Pub Date : 2021-12-07DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1998459
Priska Daphi, Sebastian Haunss, Moritz Sommer, Simon Teune
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the socio-demographic attributes and political attitudes of protesters in Germany. In doing so, the paper studies participation at demonstrations, one of the key forms of non-electoral political participation in Germany and a central political arena in which to negotiate political and cultural conflicts. Methodologically, we draw on original data from nine protest surveys collected between 2003 and 2020. The demonstrations under scrutiny address a wide variety of issues such as peace, climate change, global justice, immigration, international trade and social policy. Analysing protesters’ profiles, we focus on differences both within and across demonstrations. We show that demonstrators’ socio-demographic and attitudinal characteristics diverge considerably across the surveyed demonstrations. In particular, we identify two clusters of demonstrations, differing most prominently regarding participants’ political trust, satisfaction with democracy, and perceptions of self-efficacy – the ‘disenchanted critics’ and the ‘confident critics’. Based on a regression analysis across all nine demonstrations, we further show that the distinction of these two demonstration clusters is not the result of the presence or absence of certain groups of demonstrators.
{"title":"Taking to the Streets in Germany – Disenchanted and Confident Critics in Mass Demonstrations","authors":"Priska Daphi, Sebastian Haunss, Moritz Sommer, Simon Teune","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1998459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1998459","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper analyses the socio-demographic attributes and political attitudes of protesters in Germany. In doing so, the paper studies participation at demonstrations, one of the key forms of non-electoral political participation in Germany and a central political arena in which to negotiate political and cultural conflicts. Methodologically, we draw on original data from nine protest surveys collected between 2003 and 2020. The demonstrations under scrutiny address a wide variety of issues such as peace, climate change, global justice, immigration, international trade and social policy. Analysing protesters’ profiles, we focus on differences both within and across demonstrations. We show that demonstrators’ socio-demographic and attitudinal characteristics diverge considerably across the surveyed demonstrations. In particular, we identify two clusters of demonstrations, differing most prominently regarding participants’ political trust, satisfaction with democracy, and perceptions of self-efficacy – the ‘disenchanted critics’ and the ‘confident critics’. Based on a regression analysis across all nine demonstrations, we further show that the distinction of these two demonstration clusters is not the result of the presence or absence of certain groups of demonstrators.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"32 1","pages":"440 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45436928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-29DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.2002848
Ramūnas Vilpišauskas
The Baltic States have been guided in EMU by two motives of, first, being part of the EU’s core to hedge against external security risks and, second, maintaining economic policy tools to catch up with the rest of the EU. Their approach to co-operation with Germany has been influenced by the latter’s role in reinforcing military presence of NATO in the Baltics and the importance of economic links with Germany. However, their preferences diverge from those of Germany on some issues of EMU governance such as banking union or tax harmonisation. With respect to the debates on eurozone reform, the Baltic States have remained cautious and largely adopted the role of ‘fence-sitters’. They express their support for the implementation of the fiscal rules already in place and thus stand in the shadow of Germany in the latter’s debate with the ‘South’. They coordinate their positions with the Nordic EU members, which excludes Germany, allowing it to play the role of a mediator between the ‘South’ and the ‘North’. Given the emergent ‘institutional fabric’ of the relationship to Germany, the Baltic States use both bilateral contacts to Germany and multilateral venues to pursue their preferences.
{"title":"The Baltic States in the Economic and Monetary Union: Standing in the Shadow of Germany or Helping to Counterbalance the ‘South’?","authors":"Ramūnas Vilpišauskas","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.2002848","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.2002848","url":null,"abstract":"The Baltic States have been guided in EMU by two motives of, first, being part of the EU’s core to hedge against external security risks and, second, maintaining economic policy tools to catch up with the rest of the EU. Their approach to co-operation with Germany has been influenced by the latter’s role in reinforcing military presence of NATO in the Baltics and the importance of economic links with Germany. However, their preferences diverge from those of Germany on some issues of EMU governance such as banking union or tax harmonisation. With respect to the debates on eurozone reform, the Baltic States have remained cautious and largely adopted the role of ‘fence-sitters’. They express their support for the implementation of the fiscal rules already in place and thus stand in the shadow of Germany in the latter’s debate with the ‘South’. They coordinate their positions with the Nordic EU members, which excludes Germany, allowing it to play the role of a mediator between the ‘South’ and the ‘North’. Given the emergent ‘institutional fabric’ of the relationship to Germany, the Baltic States use both bilateral contacts to Germany and multilateral venues to pursue their preferences.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"263 - 280"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43914030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.2000599
J. Mushaben
ABSTRACT Despite its traditional adherence to gender roles limiting women’s responsibilities to Kinder, Küche, Kirche, the Christian Democratic Party itself has been ruled by three powerful females since 2018: Chancellor Angela Merkel, Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen, and CDU General-Secretary Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer. Despite occasional waves of conservative-hardliner resistance, all three women have helped to modernise the German gender regime while opening new doors for future women leaders across the party spectrum. Having exited the political stage after the 2021 elections, the Chancellor played a significant role in advancing the political fortunes of German women, beginning with von der Leyen, who now enjoys supranational prominence as EU Commission President, and Kramp-Karrenbauer, ostensibly descending the national power ladder despite her earlier successes. These diverging trajectories raise new questions as to the conditions under which we might expect women to prove ‘effective’ leaders. This article explores biographical parallels, stylistic differences, and the changing political landscape that may have facilitated or impeded each woman’s ability to transfer the leadership skills she acquired at one level to the mastering of challenges at another. It concludes with reflections on Merkel’s legacy in relation to ‘gender and politics’.
{"title":"Against All Odds: Angela Merkel, Ursula von der Leyen, Anngret Kramp-Karrenbauer and the German Paradox of Female CDU Leadership","authors":"J. Mushaben","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.2000599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.2000599","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite its traditional adherence to gender roles limiting women’s responsibilities to Kinder, Küche, Kirche, the Christian Democratic Party itself has been ruled by three powerful females since 2018: Chancellor Angela Merkel, Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen, and CDU General-Secretary Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer. Despite occasional waves of conservative-hardliner resistance, all three women have helped to modernise the German gender regime while opening new doors for future women leaders across the party spectrum. Having exited the political stage after the 2021 elections, the Chancellor played a significant role in advancing the political fortunes of German women, beginning with von der Leyen, who now enjoys supranational prominence as EU Commission President, and Kramp-Karrenbauer, ostensibly descending the national power ladder despite her earlier successes. These diverging trajectories raise new questions as to the conditions under which we might expect women to prove ‘effective’ leaders. This article explores biographical parallels, stylistic differences, and the changing political landscape that may have facilitated or impeded each woman’s ability to transfer the leadership skills she acquired at one level to the mastering of challenges at another. It concludes with reflections on Merkel’s legacy in relation to ‘gender and politics’.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"20 - 39"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46520813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1996563
A. Street
ABSTRACT Angela Merkel served as Chancellor at a time when German society was quickly diversifying due to immigration. Her policy choices now shape the life chances of millions of immigrants and their descendants. These choices also set the terms on which Germans will decide which divisions and which forms of solidarity will characterise the society in the years to come. Merkel was more willing to accept the reality of immigration than earlier CDU leaders. And yet I argue that, faced with rapid societal change, the Merkel governments generally avoided deep reforms of existing institutions, even those that yield sharp disparities by immigration status and gender. I find that, although Merkel focused on economic integration and female labour force participation, immigrant-origin residents have made only slow progress in these areas, though educational disparities have narrowed. Additionally, millions of long-term residents still lack German citizenship and the right to vote, so that their voices are muted in debates over what it means to be German. Meanwhile support for anti-immigrant extremists has surged. I conclude that it is an open question whether Merkel’s conservative approach will provide a stable basis for the economic, social, and political consolidation of a more diverse Germany.
{"title":"Angela Merkel’s Record on Immigration and Gender","authors":"A. Street","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1996563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1996563","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Angela Merkel served as Chancellor at a time when German society was quickly diversifying due to immigration. Her policy choices now shape the life chances of millions of immigrants and their descendants. These choices also set the terms on which Germans will decide which divisions and which forms of solidarity will characterise the society in the years to come. Merkel was more willing to accept the reality of immigration than earlier CDU leaders. And yet I argue that, faced with rapid societal change, the Merkel governments generally avoided deep reforms of existing institutions, even those that yield sharp disparities by immigration status and gender. I find that, although Merkel focused on economic integration and female labour force participation, immigrant-origin residents have made only slow progress in these areas, though educational disparities have narrowed. Additionally, millions of long-term residents still lack German citizenship and the right to vote, so that their voices are muted in debates over what it means to be German. Meanwhile support for anti-immigrant extremists has surged. I conclude that it is an open question whether Merkel’s conservative approach will provide a stable basis for the economic, social, and political consolidation of a more diverse Germany.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"137 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45930050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1992389
Annette Henninger
ABSTRACT The Marriage Equality Act (2017) provides an example for Chancellor Angela Merkel's strategy of ‘leading from behind’ in the form of evolved facilitation as she changed her stance from publicly resisting to enabling this policy. Merkel's objections against marriage equality were shared by large parts of the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU): A draft version of the bill was postponed for two years in the justice committee due to internal conflicts in the CDU/CSU. Scholars argue that Merkel's shift from blocking to enabling the reform has been influenced by international as well as domestic developments. The focus of this paper is on a domestic factor that has been neglected so far, namely interactions between the far right and the conservative camp. Based on data from a case study on ‘anti-gender’ mobilisations against marriage equality in Germany and their influence on the parliamentary process, this article analyses shifts in the conservative camp.
{"title":"Marriage Equality in Germany: Conservative Normalisation Instead of Successful Anti-Gender Mobilisation","authors":"Annette Henninger","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1992389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1992389","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Marriage Equality Act (2017) provides an example for Chancellor Angela Merkel's strategy of ‘leading from behind’ in the form of evolved facilitation as she changed her stance from publicly resisting to enabling this policy. Merkel's objections against marriage equality were shared by large parts of the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU): A draft version of the bill was postponed for two years in the justice committee due to internal conflicts in the CDU/CSU. Scholars argue that Merkel's shift from blocking to enabling the reform has been influenced by international as well as domestic developments. The focus of this paper is on a domestic factor that has been neglected so far, namely interactions between the far right and the conservative camp. Based on data from a case study on ‘anti-gender’ mobilisations against marriage equality in Germany and their influence on the parliamentary process, this article analyses shifts in the conservative camp.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"79 - 100"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45174202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1999929
Iris Reus, Stephan Vogel
{"title":"Taking Stock after 40 Years of Comparative Land Policy Analysis (1980−2020). A Review of the Predictors of Regional Policy Output in Germany","authors":"Iris Reus, Stephan Vogel","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1999929","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1999929","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47411320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-15DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.2002847
Michele Chang
This contribution applies the theoretical framework developed by Schoeller and Falkner (this issue) to the case of Belgium. First, it examines Belgium’s preferences and the status quo before and after the financial crisis, juxtaposed against Germany’s preferred outcomes. Belgium has traditionally favoured more integration, leading to Belgium’s strategy of co-shaping and pace-setting in regards to monetary integration through persuasion, cultivating alliances, and brokering compromises that satisfied Germany’s interests in EMU versus those of the European Commission and France. The global financial crisis changed Belgium’s strategy, as it became constrained by the effects of the crisis on its economy and the domestic political turmoil that ensued. Belgium went from a pre-crisis pace-setter to a fence-sitter, relying on the persuasion of its allies to convince Germany to agree to reform the architecture of euro area governance. Finally, this contribution considers the institutional fabric of Belgium’s relation to the hegemon. This is relatively weak between Belgium and Germany, making multilateral settings the preferred forum rather than bilateral. Nevertheless, Belgium’s famous capacity for forging compromises among disparate interests was demonstrated through the diplomacy of former Belgian Prime Minister Herman Van Rompuy as the European Council’s first full-time president.
{"title":"The Art of Compromise: Belgium as the Bridge between Germany and France","authors":"Michele Chang","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.2002847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.2002847","url":null,"abstract":"This contribution applies the theoretical framework developed by Schoeller and Falkner (this issue) to the case of Belgium. First, it examines Belgium’s preferences and the status quo before and after the financial crisis, juxtaposed against Germany’s preferred outcomes. Belgium has traditionally favoured more integration, leading to Belgium’s strategy of co-shaping and pace-setting in regards to monetary integration through persuasion, cultivating alliances, and brokering compromises that satisfied Germany’s interests in EMU versus those of the European Commission and France. The global financial crisis changed Belgium’s strategy, as it became constrained by the effects of the crisis on its economy and the domestic political turmoil that ensued. Belgium went from a pre-crisis pace-setter to a fence-sitter, relying on the persuasion of its allies to convince Germany to agree to reform the architecture of euro area governance. Finally, this contribution considers the institutional fabric of Belgium’s relation to the hegemon. This is relatively weak between Belgium and Germany, making multilateral settings the preferred forum rather than bilateral. Nevertheless, Belgium’s famous capacity for forging compromises among disparate interests was demonstrated through the diplomacy of former Belgian Prime Minister Herman Van Rompuy as the European Council’s first full-time president.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"218 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45757260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-29DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1986009
P. Ahrens, Phillip M. Ayoub, Sabine Lang
Whilst maintaining its status as an economic engine in Europe, Germany has historically been a laggard in adopting gender equality measures. The European Gender Equality Index, however, now ranks Germany relatively high and shows substantial progress since 2005. While this has gone mostly unnoticed, Germany has passed far-reaching legislation in major policy fields relevant for gender equality. This expansive policy adoption occurred during the chancellorship of Angela Merkel, but we still know little about the actors and processes that explain it. The divergent perceptions of Germany in relation to gender invite deeper scholarly investigation. In general, we lack knowledge about how conservative women and their parties lead on gender policy. More specifically, we need to know more about how policy measures introduced by conservative governments affect gender norms and gender culture, and if they ultimately lead to effective implementation and greater equality. Investigating the effects of Merkel's tenure on gender equality, we assess policy output and outcomes with a focus on internal power dynamics in Germany, as well as international and EU-level pressures in the policy domains of political representation, LGBTI rights, migration, the labour market, and care.
{"title":"Leading from Behind? Gender Equality in Germany During the Merkel Era","authors":"P. Ahrens, Phillip M. Ayoub, Sabine Lang","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1986009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1986009","url":null,"abstract":"Whilst maintaining its status as an economic engine in Europe, Germany has historically been a laggard in adopting gender equality measures. The European Gender Equality Index, however, now ranks Germany relatively high and shows substantial progress since 2005. While this has gone mostly unnoticed, Germany has passed far-reaching legislation in major policy fields relevant for gender equality. This expansive policy adoption occurred during the chancellorship of Angela Merkel, but we still know little about the actors and processes that explain it. The divergent perceptions of Germany in relation to gender invite deeper scholarly investigation. In general, we lack knowledge about how conservative women and their parties lead on gender policy. More specifically, we need to know more about how policy measures introduced by conservative governments affect gender norms and gender culture, and if they ultimately lead to effective implementation and greater equality. Investigating the effects of Merkel's tenure on gender equality, we assess policy output and outcomes with a focus on internal power dynamics in Germany, as well as international and EU-level pressures in the policy domains of political representation, LGBTI rights, migration, the labour market, and care.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"1 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44202386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1982902
Angelika von Wahl
During the Merkel era, Germany moved from a traditional gender binary to a gender triad by introducing a third sex category. Why did a nation that has historically lagged on gender issues become the first country in Europe to take this extraordinary step? This article sheds light on changing LGBTQI discourses in Germany and the successful politicization of intersex concerns. Initial reform was prompted by transnational social activism at the UN and top-down international pressure, while the second phase was dominated by competition among German domestic parties and the courts. I process-trace policy-making throughout the Merkel era to show how claims by intersex activists morphed from the private to the public sphere. Once the issue gained visibility, most political actors expressed support for social movement claims for physical inviolability framed as human rights. Semi-autonomous medical authorities resisted change, however, and maintained a correction paradigm that discursively came to be perceived as a ‘private wrong’. As a result, the state's legal recognition of a third sex preceded the ban of invasive medical procedures on intersex children. Recent far right anti-gender discourses have challenged these achievements and tried to limit the visibility of and broader accessibility to a third sex category.
{"title":"From Private Wrongs to Public Rights: The Politics of Intersex Activism in the Merkel Era","authors":"Angelika von Wahl","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1982902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1982902","url":null,"abstract":"During the Merkel era, Germany moved from a traditional gender binary to a gender triad by introducing a third sex category. Why did a nation that has historically lagged on gender issues become the first country in Europe to take this extraordinary step? This article sheds light on changing LGBTQI discourses in Germany and the successful politicization of intersex concerns. Initial reform was prompted by transnational social activism at the UN and top-down international pressure, while the second phase was dominated by competition among German domestic parties and the courts. I process-trace policy-making throughout the Merkel era to show how claims by intersex activists morphed from the private to the public sphere. Once the issue gained visibility, most political actors expressed support for social movement claims for physical inviolability framed as human rights. Semi-autonomous medical authorities resisted change, however, and maintained a correction paradigm that discursively came to be perceived as a ‘private wrong’. As a result, the state's legal recognition of a third sex preceded the ban of invasive medical procedures on intersex children. Recent far right anti-gender discourses have challenged these achievements and tried to limit the visibility of and broader accessibility to a third sex category.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"59 - 78"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45228407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2021.1991325
A. L. Schotel
German governments, dominated by the conservative CDU/CSU, have historically not been at the forefront in recognising LGBTI rights in Europe. Yet, significant advances have occurred under Angela Merkel’s leadership since 2005. This article seeks to understand the conditions under which these unexpected advances have occurred, to what degree Merkel and her government facilitated or obstructed them, and which groups benefitted from these advances. I use parliamentary questions, coalition agreements and party programmes to map the expansion of LGBTI rights and the forces Merkel and her government had to navigate. Comparing the four terms of Merkel’s chancellorship, I find that she played a passive or indirectly facilitating role, only moving on LGBTI issues when pressured by international norms, the Federal Constitutional Court or electoral pressure. Although LGBTI interests are increasingly visible on the political agenda, the advances made did not benefit all groups under the LBGTI-umbrella equally, as bisexual, trans* and intersex interests remain mostly invisible. Taking a birds-eye view of Merkel’s chancellorship I illustrate how and what kind of change can occur under conservative-led governments.
{"title":"A Rainbow Bundestag? An Intersectional Analysis of LGBTI Representation in Angela Merkel’s Germany","authors":"A. L. Schotel","doi":"10.1080/09644008.2021.1991325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2021.1991325","url":null,"abstract":"German governments, dominated by the conservative CDU/CSU, have historically not been at the forefront in recognising LGBTI rights in Europe. Yet, significant advances have occurred under Angela Merkel’s leadership since 2005. This article seeks to understand the conditions under which these unexpected advances have occurred, to what degree Merkel and her government facilitated or obstructed them, and which groups benefitted from these advances. I use parliamentary questions, coalition agreements and party programmes to map the expansion of LGBTI rights and the forces Merkel and her government had to navigate. Comparing the four terms of Merkel’s chancellorship, I find that she played a passive or indirectly facilitating role, only moving on LGBTI issues when pressured by international norms, the Federal Constitutional Court or electoral pressure. Although LGBTI interests are increasingly visible on the political agenda, the advances made did not benefit all groups under the LBGTI-umbrella equally, as bisexual, trans* and intersex interests remain mostly invisible. Taking a birds-eye view of Merkel’s chancellorship I illustrate how and what kind of change can occur under conservative-led governments.","PeriodicalId":46640,"journal":{"name":"German Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"101 - 118"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49196809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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