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THE RELEVANCE OF PROPRIETY AND SELF-COMMAND IN ADAM SMITH’S THEORY OF MORAL SENTIMENTS 论亚当·斯密道德情操论中礼与自制的相关性
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052520000072
L. Montes
Abstract Propriety and self-command are distinctive and complex Smithian concepts. This essay attempts to shed more light on the meaning and significance of propriety and the virtue of self-command. After a brief introduction on the recent reappraisal of The Theory of Moral Sentiments (TMS), a short analysis of Smith’s crucial idea of sympathy follows. Then the relevance of propriety is discussed and some connections between propriety and the virtue of self-command are explored. Finally, the importance of Smith’s self-command is reassessed, paying attention to its origins and philosophical implications. It is noteworthy that, through self-command and propriety, TMS stresses the role of intentions and motivations. By doing so, Adam Smith opens up new threads to rethink personal liberty and its ethical importance for political economy.
“礼”和“自制”是斯密的两个独特而复杂的概念。本文试图进一步阐释礼与自制之德的意义和意义。在简要介绍了最近对《道德情操论》(TMS)的重新评价之后,对史密斯的重要思想——同情——进行了简短的分析。然后讨论了礼的相关性,并探讨了礼与自律美德之间的联系。最后,重新评估了斯密自我控制的重要性,关注了它的起源和哲学含义。值得注意的是,经颅磁刺激通过自我控制和得体,强调了意图和动机的作用。通过这样做,亚当•斯密为重新思考个人自由及其对政治经济学的伦理重要性开辟了新的思路。
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引用次数: 0
A DEFENSE OF MILL’S ARGUMENT FOR THE “PRACTICAL INSEPARABILITY” OF THE LIBERTIES OF CONSCIENCE (AND THE ABSOLUTISM IT ENTAILS) 为密尔关于良心自由的“实践不可分割性”(以及它所带来的绝对主义)的论证辩护
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052521000029
Daniel Jacobson
Abstract Mill advocated an unqualified defense of the liberty of conscience in the most comprehensive sense, which he understood to include not just the freedom to hold but also to express any opinion or sentiment. Yet considerable dispute persists about the nature of Mill’s argument for freedom of expression and whether his premises can support so strong a conclusion. Two prominent interpretations of Mill that threaten to undermine his uncompromising defense of free speech are considered and refuted. A better interpretation can be founded on Mill’s claim that the liberties of conscience are inseparable in practice. This claim can be defended with modern psychological insight about the nature of cognitive bias, and epistemological insight about why justification of creedal beliefs requires the universal toleration of opinion, insights which are largely anticipated by Mill. This argument is especially vital because it highlights the divide between classical liberalism and progressivism that has become a flashpoint in the current political debate over free speech.
密尔主张在最广泛的意义上无条件地捍卫良心自由,他认为这不仅包括持有任何意见或情感的自由,也包括表达任何意见或情感的自由。然而,关于密尔主张言论自由的本质,以及他的前提是否能支持如此有力的结论,仍存在相当大的争议。对密尔的两种突出的解释有可能破坏他对言论自由的毫不妥协的捍卫。一个更好的解释可以建立在密尔的主张上,即良心自由在实践中是不可分割的。这一主张可以用现代心理学关于认知偏见本质的见解和认识论的见解来辩护,即为什么信念的证明需要普遍的意见容忍,这些见解在很大程度上是密尔所预料到的。这一论点尤其重要,因为它突显了古典自由主义和进步主义之间的分歧,而这种分歧已成为当前有关言论自由的政治辩论的一个引爆点。
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引用次数: 0
ORIGINS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY 政治经济学的起源
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052520000011
D. Schmidtz
Abstract Our modern observation-based approaches to the study of the human condition were shaped by the Scottish Enlightenment. Political Economy emerged as a discipline of its own in the nineteenth century, then fragmented further around the dawn of the twentieth century. Today, we see Political Economy’s pieces being reassembled and reunited with their philosophical roots. This issue pauses to reflect on the history of this new but also old field of study.
我们现代基于观察的人类状况研究方法是由苏格兰启蒙运动形成的。政治经济学在19世纪作为一门独立的学科出现,然后在20世纪初进一步分裂。今天,我们看到政治经济学的碎片被重新组装起来,与它们的哲学根源重新结合起来。这个问题停下来反思这个既新又老的研究领域的历史。
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引用次数: 0
THE NONRANDOM WALK OF KNOWLEDGE 知识的非随机游走
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052521000145
Jane R. Bambauer, Saura Masconale, Simone M. Sepe
Abstract A person’s epistemic goals sometimes clash with pragmatic ones. At times, rational agents will degrade the quality of their epistemic process in order to satisfy a goal that is knowledge-independent (for example, to gain status or at least keep the peace with friends.) This is particularly so when the epistemic quest concerns an abstract political or economic theory, where evidence is likely to be softer and open to interpretation. Before wide-scale adoption of the Internet, people sought out or stumbled upon evidence related to a proposition in a more random way. And it was difficult to aggregate the evidence of friends and other similar people to the exclusion of others, even if one had wanted to. Today, by contrast, the searchable Internet allows people to simultaneously pursue social and epistemic goals. This essay shows that the selection effect caused by a merging of social and epistemic activities will cause both polarization in beliefs and devaluation of expert testimony. This will occur even if agents are rational Bayesians and have moderate credences before talking to their peers. What appears to be rampant dogmatism could be just as well explained by the nonrandom walk in evidence-gathering. This explanation better matches the empirical evidence on how people behave on social media platforms. It also helps clarify why media outlets (not just the Internet platforms) might have their own pragmatic reasons to compromise their epistemic goals in today’s competitive and polarized information market. Yet, it also makes policy intervention much more difficult, since we are unlikely to neatly separate individuals’ epistemic goals from their social ones.
人的认知目标有时会与语用目标发生冲突。有时,理性主体会降低其认知过程的质量,以满足与知识无关的目标(例如,获得地位或至少与朋友保持和平)。当认识论的探索涉及抽象的政治或经济理论时尤其如此,在这些理论中,证据可能更柔和,更易于解释。在大规模采用互联网之前,人们以更随机的方式寻找或偶然发现与某个命题相关的证据。即使一个人想要收集朋友和其他相似的人的证据,也很难排除其他人。相比之下,今天,可搜索的互联网允许人们同时追求社会和认知目标。社会活动与认知活动的融合所产生的选择效应,会导致信念的两极分化和专家证言的贬值。即使代理人是理性的贝叶斯主义者,并且在与同伴交谈之前有适度的信任,这种情况也会发生。看似猖獗的教条主义也可以很好地解释为证据收集中的非随机游走。这种解释更符合人们在社交媒体平台上的行为的经验证据。这也有助于澄清为什么媒体(不仅仅是互联网平台)在当今竞争激烈和两极分化的信息市场中可能有自己的务实理由来妥协他们的认知目标。然而,这也使政策干预变得更加困难,因为我们不太可能将个人的认知目标与他们的社会目标完全分开。
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引用次数: 0
HARMS OF SILENCE: FROM PIERRE BAYLE TO DE-PLATFORMING 沉默的危害:从皮埃尔·贝勒到退台
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052521000078
A. Cohen
Abstract Early in the history of liberalism, its most important proponents were concerned with freedom of religion. As polities and individuals now accept a dizzying array of religions, this has receded to the background for most theorists. It nonetheless remains a concern. Freedom of speech is a similar concern and very much in the foreground for theorists looking at the current state of academia. In this essay, I argue that inappropriate limits to freedom of religion and inappropriate limits to freedom of speech—especially in the form of de-platforming on college campuses—both have, as one of their effects, what I call harms of silence. This means we ought not have those limits, so should seek to change them where they exist.
在自由主义历史的早期,其最重要的支持者关注的是宗教自由。随着政治和个人现在接受了一系列令人眼花缭乱的宗教,这对大多数理论家来说已经退居次要地位。尽管如此,它仍然令人担忧。言论自由是一个类似的问题,对于理论家来说,关注学术界的现状是非常重要的。在这篇文章中,我认为不恰当地限制宗教自由和不恰当地限制言论自由——尤其是在大学校园里以“去平台化”的形式——两者都有,作为它们的影响之一,我称之为沉默的危害。这意味着我们不应该有这些限制,因此应该在它们存在的地方寻求改变它们。
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引用次数: 0
TWO ACCOUNTS OF THE RELATION BETWEEN POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECONOMICS (AND WHY IT MATTERS WHICH ACCOUNT IS BETTER) 关于政治经济学和经济学之间关系的两种解释(以及为什么哪个解释更好)
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052520000060
Shaun P. Hargreaves Heap
Abstract In a providential account of the changing relation between political economy and economics, the late nineteenth-century development of economics is identified with the rational choice model; and the revival of political economy in the late twentieth century comes with the export of this model to politics and the other social sciences. An alternative prudential account locates the revival of political economy with a significant qualification to the rational choice model. This qualification restores an eighteenth- and nineteenth-century view of rule-following to human agency. This essay sets out these accounts and draws the conclusion that the choice of one over the other matters, not least for the practice of contemporary politics.
在对政治经济学与经济学关系变化的一种天意解释中,19世纪后期经济学的发展与理性选择模型相一致;二十世纪后期政治经济学的复兴伴随着这种模式向政治学和其他社会科学的输出。另一种审慎解释将政治经济学的复兴定位于理性选择模型的重要资格。这种限定恢复了18和19世纪对人类能动性的服从规则的观点。这篇文章列出了这些说法,并得出结论,其中一个对另一个的选择很重要,尤其是对当代政治的实践。
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引用次数: 3
POLITY AND ECONOMY IN PLATO’S REPUBLIC 柏拉图《理想国》中的政治与经济
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052520000138
L. Lomasky
Abstract Although the architectonic of Plato’s best city is dazzling, some critics find its detailed prescriptions inimical to human freedom and well-being. Most notably, Karl Popper in The Open Society and its Enemies sees it as a proto-totalitarian recipe, choking all initiative and variety out of the citizenry. This essay does not directly respond to Popper’s critique but instead spotlights a strand in the dialogue that positions Plato as an advocate of regulatory relaxation and economic liberty to an extent otherwise unknown in the ancient world and by no means unopposed in ours. His contribution to liberal political economy thereby merits greater attention and respect.
尽管柏拉图最好的城市的建筑令人眼花缭乱,但一些评论家认为其详细的规定不利于人类的自由和幸福。最值得注意的是,卡尔·波普尔在《开放社会及其敌人》一书中将其视为一种原始的极权主义配方,扼杀了公民的所有主动性和多样性。这篇文章并没有直接回应波普尔的批评,而是强调了对话中的一条线,将柏拉图定位为放松管制和经济自由的倡导者,其程度在古代世界是未知的,在我们的世界也绝不是没有反对的。因此,他对自由主义政治经济学的贡献值得更多的关注和尊重。
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引用次数: 0
MORAL GRANDSTANDING AS A THREAT TO FREE EXPRESSION 道德上的哗众取宠是对言论自由的威胁
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052521000108
Justin Tosi, Brandon Warmke
Abstract Moral grandstanding, or the use of moral talk for self-promotion, is a threat to free expression. When grandstanding is introduced in a public forum, several ideals of free expression are less likely to be realized. Popular views are less likely to be challenged, people are less free to entertain heterodox ideas, and the cost of changing one’s mind goes up.
道德上的哗众取宠,或利用道德言论进行自我推销,是对言论自由的威胁。当哗众取宠在公共论坛上出现时,一些自由表达的理想就不太可能实现了。流行的观点不太可能受到挑战,人们接受非正统观点的自由更少,改变想法的成本也会上升。
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引用次数: 4
SOY volume 37 issue 2 Cover and Front matter 大豆杂志第37卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0265052521000169
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引用次数: 0
SHAFTESBURY ON SELFISHNESS AND PARTISANSHIP 沙夫茨伯里的自私和党派之争
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052520000047
Michael B. Gill
Abstract In the Introduction to his Treatise of Human Nature, David Hume credits “my Lord Shaftesbury” as one of the “philosophers in England, who have begun to put the science of man on a new footing.” I describe aspects of Shaftesbury’s philosophy that justify the credit Hume gives him. I focus on Shaftesbury’s refutation of psychological egoism, his examination of partiality, and his views on how to promote impartial virtue. I also discuss Shaftesbury’s political commitments, and raise questions about recent interpretations that have taken his Characteristicks to be a polemic, partisan text.
大卫·休谟在《人性论》的导言中,称赞“沙夫茨伯里勋爵”是“英国哲学家之一,他开始把人的科学放在一个新的立足点上”。我描述了沙夫茨伯里哲学的一些方面,以证明休谟给予他的荣誉是正确的。我将重点关注沙夫茨伯里对心理利己主义的反驳,他对偏见的审视,以及他对如何促进公正美德的看法。我还讨论了沙夫茨伯里的政治承诺,并对最近的解读提出了质疑,这些解读将他的《性格》视为一篇论战性的、党派性的文本。
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引用次数: 1
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Social Philosophy & Policy
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