Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10073
V. Ustyuzhanin, Andrey Korotayev
In recent years, the question of what form a revolutionary uprising will take – armed or unarmed – has been raised more often. This is because, as shown by numerous studies, revolutionary nonviolence can explain why an uprising fails or succeeds to lead to democracy. In the recent decades the likelihood of revolution being nonviolent appears to have significantly increased, but it is still not clear why this tendency is observed. Moreover, there are only a few quantitative cross-national studies on this topic, in which the authors tried to explain the apparent pattern. However, none of them considered political factors separately. This article tests the hypothesis that a country’s level of democracy can inhibit the armed revolutionary violence. By applying logistic regression to the NAVCO database, the authors analyze more than 400 revolutionary episodes and conclude that, in general, the more democratic the political system, the more likely the revolution take an unarmed form. Nevertheless, various revolutionary events could be of a rather different nature, and it is further shown that the level of democracy matters only for sociopolitical revolutions, while for ethno-separatist revolutions it does not play a significant role.
{"title":"Revolutions and Democracy","authors":"V. Ustyuzhanin, Andrey Korotayev","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10073","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In recent years, the question of what form a revolutionary uprising will take – armed or unarmed – has been raised more often. This is because, as shown by numerous studies, revolutionary nonviolence can explain why an uprising fails or succeeds to lead to democracy. In the recent decades the likelihood of revolution being nonviolent appears to have significantly increased, but it is still not clear why this tendency is observed. Moreover, there are only a few quantitative cross-national studies on this topic, in which the authors tried to explain the apparent pattern. However, none of them considered political factors separately. This article tests the hypothesis that a country’s level of democracy can inhibit the armed revolutionary violence. By applying logistic regression to the NAVCO database, the authors analyze more than 400 revolutionary episodes and conclude that, in general, the more democratic the political system, the more likely the revolution take an unarmed form. Nevertheless, various revolutionary events could be of a rather different nature, and it is further shown that the level of democracy matters only for sociopolitical revolutions, while for ethno-separatist revolutions it does not play a significant role.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42890116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10074
Satanik Pal
The following article seeks to establish caste groups in India as Weberian status groups. Dumont and Weber’s understanding of caste, while partially correct in this area, sought to establish caste as uniquely Indian, through their orientalist leanings. The Brahmin caste was seen by most orientalists as being an exclusive group of ascetic priests who headed Hindu society. By attempting to demonstrate the political and economic factors behind their dominance, the author here seeks to de-exoticize these assumptions, and calls for the term caste to be replaced by status. This will allow us to compare endogamous caste groups or jatis in India with status groups in premodern and modern complex societies all over the world.
{"title":"Caste Groups","authors":"Satanik Pal","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10074","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The following article seeks to establish caste groups in India as Weberian status groups. Dumont and Weber’s understanding of caste, while partially correct in this area, sought to establish caste as uniquely Indian, through their orientalist leanings. The Brahmin caste was seen by most orientalists as being an exclusive group of ascetic priests who headed Hindu society. By attempting to demonstrate the political and economic factors behind their dominance, the author here seeks to de-exoticize these assumptions, and calls for the term caste to be replaced by status. This will allow us to compare endogamous caste groups or jatis in India with status groups in premodern and modern complex societies all over the world.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49591179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10072
Hilal Arslan
Both average levels of happiness and its distribution have dramatically changed with neoliberal transition in post-socialist countries that have been marked by chronic unhappiness. This study aims to describe the distribution of happiness by showing its levels and trajectories, and investigates the factors explaining it. The descriptive and multivariate statistical analysis were conducted by using cross-national survey data and a dataset covering country indicators. The findings show an inverse V-shaped pattern for changes in happiness inequality, although there are notable differences between individual countries. Income inequality explains cross-national differences in distribution of happiness during the first intensive reform years. However, objective health status and social trust are the most important predictors in explaining happiness inequality in consolidation and convergence periods.
{"title":"Happiness Inequality in Post-Socialist Countries during Neoliberal Transition","authors":"Hilal Arslan","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10072","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Both average levels of happiness and its distribution have dramatically changed with neoliberal transition in post-socialist countries that have been marked by chronic unhappiness. This study aims to describe the distribution of happiness by showing its levels and trajectories, and investigates the factors explaining it. The descriptive and multivariate statistical analysis were conducted by using cross-national survey data and a dataset covering country indicators. The findings show an inverse V-shaped pattern for changes in happiness inequality, although there are notable differences between individual countries. Income inequality explains cross-national differences in distribution of happiness during the first intensive reform years. However, objective health status and social trust are the most important predictors in explaining happiness inequality in consolidation and convergence periods.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46888584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10071
Saka Luqman, Dauda A. Busari
Abstract Godfatherism as a phenomenon has been in existence since time immemorial and continues to feature in many human endeavors. It is a sui generis practice that depicts political might, political survival and power sustenance. In Nigeria, it indicates political relevance and significance that guarantees meteoric rise in political careers. This dominant political culture has been sustained by a privileged few that have held sway over the political directions and fortunes within Nigeria’s polity. Drawing case studies from Northern and Southern Nigeria, this study explores the characteristics of presumed godfathers in Nigeria’s political sphere. It details the basic information about godfathers, their ideology, the goals that inform their kind of politics and their primordial engagements with the phenomenon. The study has major policy implications for the seemingly uneven gradation that party politics has assumed in Nigeria.
{"title":"Patrons and Clients","authors":"Saka Luqman, Dauda A. Busari","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10071","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Godfatherism as a phenomenon has been in existence since time immemorial and continues to feature in many human endeavors. It is a sui generis practice that depicts political might, political survival and power sustenance. In Nigeria, it indicates political relevance and significance that guarantees meteoric rise in political careers. This dominant political culture has been sustained by a privileged few that have held sway over the political directions and fortunes within Nigeria’s polity. Drawing case studies from Northern and Southern Nigeria, this study explores the characteristics of presumed godfathers in Nigeria’s political sphere. It details the basic information about godfathers, their ideology, the goals that inform their kind of politics and their primordial engagements with the phenomenon. The study has major policy implications for the seemingly uneven gradation that party politics has assumed in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135996875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10075
A. C. Terblanché-Greeff
In cross-cultural studies, cultures are often described based on their cultural values. Examples of such values are time orientation and social self-construal. Cultures might predominantly represent one of these seemingly bipolar categories, and often dualistic categories of time orientation and social self-construal are grouped, namely monochronism and individualism (MONO+INDV), as well as polychronism and collectivism (POLY+COLL). In academic literature, limited focus is allocated to unique cultural value variations or orthogonal groupings (e.g., MONO+COLL) – a clear gap in the knowledge base. In this article, through conceptual analysis, the author expounds some differences between three POLY+COLL cultures (found in South Africa, the Arab League, and China) based on their time orientation and social self-construal. She also gives accounts of the Japanese and French cultures that present with orthogonal groupings (MONO+COLL and POLY+INDV, respectively) to illustrate that such groupings – much like unique cultural value variants – should receive more focused attention in cross-cultural research.
{"title":"Different Strokes and Different Folks","authors":"A. C. Terblanché-Greeff","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10075","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In cross-cultural studies, cultures are often described based on their cultural values. Examples of such values are time orientation and social self-construal. Cultures might predominantly represent one of these seemingly bipolar categories, and often dualistic categories of time orientation and social self-construal are grouped, namely monochronism and individualism (MONO+INDV), as well as polychronism and collectivism (POLY+COLL). In academic literature, limited focus is allocated to unique cultural value variations or orthogonal groupings (e.g., MONO+COLL) – a clear gap in the knowledge base. In this article, through conceptual analysis, the author expounds some differences between three POLY+COLL cultures (found in South Africa, the Arab League, and China) based on their time orientation and social self-construal. She also gives accounts of the Japanese and French cultures that present with orthogonal groupings (MONO+COLL and POLY+INDV, respectively) to illustrate that such groupings – much like unique cultural value variants – should receive more focused attention in cross-cultural research.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47806167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10069
Kasahun Desyalew Mekonen, Wondale Temesgen Tedla
The purpose of this qualitative study was to investigate Ethiopian urban youth’s changing risk beliefs, contributing factors, and global south lessons in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. Researchers conducted in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with urban youth in Ethiopia’s East-Gojjam district. The findings revealed three major stages in the youth’s risk perception: the high perceived risk stage associated with early pandemic outbreaks, the steady decline stage associated with economic stress that outweighed perceived health risk, and the zero risk stage when all safety measures appear to have been completely abandoned. The government’s self-contradictory rhetoric and practice, the contradiction between religious teachings and scientific messages, and misinformation in social media are factors for the evolved risk beliefs. A major lesson from the global south is the active participation of key stakeholders in bridging the gap between government and society.
{"title":"What Happened to Ethiopian Youth during the Covid-19 Pandemic?","authors":"Kasahun Desyalew Mekonen, Wondale Temesgen Tedla","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10069","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10069","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The purpose of this qualitative study was to investigate Ethiopian urban youth’s changing risk beliefs, contributing factors, and global south lessons in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. Researchers conducted in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with urban youth in Ethiopia’s East-Gojjam district. The findings revealed three major stages in the youth’s risk perception: the high perceived risk stage associated with early pandemic outbreaks, the steady decline stage associated with economic stress that outweighed perceived health risk, and the zero risk stage when all safety measures appear to have been completely abandoned. The government’s self-contradictory rhetoric and practice, the contradiction between religious teachings and scientific messages, and misinformation in social media are factors for the evolved risk beliefs. A major lesson from the global south is the active participation of key stakeholders in bridging the gap between government and society.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48640584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10068
Gökhan Veli Köktürk, Özge Zeybekoğlu Akbaş, Özen Özlem Özcan
This article presents a critical analysis of Society 5.0 in the context of the East-West conflict. Society 5.0, which emerged with Japan’s claim of dominance over the world and leadership over the West, envisages the construction of a new community in which advanced technologies are integrated into social life. The authors evaluate the changes based on westernization, modernization, and risk society in the first section of the article, taking into account Japan’s historical process. The second section discusses the effects of technological changes and advancements on social structure. The third section examines the targets proposed by Society 5.0 within the context of all these points. In this direction, comparative perspectives were considered. According to the study’s findings, Society 5.0 is more in line with the goals of global actors and may cause new structural problems for non-Western societies due to differences in the establishment of the social structure and their sociological background.
{"title":"Sociological Dynamics of Technological Change in the Context of Society 5.0","authors":"Gökhan Veli Köktürk, Özge Zeybekoğlu Akbaş, Özen Özlem Özcan","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10068","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article presents a critical analysis of Society 5.0 in the context of the East-West conflict. Society 5.0, which emerged with Japan’s claim of dominance over the world and leadership over the West, envisages the construction of a new community in which advanced technologies are integrated into social life. The authors evaluate the changes based on westernization, modernization, and risk society in the first section of the article, taking into account Japan’s historical process. The second section discusses the effects of technological changes and advancements on social structure. The third section examines the targets proposed by Society 5.0 within the context of all these points. In this direction, comparative perspectives were considered. According to the study’s findings, Society 5.0 is more in line with the goals of global actors and may cause new structural problems for non-Western societies due to differences in the establishment of the social structure and their sociological background.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44577641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10063
Emil Ole William Kirkegaard, Noah Carl
Previous studies have found that the ability of a country’s cognitive elite is generally more predictive than the average ability. However, these studies have relied on sub-optimal methods. Here, the authors tested smart fraction theory, as it is known, using a pre-residualization approach, which obviates the problem of collinearity. For outcome variables, they utilised the 51 indicators of the Social Progress Index, as well as 6 economic variables. Like in previous research, the authors operationalized the ability of the intellectual class as the 95th percentile score. Consistent with smart fraction theory, they found evidence that the ability of the intellectual class does influence outcomes over and above that of the average ability. For the 93 countries with available data, average ability explained 57% of the variation in country performance. Adding the 95th percentile score increased this to 66%. The authors discuss their findings in light of the existing literature.
{"title":"Smart Fraction Theory","authors":"Emil Ole William Kirkegaard, Noah Carl","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10063","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Previous studies have found that the ability of a country’s cognitive elite is generally more predictive than the average ability. However, these studies have relied on sub-optimal methods. Here, the authors tested smart fraction theory, as it is known, using a pre-residualization approach, which obviates the problem of collinearity. For outcome variables, they utilised the 51 indicators of the Social Progress Index, as well as 6 economic variables. Like in previous research, the authors operationalized the ability of the intellectual class as the 95th percentile score. Consistent with smart fraction theory, they found evidence that the ability of the intellectual class does influence outcomes over and above that of the average ability. For the 93 countries with available data, average ability explained 57% of the variation in country performance. Adding the 95th percentile score increased this to 66%. The authors discuss their findings in light of the existing literature.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47061078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.1163/15691330-bja10067
A. Mirfardi, A. Kazemi, Abdollah Valinezhad
This article investigates the national identity and its relationship with ethnicity and social capital among Iranian university students. The findings show that in Iran, despite ethnic diversity, the observed mean index of national identity is higher than the expected mean. The Persian and Lor ethnic groups obtained the highest, and the Kurdish, and Turkish ethnic groups the lowest mean scores on national identity and social capital. Students majoring in agriculture and humanities obtained the highest, and engineering students the lowest mean score of national identity. Students majoring in science obtained the highest, and engineering students the lowest mean score of social capital. The findings suggest a positive correlation between national identity and social capital. In terms of national identity, there are statistically significant differences among students, but not according to their gender and educational major. In Iran, as a multi-ethnic society, social capital and national identity are directly related. This means that civic national identity and inter-group social capital among Iranian ethnic groups reinforce each other.
{"title":"National Identity, Ethnicity and Social Capital in Iran","authors":"A. Mirfardi, A. Kazemi, Abdollah Valinezhad","doi":"10.1163/15691330-bja10067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10067","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article investigates the national identity and its relationship with ethnicity and social capital among Iranian university students. The findings show that in Iran, despite ethnic diversity, the observed mean index of national identity is higher than the expected mean. The Persian and Lor ethnic groups obtained the highest, and the Kurdish, and Turkish ethnic groups the lowest mean scores on national identity and social capital. Students majoring in agriculture and humanities obtained the highest, and engineering students the lowest mean score of national identity. Students majoring in science obtained the highest, and engineering students the lowest mean score of social capital. The findings suggest a positive correlation between national identity and social capital. In terms of national identity, there are statistically significant differences among students, but not according to their gender and educational major. In Iran, as a multi-ethnic society, social capital and national identity are directly related. This means that civic national identity and inter-group social capital among Iranian ethnic groups reinforce each other.","PeriodicalId":46584,"journal":{"name":"COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48475015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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