们认为特朗普的文章有多准确)。结果支持了这一预测,表明不和谐可能导致个体强调对手的错误行为。
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引用次数: 3
“Mind full or mindful” – can mere cognitive busyness lead to compliance similar to an emotional seesaw? “满脑子还是正念”——仅仅是认知上的忙碌就能像情绪跷跷板一样导致顺从吗?
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2019.1682656
M. Kaczmarek, M. Steffens
ABSTRACT The emotional seesaw phenomenon (ESP) is a social-influence technique in which a person experiences a certain emotion, where the external stimulus that evoked the emotion suddenly disappears. Large effects on compliance and impaired cognitive functioning were reported after ESPs. The present research (total N = 163) tests a generalization of this phenomenon: whether mere cognitive busyness leads to similar effects by provoking an inner focus. Two experiments closely modeled after previous ESP experiments supported this reasoning: a simple expectancy violation (Experiment 1) and cognitive load (Experiment 2) caused a comparable pattern of results as the ESP. Experiment 3 demonstrated that also the ESP fostered an inner focus and consequently compliant behavior. We discuss mechanisms underlying social-influence techniques.
摘要情绪跷跷板现象(ESP)是一种社会影响技术,当一个人经历某种情绪时,引起这种情绪的外部刺激突然消失。据报道,ESPs对依从性和认知功能受损有很大影响。目前的研究(总N = 163)测试了这一现象的概括:仅仅是认知上的忙碌是否会通过激发内心的专注而产生类似的效果。两个与之前的ESP实验密切相关的实验支持了这一推理:一个简单的期望违反(实验1)和认知负荷(实验2)与ESP产生了类似的结果模式。实验3表明ESP也培养了一种内在焦点,从而产生了顺从行为。我们讨论潜在的社会影响技术的机制。
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引用次数: 0
The role of information sentiment in popularity on social media: a psychoinformatic and electroencephalogram study 信息情绪在社交媒体受欢迎程度中的作用:一项心理信息学和脑电图研究
IF 1.7 3区 心理学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/15534510.2019.1695658
Yujing Huang, Xuwei Pan, L. Su, Yang Sun, Yan Mo, Qing-guo Ma
ABSTRACT The effect of information sentiment on popularity is meaningful to understand the information content on social media. The present research examined whether emotion values of information could predict the potential of popularity in two psychoinformatic experiments. A prime task was used with popular/unpopular information as prime and high/low sentiment stimuli as targets. In Experiment 1, we observed that unpopular information survived better than popular information. In Experiment 2, the electrophysiological priming effect was observed for unpopular and popular information. According to the findings, sentiment of information on social media plays a key role in information popularity.
信息情绪对受欢迎程度的影响对于理解社交媒体上的信息内容具有重要意义。本研究通过两个心理信息学实验考察了信息的情感价值是否可以预测受欢迎的潜力。启动任务以流行/不流行信息为启动项,以高/低情绪刺激为目标。在实验1中,我们观察到不受欢迎的信息比受欢迎的信息存活得更好。实验2观察了冷门信息和冷门信息的电生理启动效应。根据调查结果,社交媒体上的信息情绪对信息的受欢迎程度起着关键作用。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Social Influence
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