Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1822341
Paul Chaney, Christala Sophocleous, Daniel Wincott
ABSTRACT The international trend of state restructuring and the rise of decentralized welfare systems means a key challenge for social research is to systematically explore the breadth of factors shaping the territorialization of third sector welfare delivery at the meso level in federal and union states. We address this lacuna by synthesizing historical-institutionalism and critical realism with Salamon and Anheier’s classic framework on civic infrastructure development to produce an inductive analytical model for wider empirical testing. Its application here to the longitudinal case study data covering Wales shows it to be effective in providing a holistic understanding of the temporal and spatial processes underpinning decentralization. The wider significance of the case study lies in underlining the iterative, reciprocal relationship between governance reforms and territorialization – and showing how territorialization can originate in response to national crises and welfare demand caused by state and market failure in the delivery of public goods.
{"title":"Exploring the meso-territorialization of third sector administration and welfare delivery in federal and union states: Evidence and theory-building from the UK","authors":"Paul Chaney, Christala Sophocleous, Daniel Wincott","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1822341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1822341","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The international trend of state restructuring and the rise of decentralized welfare systems means a key challenge for social research is to systematically explore the breadth of factors shaping the territorialization of third sector welfare delivery at the meso level in federal and union states. We address this lacuna by synthesizing historical-institutionalism and critical realism with Salamon and Anheier’s classic framework on civic infrastructure development to produce an inductive analytical model for wider empirical testing. Its application here to the longitudinal case study data covering Wales shows it to be effective in providing a holistic understanding of the temporal and spatial processes underpinning decentralization. The wider significance of the case study lies in underlining the iterative, reciprocal relationship between governance reforms and territorialization – and showing how territorialization can originate in response to national crises and welfare demand caused by state and market failure in the delivery of public goods.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1822341","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43568648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-03DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1813722
Anders Sjögren
How do ethno-regional movements in electoral autocracies engage with electoral politics? This article argues that such engagement follows the general logic of social movement mobilization but diffe...
{"title":"Engaging with elections: Ethno-regional mobilization, demands for federalism, and electoral politics in central Uganda","authors":"Anders Sjögren","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1813722","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1813722","url":null,"abstract":"How do ethno-regional movements in electoral autocracies engage with electoral politics? This article argues that such engagement follows the general logic of social movement mobilization but diffe...","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1813722","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49450622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-24DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1809382
G. Petrakos, Panagiotis Artelaris, Dimitris Kallioras
ABSTRACT The paper brings together two distinct strands of literature that discuss the process of convergence in the EU and the impact of public debt on growth. It makes a contribution to both literatures, by challenging the standard approach that relates public debt to growth, on two grounds. First, it shows that the process of convergence that took place among EU countries prior to the crisis was driven primarily by public policies that, however, increased public debt. Second, it provides evidence that the component of public debt that is related to infrastructure development, public goods provision and caching-up with the more advanced countries has a positive impact on growth and convergence. The findings of the paper call for a re-examination of the role of public policies in the processes of economic integration and development, leaving some room for a debt-led growth strategy.
{"title":"Convergence and public debt in the European Union: An overlooked trade-off?","authors":"G. Petrakos, Panagiotis Artelaris, Dimitris Kallioras","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1809382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1809382","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The paper brings together two distinct strands of literature that discuss the process of convergence in the EU and the impact of public debt on growth. It makes a contribution to both literatures, by challenging the standard approach that relates public debt to growth, on two grounds. First, it shows that the process of convergence that took place among EU countries prior to the crisis was driven primarily by public policies that, however, increased public debt. Second, it provides evidence that the component of public debt that is related to infrastructure development, public goods provision and caching-up with the more advanced countries has a positive impact on growth and convergence. The findings of the paper call for a re-examination of the role of public policies in the processes of economic integration and development, leaving some room for a debt-led growth strategy.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1809382","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49535352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-10DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1801648
E. Guntermann, A. Blais
ABSTRACT There is considerable evidence that elite polarization influences ordinary citizens. However, existing research ignores moderate citizens in conflicts opposing elites. We consider the exceptional election held in Catalonia in December 2017 following a period of intense conflict surrounding an illegal independence referendum. We assess the reactions of moderate voters to the referendum conflict. We find that many of them, despite their nuanced positions in the broader conflict, took clear positions in response to the increased polarization between pro- and anti-secessionist elites, which led them to shift their votes to parties with clearer and more extreme positions in the conflict. We conclude that elite polarization forces moderates to take sides.
{"title":"When faced with elite polarization, citizens take sides: The 2017 election in Catalonia","authors":"E. Guntermann, A. Blais","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1801648","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1801648","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There is considerable evidence that elite polarization influences ordinary citizens. However, existing research ignores moderate citizens in conflicts opposing elites. We consider the exceptional election held in Catalonia in December 2017 following a period of intense conflict surrounding an illegal independence referendum. We assess the reactions of moderate voters to the referendum conflict. We find that many of them, despite their nuanced positions in the broader conflict, took clear positions in response to the increased polarization between pro- and anti-secessionist elites, which led them to shift their votes to parties with clearer and more extreme positions in the conflict. We conclude that elite polarization forces moderates to take sides.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1801648","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44544260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-07DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2019.1591375
P. Ribeiro, Elodie Fabre
ABSTRACT The article analyzes the combined impact of hitherto understudied factors in the literature about multilevel parties – presidentialism, party agency, and party system fragmentation – on the vertical integration of party organizations, using Brazil as a case study. We rely on original data on party funding and intra-party interventions, party statutes, and secondary literature to compare the multilevel distribution of powers within the major Brazilian parties. The findings show that state branches receive overall more autonomy to deal with their own regional matters than powers to participate in central party decisions. The differences among parties can be attributed mainly to strategic choices: the parties that usually engage in presidential races grant lower levels of autonomy to their regional branches and face fewer pressures from regional elites. The findings have theoretical and empirical implications beyond the case, as they suggest important connections between multilevel party organizations, institutions, and party strategies.
{"title":"Multilevel party organizations in a fragmented presidential system: The case of Brazil","authors":"P. Ribeiro, Elodie Fabre","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2019.1591375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2019.1591375","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article analyzes the combined impact of hitherto understudied factors in the literature about multilevel parties – presidentialism, party agency, and party system fragmentation – on the vertical integration of party organizations, using Brazil as a case study. We rely on original data on party funding and intra-party interventions, party statutes, and secondary literature to compare the multilevel distribution of powers within the major Brazilian parties. The findings show that state branches receive overall more autonomy to deal with their own regional matters than powers to participate in central party decisions. The differences among parties can be attributed mainly to strategic choices: the parties that usually engage in presidential races grant lower levels of autonomy to their regional branches and face fewer pressures from regional elites. The findings have theoretical and empirical implications beyond the case, as they suggest important connections between multilevel party organizations, institutions, and party strategies.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2019.1591375","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47783603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-07DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2019.1632295
Javier Astudillo, Javier Martínez-Cantó
ABSTRACT This article addresses the debate on the political professionalization backgrounds of executive candidates at the regional level. At this level, two opposing forces may intervene. On the one hand, as regional executive offices attain authority, more experienced politicians may become increasingly interested in seeking such positions. On the other, the concomitant presidentialization of regional elections by the major parties may render them attractive to well-known political outsiders. Using an original data set comprising the political backgrounds of Spanish regional executive candidates, our findings show that the greater the degree of authority held by regional governments, the higher their degree of political insiderness. However, the argument in favour of a greater presence of outsiders in the major parties does not seem to be supported.
{"title":"Political professionalization, subnational style: Political insiders and the selection of candidates for regional premiership in Spain","authors":"Javier Astudillo, Javier Martínez-Cantó","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2019.1632295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2019.1632295","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article addresses the debate on the political professionalization backgrounds of executive candidates at the regional level. At this level, two opposing forces may intervene. On the one hand, as regional executive offices attain authority, more experienced politicians may become increasingly interested in seeking such positions. On the other, the concomitant presidentialization of regional elections by the major parties may render them attractive to well-known political outsiders. Using an original data set comprising the political backgrounds of Spanish regional executive candidates, our findings show that the greater the degree of authority held by regional governments, the higher their degree of political insiderness. However, the argument in favour of a greater presence of outsiders in the major parties does not seem to be supported.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2019.1632295","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43241981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-07DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2019.1684268
Jo Saglie
ABSTRACT Party organizations are often said to integrate the territorial levels in a political system. This article analyses how party organizations handled a specific issue – municipal amalgamations initiated by the state – in a unitary state – Norway. Two types of organizational linkage are explored. First, bottom-up influence: to what extent did party branches attempt to influence national party policy? Second, top-down coordination and control: to what extent were party branches tools for implementing national party policy? Based on qualitative interviews in five Norwegian parties, the analyses show that party organizations provided linkage in different ways. In the most united parties, low levels of internal disagreement enabled the parties – at all levels – to promote their national policies. In divided parties, the party organization became an arena for competition between opposing views. These parties chose to emphasize local self-determination. Accordingly, they had less of a national policy to implement.
{"title":"Do party organizations integrate multi-level states? The case of the Norwegian Local Government Reform","authors":"Jo Saglie","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2019.1684268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2019.1684268","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Party organizations are often said to integrate the territorial levels in a political system. This article analyses how party organizations handled a specific issue – municipal amalgamations initiated by the state – in a unitary state – Norway. Two types of organizational linkage are explored. First, bottom-up influence: to what extent did party branches attempt to influence national party policy? Second, top-down coordination and control: to what extent were party branches tools for implementing national party policy? Based on qualitative interviews in five Norwegian parties, the analyses show that party organizations provided linkage in different ways. In the most united parties, low levels of internal disagreement enabled the parties – at all levels – to promote their national policies. In divided parties, the party organization became an arena for competition between opposing views. These parties chose to emphasize local self-determination. Accordingly, they had less of a national policy to implement.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2019.1684268","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46898041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-24DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1791095
M. Keating
ABSTRACT Social science long identified modernization with territorial integration and functional differentiation, but within territorially-bounded states. Globalization theories at the end of the Cold War projected this to the world level, with the ‘borderless world’. This is better conceptualized as a rescaling and selective rebounding of social systems at multiple levels, above, below and across the state system. This has posed again an old question about the relationship of function, community and territory. It is an essentially contested matter and can only be appreciated if we accept that all three elements are constructed and mutually constituted. There can be no neutral and uncontested spatial fix, since the definition of territory and the drawing of boundaries has huge implications for the distribution of wealth and power. Rescaling is above all a political matter.
{"title":"Rescaling Europe, rebounding territory: A political approach","authors":"M. Keating","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1791095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1791095","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Social science long identified modernization with territorial integration and functional differentiation, but within territorially-bounded states. Globalization theories at the end of the Cold War projected this to the world level, with the ‘borderless world’. This is better conceptualized as a rescaling and selective rebounding of social systems at multiple levels, above, below and across the state system. This has posed again an old question about the relationship of function, community and territory. It is an essentially contested matter and can only be appreciated if we accept that all three elements are constructed and mutually constituted. There can be no neutral and uncontested spatial fix, since the definition of territory and the drawing of boundaries has huge implications for the distribution of wealth and power. Rescaling is above all a political matter.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1791095","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44879523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-22DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1795837
C. Trinn, F. Schulte
ABSTRACT The high degree of conceptual confusion in the field of territorial self-governance constitutes a major obstacle to robust findings. Based on a parsimonious definition involving three individually necessary and jointly sufficient criteria (constitutional protection, territorial quality, and strength of self-rule), we develop a new typology of territorial self-governance that carves out subnational differences in kind. Empirically, we take a fresh look at territorial self-governance in more than 2200 second-level regions in 96 Western and non-Western democracies, semi-democracies, and a selection of autocratic regimes between 2000 and 2018. The TERRGO dataset introduced in this article contains over 39 000 region-year assessments. Based on the identification of eight specific types of territorial self-governance, TERRGO allows to untangle country-specific profiles. The dataset can be used to analyze changes and asymmetries of state architectures. The framework reduces the conceptual complexity and enhances our grasp on the empirical complexity of territorial state structures.
{"title":"Untangling territorial self-governance – new typology and data","authors":"C. Trinn, F. Schulte","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1795837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1795837","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The high degree of conceptual confusion in the field of territorial self-governance constitutes a major obstacle to robust findings. Based on a parsimonious definition involving three individually necessary and jointly sufficient criteria (constitutional protection, territorial quality, and strength of self-rule), we develop a new typology of territorial self-governance that carves out subnational differences in kind. Empirically, we take a fresh look at territorial self-governance in more than 2200 second-level regions in 96 Western and non-Western democracies, semi-democracies, and a selection of autocratic regimes between 2000 and 2018. The TERRGO dataset introduced in this article contains over 39 000 region-year assessments. Based on the identification of eight specific types of territorial self-governance, TERRGO allows to untangle country-specific profiles. The dataset can be used to analyze changes and asymmetries of state architectures. The framework reduces the conceptual complexity and enhances our grasp on the empirical complexity of territorial state structures.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1795837","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59893953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-18DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1781097
A. Gagnon
ABSTRACT Democratic multinational federalism is not to be conceived as panacea but as a concrete way of achieving three key objectives that are essential for the management of conflicts, namely (1) decoupling and distinguish the notions of ‘nation’ and ‘state’, (2) strengthening a sense of identity through the implementation of politics of recognition and (3) developing a better equilibrium between self-rule and shared rule through the implementation of a multiplicity of collaborative initiatives while valuing the principle of political autonomy. Multinational federalism can lead the way in developing policy instruments that put limits to the domination of the majority nation over other national groups. To the extent that minority nations are treated fairly, one would expect that state stability would be greatly augmented and that constitutional loyalty would gain prominence. Self-restraint on the part of the majority nation is more a guarantee of success than the imposition of norms.
{"title":"Multinational federalism: challenges, shortcomings and promises","authors":"A. Gagnon","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1781097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1781097","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Democratic multinational federalism is not to be conceived as panacea but as a concrete way of achieving three key objectives that are essential for the management of conflicts, namely (1) decoupling and distinguish the notions of ‘nation’ and ‘state’, (2) strengthening a sense of identity through the implementation of politics of recognition and (3) developing a better equilibrium between self-rule and shared rule through the implementation of a multiplicity of collaborative initiatives while valuing the principle of political autonomy. Multinational federalism can lead the way in developing policy instruments that put limits to the domination of the majority nation over other national groups. To the extent that minority nations are treated fairly, one would expect that state stability would be greatly augmented and that constitutional loyalty would gain prominence. Self-restraint on the part of the majority nation is more a guarantee of success than the imposition of norms.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1781097","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46699403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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